Studies In Tuluva History And Culture

%(Frd?n the pre-histonc times upto the modern ) ,

vs ■ By

Prof. P. , GURURAJA BHATT,

M.A.,B.T.,Ph.D.

Principal
Milagres College, Kallianpur
\y\ South Kanara

Karnataka State, India

Published bj :
Tiic author

©All rights resened by the author.

UNIVERSITY OF JODHPUR LIBRARY

(Vyfe^WA Cc, No..JLaa.6. a.6. sus..£e.-£;.

^4-%'ltCALLNO . k?

First Impression : 1975

Foreign Edition: 100 Dollars

FOREWORD

I am extremely glad to write this Foreword to this
scholarly publication Studies in Tuluva History and Culture
by Dr. P. Gururaja Bhatt. Dr. Bhatt has brought to light
new material on the art 3 architecture and archaeology of
the coastal region about which very little was known to
the specialists and' the intelligent common reader. He
has attempted to reconstruct the historical perspective of
the region and shed significant light on the socio-religious
and economic and cultural life of the Tuluva people.
Dr. Gururaja Bhatt deserves to be congratulated on his
fairly comprehensive treatment of the subject based on
original sources. What is of special significance is the
attempt made by the author in showing the relationship
of Tuluva culture with the principal centres of Indian
Arts and Culture.

The book in question sets a model for region-wise
studies and will be of immense help in understanding the
total personality of India.

NEW DELHI,

9 - 1-1975

M. N. Deshpande
Director General
Archaeological Survey of India.

INTRODUCTION

To a superficial observer it may appear as though India
is a land mass occupied by diverse social, religious and linguistic
groups putting on a mantle of political unity. But a careful
study of its present-day institutions reveals that they are built
on the solid foundation of a rich and ancient culture evolved
over a period of atleast five thousand years. Different shades
of Indian culture represented by different linguistic groups,
big or small, are often mistaken for heterogeneous cultures. It
is only a careful study in depth of the religious and social insti-
tutions by scholars devoted to historical research that can bring
to surface the underlying unity and richness of India’s culture.
Dr. P. Gururaja Bhatt has undertaken such a study of Tuluva
country and the results of this study are embodied in this book.

For sheer volume of new material in the form of sculptures,
inscriptions, manuscripts, coins etc. which he has brought to
light as a result of his field work for fifteen years he deserves
our congratulations. But what is more important is his careful
study of the art and architecture of Tuluva-nadu and inter-
pretation of the present-day cults and cult-images and religious
and social institutions of that part of India in the light of the
new archaeological evidence collected and studied by him.

This book based on original field work and objective study
of the new archaeological material discovered by Prof Bhatt
is a substantial contribution to the study of Indian history in
general and West Coast in particular.

AURANGABAD - DN.

23 - 1 - 1975 .

S. R. Rao

Superintending Archaeologist

PREVIEW

It was by accident that I took to the historical search of the district
of South Kanara, popularly known as Tulu-nadu.* In 1959 I chanced
to go through the history of the district, entitled Dakshina Kannada Jillefa
Pracliina Itihasa written by the late §ii M. Ganapati Rao Algal 1 . I found
it a fairly comprehensive survey of the history and culture of the district,
but many facts presented in it required substantiation and authenticity.
Yet, I found in it a coherence and a continuity that struck me with amaze-
ment. For the first time, the historical wealth of the district cast a spell
on me through this literature. A few months later, I happened to read
the voluminous work of Dr. B. A. Saletore - History of Tuluva, a classic 2 .
While Dr. Saletore had access to rich epigraphic material which is the
very basis of historical writing, he mixed up history and legend in such
a manner that much of the historical value of the V olume seemed to have
been lost. Both these works whetted my interest in knowing the real
history of the people and their cultural traits. The Gazetteer of South
Kanara - South Kanara Manual, published in 1894 could hardly satisfy

* The district of South Kanara forms the southern of the two districts of the Karnataka
State which are known as South Kanara and North Kanara. The name Kanara
(which was formerly spelt as Canara) is derived horn Kannada , the name of the regional
language of the State. It appeal's that the Portuguese who, on arrival in this part of
India, found the common linguistic medium of the people to be Kannada and accord-
ingly called the area Canara, the letter d being not much in use in Portuguese. This
name applied to the whole coastal belt of Karnataka and was continued to be used as
such by the British. When tills Canara coast was divided into two parts in .1860, this
southern area was called South Kanara and the pat t lying to the north of it was termed
North Kanara. In Kannada, they are known as Dakshina Kannada JilU and Uttara
Kannada f ilk respectively ( Gazetteer of India - Karnataka State , South Kanara District, 1973.)

1 This book was published in 1923. It was the product of the extensive tour con-
ducted by the 1 author unaided and with personal financial involvement, actuated
by a deep sense of historical research. This was the first reliable work on the history

. of the district of South Kanara whose influence has been so profound that the
author is even now ofted quoted.

2 Published in 1936, this work is still regarded as an authority on the history of the
Tulu people.

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Studies in Tulua History and Culture

my carvings. I was convinced that the history and culture of a people
with an unbroken continuity and rich originality and variety could
scarcely suffer from such paucity of information as most people thought.
And therefore, I started getting intensely conscious of the rich heritage
of this region. With this consciousness, even my meagre knowledge of
men and matters, religion and art beckoned to me to intensify my interest
in digging up the past of the district. The articles of Sri M. Govinda
Pai and my conversations with him assured me that my labour shall
not be in vain in this direction 5 .

Popular stories such as the legend of Bhutaja-Pandya and the exploits
of Parasurama and his subsequent reclamation of land came to be subject
to critical examination. The local legends called the Sthala-Puranas
began to lose their hold on my mind 3 4 . The realization that the various
monuments in the district needed a scientific study came closely on the
heels. It was in the Imperial Gazetteer of India that I chanced to read
that South Kanara had no monuments worth mentioning excepting a
few medeival structures from Mudabidure 5 . But it was easy for me to
understand that such a note could seldom represent truth, because the
woith of a monument cannot be assessed by the size nor by the exuberance
of style nor by beauty of form and skill, but the theological back-ground
and the impingement caused to formulate the basis for the physical
expression of the inner essence.

Dr. M. Sheshadri, my beloved Professor and Guide, was rather
sceptical about the substantiality of the theme I had suggested for research
under him. But, I tried to convince him that the rich heritage of this
tract of land was a very adequate theme - any historical branch of its
past -for horizontal and vertical investigation. Towards the close of
my formal research, he seemed to complain, out of love and sympathy
for me, that the subject I had chosen was too much for a Ph.D. Thesis -
A Political and Cultural History of Tulu-nadufrom the earliest times upto A. D. 1600.

3 The depth reached by Sri Pat in his various articles on various aspects of Tuluva
history and culture has left a permanent mark on my mind. He enthused me a
great deal to take up this theme for investigation, cautioning me, simultaneously,
that die problems involved m it would be numerous.

4 ,°n t ' 1C Sthala-Puranas seemed to have been wit ten between A. D. 1700 and
A.D. 1900 Some of them are just fifty years old. Their historical value is highly
questionable Yet, it is stimulating to make a detailed study of these Sthala-Puranas
and sift the facts from fiction

Almost all the monuments from Mudabidure are Jaina shrines and they form
a class by themselves deserving separate study.

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In the beginning, I thought I should coniine myself to the political
history of this land alone but before long, I felt that any real research
on the culture of a people the core of which has to be discovered in their
religion and philosophy, was bound to incorporate this area of investigation,
the avoidance of which would be missing c the trees for wood 5 . Study
of religion inevitably meant the survey and examination of the monuments
of the area. This branch of research caught me like a contagion and
irrespective of the financial involvement, I got irresistibly drawn toward
this project with the result that my Ph.D. Thesis which ought to have
been finalized by 1965 took two additional years for completion. The
acquisition of my Doctorate Degree left me in a state of scholastic confusion
and dissatisfaction and I had reasons to believe that I was only at the
threshold of the real knowledge of the diverse and multifaced culture
of the Tulu people. To satisfy my cravings to present an introduction
to the archaeological wealth of the district, I published in 1 968-’ 69 a part
of my post-Doctoral work, entitled Antiquities of South Kanara. Perhaps?
tills was the first work ever published, presenting a bird’s eye view of the
monuments of the area reflecting the varied phases of its religion.

The present Volume, Studies in Tuluva History and Culture , is written
with a view to acquainting the students and scholars of history with the
regional history and culture of Tulu-nadu, the tract of land on the West
Coast of peninsular India comprising the modern district of South Kanara
and the coastal belt of North Kanara historically famed as the land of
the Tuluvas. The work seeks to characterise, as comprehensively and
distinctively as possible, the varied factors that have contributed to the
growth and development of this region. The bewildering variety and
amazing richness of cultural distinctions, both singular and synchronistic,
have been so over-whelming that an over-all picture of this culture based
on political, socio-economic and religious and philosophical foundations
has found in this Volume a delineation with a marked emphasis on the
continuing character of this composite culture. A sincere attempt has
been made to examine scientifically the features of ‘art and architecture 5
widely spread in this region. Many facts of Tuluva history and culture
have gone into the formation of this literature. Yet, the submission
that this Volume cannot profess to represent all phases of Tuluva culture
in all its aspects may be considered real. The deeper we dive into the
'■ mines of acts, the greater and the more amazing is their complexity and
mystery.

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Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

The Problem

The traditional account of the culture of Tulu-nadu is legendary,
and is mystical also. Sri Parasurama is believed to have stood somewhere
on the Sahyadri Hills, thrown his battle-axe against Varuna (the sea-god),
demanding of him to go farther West. In submission to his demand
the waters of the Arabian Sea receded and the strip of land on the West
Coast of India came to be created and assumed the nomenclature Parasn-
rdma-srishti or Paras'urama-kshcti a . Accounts are conflicting regarding
the area covered by Parasurama - kshetra. (It is said to extend from
GSkarna to Cape-Comerin or from IConkan to Cape-Comerin or from
Gujarat to Cape-Comerin). Anyway, the fact that the low-lying Western
Coastal strip, particularly from Gokarna in the north to Cape-Comerin
in the south, was submerged under sea-water millennia ago and that
as centuries rolled by, this region became fit for human habitation and
as the result, settlements were founded in successive instalments, may
.be accepted as of considerable historical credence. We do not know
when this region came to be colonized. A reliable account can only
be had through archaeological excavations 6 . Recent discoveries of
megalithic sites in the district of South Kanara have enabled us to lift
the veil of oblivion to confirm the existence of the iron age culture. And
thcrefoic, now the history of Tulu-nadu need not begin with legend;
instead it can beckon to us with its iron culture whose story, go far as
tangible evidence has authenticated, may briefly by related 7 .

Megalithic sites

1. Puttfiru [Plates 381(a), 381(b) and 381(c)] — The site in this
locality was accidentally bi ought to light while sinking the foundation
trench of a bhajana-mandira for the deity, Visvakarma, by the local gold-
smiths for whom the land was given as a measure of rehabilitation. It
is situated on the flat summit of a laterite hill, called Bir-male just beside
the Puttur-Panaje road. Dr. A. Sundara was infoi med about the chance
discovery of the burials by Dr. K. Sliivarama Karantlia, one of the most

6 It is very unfortunate that no work of tins kind has taken place hitherto with the
result that both the pie-history and the early history of this region are bound to
be the figment of imagination until archaeological excavation clears the horiron.
Barakuru, Basaruru and Udyavara are the three important places foi such ex-
cavation.

7 } . thankful to Dr. A. Sundara, Reader, Karnataka University, Dharwar for
his kind help m enlightening me in respect of this subject.

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vii

noted Kannada novelists and art-critiques who brought to him a few
pieces of pottery also. The pottery were characteristically megalithic.
He, therefore, examined the site on the 2nd of September, 1970:

The foundation trench is rectangular on plan of about 6 x 5 m.
In the trenches of the west, north and east two separate urn burials each
and one in the central area, at an average depth of 60 to 70 cm. were
found. Unfortunately, all the urns are thoroughly crushed to pieces?
found in four separate heaps on the three sides of the trenches.

Two of the urns were said to be empty when found, while each of the
rest contained vases, very tiny pottery vessels, pieces of bones: iron objects
and earth upto the brim. Besides, in one of the small vessels of the burial

urn in the northern trench near the north-east corner, were found two -
ornaments of gold and of bronze-plated iron. None of the urns had

any covering at the top.

From the examination of the heaps of the pottery, it was found that
the urns were very coarse; thick in section; of re'd ware ; large, a little
more than 1 m. high and of wide mouth, globular body and very narrow
truncated bottom. The edges of the rims are decorated with rows of
finger depressions and tire neck, with an oblique chain design with ends
turned backwards. Thus they are closely similar in fabric, type, size
and decoration to that of the excavated urn burial at Porkalam. Another
vessel is medium-sized and of red-ware with flaring, thick rim, carinated
neck and globular body. The other vessels are a black-and-red big
bowl, a black ware bell-shaped lid and tiny to look, black-and-red ware,
hemispherical bowls and a coarse red-ware three-legged vase.

The two iron objects recovered by Dr. Sundara are: a chisel with a
hollow shaft serving as socket and a piece of a sickle blade, both highly
corroded. A small trident also was said to have been found in one of
the burials.

The gold ornament is probably an eight-lobed star pendent of very
thin leaf: (one at the left bottom corner), roughly 1/4 mm. thick, weighing
1/2 gram. The other is probably a ring with an external central bevelling;
of iron with bronze plating weighing 1.850 gm.

A few pieces of charcoal and partly burnt wood also were found near
one of the urn-burials.

*>

2. Bada-Kajekai u Plates V («)] : The site was discovered by me. It
is a laterite area with granite outcrops nearby; hilly with valleys here
and there and covered with forest.

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Studies in Ttiluva History and Culture

The megaliths, locally called Pandamra-kallu are situated in the
southern part of the locality and the eastern out-skirts on a laterite plateau
with a deep valley on the chamber tombs standing from above the ground
or partly buried. All are dilapidated with their contents irrevocably
plundered. The chamber is formed with four orthostats of thick, rough
stone slabs with a prodigious cap-stone on the top. The plan is neither
clockwise nor contra-clockwise. The adjacent orthostat in one of the
orthostats may be a port-hole usually slightly above the surface level.
The port-hole is in some instances approached by a short passage. The
chamber on the exterior sides may have vertical slabs covering it. It is
also in a few cases enclosed in a stone circle.

The port-holes are oriented to different directions: north, west,
north-west, north-north-west, east-north-east. The chamber internally
measures from 1 .60 x 1 .50 m. to 2. 70x2 m. and from 1.00 to 1.10 m.
high; the port-hole, from 45 to 50 cm. in diametre and the passage from
90 cm. to 1.30 m. long and from 1 .00 m. to 70 cm. wide.

The cap-stone is from 3.50 m.l. x2.30 m. b. x30 cm. thick to 4. 10m. 1.
x 2 . 05 m.b. x 26 m. thick.

One of the chambers about 3.40 m. long (east- west) and 2.40 m.b.
(north-south) is internally divided across in the middle with an orthostat.
The orthostats on the west and north of the eastern compartment are
missing. The extant orthostats do not contain any port-hole. The
chamber has one cap-stone measuring 3 .80 m.l. x2 .70 m.b. and 28 cm.
thick covering together both the compartments. It is enclosed in a circle
of about 7 m. in diametre. The circle appears to have a passage in the
western area on the inside along the east-west axis of the chamber.

Besides port-holed chambers, the other class of megaliths about is
bench-like in form. It has two vertical slabs supporting a cap-stone.
There are about ten megaliths of this class. If they are only remnants
of original chambers with or -without port-hole is difficult to know from
the present state of their existence.

Pottery: In one of the cuttings of the cart-track near a port-holed
chamber was found the lower half of a pot with round bottom cut vertically
across, without any surface lithic appendage. It was extracted in pieces
and was found to contain a crished black-and-red ware bowl only. The
other types are more akin to those of the passage chamber tombs, parti-

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ix

cularly, of North Karnataka. Whether this represents a separate type,
apparently a pit-burial (or circle ?) is not indicated by its present state.

3. Muda-Nidamburu [Plate 381 (<f)] : Here in the rear compound
of Sri K. L. Rao’s (a Field Officer, Life Insurance Corporation of India)
house when the labourers were excavating the latcrite rock bricks, they
chanced to find on the 20th of June, 1972 an already existing rock-cut
cave chamber at about 1.80 m. depth. A year later on hearing the
news of the discovery of the cave, I with my students, examined the cave,
collected a few potsherds from the inside and displayed them in my College
Museum. During Dr. A. Sundara’s explorations in May, 1974, in this
region, I showed him the pottery for ascertaining their probable chronology
and cultural complex. He suspected them to be megalithic and therefore,
wanted to examine the find-spot actually. He re-examined the cave
and found it to be definitely megalithic rock-cut burial chamber and could
collect a few more potsherds there-from.

The burial chamber is circular on plan 3.75m. in diametre and
hemispherical in elevation about 2.00m. high at the centre. At the
central top is a circular opening facing the sky, about 60 cm. in diametre
and 90 cm. deep from the present ground level. The opening was covered
with a thick, rough slab of granite. The floor and the walls of the chamber
are quite plain.

I was told a similar cave was found some time ago elsewhere in that
area near a school. Such caves were also found in another locality known
as Perampalli about 4 or 5 km. from this locality. Quite recently another
similar cave was discovered at Santuru, Udipi taluk, South Kanara.
Two or three potsherds of the collected pieces, are of megalithic
black-and-red ware.

The discovery of this type of megalithic burial is important. For, so
far burials of this type are reported only from the laterite plains, of Malabar,
part of Kerala and are taken to be peculiar to that region. The present
discovery indicates the northward extent of this type along the West-
Goast in the South Kanara area also. And tins type is for the first time
noticed in Karnataka, in particular.

4. Vaddarase; Situated about 1 km. away from the Udupi-Coondapur
(West-Coast) road, in this locality is an ancient Siva temple. Within
the compound is an early inscription of 7th -8th G.A.D. Also to its

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Studies in Tuluna History and Culture

south-west about 1/2 km. away are the remains of ancient fortification,
perhaps, of early medieval period. During Dr. Sundara’s explarations in
May, 1974 he noticed in the eastern and northern areas out-side the
temple, pottery, in large quantities, of medieval period.

Behind the western compound of the temple is a long trench about
10-12 feet long, 1 m. wide and deep, dug out. In the soil from the trench
are found sparsely small pieces of pot-sherds of black-and-red w 7 are here
and there, some being worn out. However, the soil does not indicate
signs of regular ancient habitation such as floor-levels, ash streaks, rublish
pits etc. Besides, the northern compound wall runs over a prodigious
granite slab of uneven thickness, rough and undressed, as if it w'ere a
capstone of a megalithic burial. Further, of late he w'as informed in 1974
by Dr. Sivarama Karantha, that local labourers had found in their digging
a group of potter}' consisting a burial pot and four other pots of varied
thickness. These remains indicate that the area is probably a megalithic
burial site.

5. Beluru [Plate V (a)]: In the area locafly known as Chamtadi
near the Government Senior Primary School, on either side of the Hunasi-
makki-Beluru P.W.D. road is a megalithic site that had a few 7 port-holed
chambers of the type found in Bada-Kajekaru. I noticed it in August,
1973. Dr. Sundara examined the site in May, 1974.

The naturally undulated site moderately forested is about 5 km.
interior from the Arabian Sea and near the bank of a river Siriyara. Now
one or two orthostats, each of four chambers found here and there, are
extant. The biggest of the extant orthostats, near the road, has a port-hole
roughly 50 cm. in diametre about 2.25 m. broad and 1 .40 m. high from
the ground level and of thickness varying from 15 to 25 cm.

In the course of our examination, w r e noticed that in the excavated
drains on the sides of the road, were megalithic potter} 7 pieces of red-w 7 are
and black-and-red ware in considerable quantities, probably of the pot-
burials disturbed owing to the digging of the drains. Vases and basins
of rcd-w 7 are, edges of dishes, bowls, medium-sized vases of black-and-red
ware, are some of the types in the pottery. These are found near the
orthostat with port-hole.

A detailed survey of the Tulu country may yield us a wealth of such
prc-historic remains as definite proof of iron age culture.

; A'AA cA ^review^-{^n ; ::0^yt-'xi -yd ? .<,"■■ "■ "-• ;■■ ; xi

■ \ . Scholars? of -Ancient Indian History may recall to their memory.:

reference to S atiy aputr a in the Asokain edicts . This territory is , referred
to as lying outside the Asokan empire along with the other three territories,
Chdla, Pandya and Tambfaparni. Varied are the opinions expressed
by scholars in regard to the identification of Satiyaputra. 8 And now,
!;i|ts ;iSentificatio&%i^/Tuiu-n§.<c(u ^ seems.. to be favoured with a greater
measure of acceptance than formerly, although, the problem is not yet
free from doubt. Granting that Satiyaputra was none other than Tulu-
\ hadu, it may be surmised that as far back as the third century B.C.,
this land witnessed the. rise of its own culture, contributed by its socio-
political and religious streams. This surmise gains greater ground when
the identification of Olokhoira, come across in Greek, literature of the
second century A.D., has been accepted as indisputable. 9 Olokhoira,
the land of the Alupas, was a definite political entity in circa second century
A.D. And this-' historical truth presupposes -the development of a
; culture with its native strains anterior to the acquisition of this nomen-
clature Olokhoira - Alvakheda. \

vyy. Tradition also relates the story of MayuraSarman, the Kadamba
king, who is said to have brought Brahmins from Ahichchatra in North
//India and settled them in the different parts of Tulu-nadu 10 . While we
do not have any reliable historical evidence in substantiation of this tradi-
tion, we are prone to surmise that the advent ofBrahminism and Brahmini--
> cal culture may be traced to the beginnings of the political rise of the
A Kadambas at Banavasi. It may not be a vain conjecture to . suppose -
that Tulu-naclu was brought under the control of the Kadambas who
- • had their capital at Banavasi in the district of North. ICanara, which is
: A contiguous to the South Kanara district. (A critical note on the advent
A of Brahminism in Tulu-nadu is' given under the chapter Society .and
; : People)'. :.. The,, introduction of Brahmiiiical culture into Tulu-nadu ,
; should be regarded as a very, significant stride in the cultural growth of
’>• this region, because it marked at once a stage in cultural synthesis and 1
/. •' transformation. The earlier non- Vedic cultural • . .pattern was brought
under, the Vedic influence and the i Vedic system of worship incorporated

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Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

into it many elements alien to it. This kind of synthesis and transformation
is strikingly seen in temple worship and bhutaradhana whose account is
given elsewhere. The blend of both is simply fascinating and amazing.

The problem relating to the Tuluva territory and the Tulu language
is still mysterious. An attempt has been made in this treatise to trace
the origin of the term Tufa and the transformation it evolved. It amounts
to reasoning that the term Tuluva should represent a community, a tribal
type, which through the passage of time either lost is independent entity
and got extinct or fused into the larger social frame-work. Further investi-
gation into this formidable problem is vitally necessary. Until then,
we have to be satisfied with an hypothesis only.

There has been much speculation on the Tulu language and the Tufa
script. The Tulu language has been considered one of the five Dravidian
languages (the other four being Kannada, Tamil, Malayalam and Telugu) 11 .
Yet, it is not known how far back it was spoken, where it was spoken and
by whom it was spoken. The earliest literary evidence of Tulu words
occurring in literature is in Ratnakaravarni’s Bharatesavaibhava, which
belongs to the 16th C.A.D.^ That it is a spoken language without a
script of its own is almost indisputable. And that the area where this
language is spoken is confined wholly to the south of the river Kallianpura
in the Udupi taluk is a factor that eludes reasonable explanation. The total
absence of the use of the Tulu language to the north of the river Kallian-
pura despite the historical fact that Barakuru, Basaruru, Haduvalli
and Gerusoppc were the centres of Tulu-nadu for several centuries has
yet been one of the major unsolved problems of the history of this tract
of land. The only plausible explanation would be that the original
Tulu community was forced to confine itself to the south and that from
the earliest phase of political administration, Kannada was employed
as the medium. This phenomenon may have been one of the reasons
why the Tulu language did not come to possess a script of its own. The
so-called Tulu script is only a variation of the gran! ha script or of Malayalam.
A few centuries ago, the Tulu Brahmins used to hail over to Kerala for
the study of the scriptures, particularly for getting versed in the temple

Tulu spoken in the Udupi, Mangaluru, Putturu, Kasargod, Karkala and Sulya
® rahl P mi f' at and non-Brahmmical Tulu. Tulu-libi -Paper read by
,2 Gopalakrishna Bhatt at the Seminar organized by the Tulu-hBtam 1974.

‘ I"? (WW* encha portandendu

? ; s pokeit;dialecti : It has rich literature deposited in memory only through folk-lore. This

language has rarely been employed as documentary and literary, medium. Barring a very few .epigraphs in this
language, making use of this script, we have. hardly any written literature in this, language- ’rendered in this script
Which happens, to. be. a variation of the Malayalam script. •; - . .,v.‘ '\\f‘

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Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Agama-sastras. Since writing on the palmyra leaves in the Hagan characters
v, as found to be difficult, and inconvenient, they adopted a variation
of the grantha or Malayalam script which served their purpose very well.
Since the Tulu Brahmins resorted to the sacred writing in this manner,
the script has come to be popularly called the Tulu script. Anyway, it
is indisputable that the half-a-dozen variations found spoken in the
Tulu language in the different parts of the district have to be studied
scientifically and their characteristics brought to light.

In the Prapanchahrtdaja, a Sanskrit work, ascribable to circa 7th or 8th
C,A.D.'% the seven territories of the West Coast are mentioned - Kupaka
Kerala, Mushaka, Aluva, Pasu, Kohkana and Parakonkana. It is
interesting to find in these geographical divisions, the absence of
Tuluva and the mention of the word Aluva (Alupa - Aluva) 14 . The
problem relating to this is discussed threadbare in this Volume.

The main line of rulers of this region belonged to an ancient dynasty,
called the Alupas, whose origin and antiquity are yet to be established
with certainty. But if the Greek Olokhoira is none other than Alvakheda
the country of the Alupas, w'e may ascribe their beginnings at least to the
early centuries of the Christian era. It is indeed unique that the Alupas
held power townrd the close of the 14th C.A.D. a record, perhaps, of
rare distinction in the history of India. Of course, this dynasty accepted
the suzerainty of their Karnataka overlords, beginning from the Kadambas
of Banavasi upto the total annexation of this territory to the Vijayanagara
empire. But. this subordination seemed to have been nominal and for
all intents and purposes, the Alupas were independent. It is stimulating
to learn that not a single inscription was discovered in this region making
mention of the overlordship either of the Chalukyas of Badami or the
Rashtrakutas of Manyakheta, or the Chalukyas of Kalyani. The first
record is dated 1313 A.D. which speaks of Vira-Balla]a III, the Hoysala
king who had taken Chikkayi-Tayi as his senior queen. Chikkayi-Tayi
was, perhaps, of the Alupa extraction. This political solidarity had
much to do with the cultural creations of this region. While of late, consi-
derably rich material has been available to acquaint ourselves with the

^epanchahndaya (Trivendrum Sanskrit Series No. 45).

Could this mean. Pasu [P asid.a) was identical with Tuluva? If the derivation of the
"Ply Tj.'fti from Turn were accepted, Pasu may he regarded as the Sanskrit form
ot 1 uni It deserves to be noted that most of temple worship until very recently
was m the hands of the Haviha Brahmins up to Barahuru.

political career of tliis ancient ruling. . fam ,to be regretted that

Mo -tVn+.‘ 'err/sof : . Ka ^lV'7' ATY1 T\1 fell A/*l • tfi ■I/’iS AT*'?. 1 '-

excavated, may. reveal to us. rich source, material for the reconstruction,
of the early history of the Alupas. It is quite possible that tangible
violence of contact with the Mediterranean world may be discovered as
result of this, digging 15 . • V A V„ .• • 5 W;";

ev:

a

Another striking phenomenon noticeable in the history and culture' ;.:
of Tulu-nadu has been the historical existence of a host of minor ruling ,
families spread all over this region. A fairly reliable, account of the >
dynastic rule of these families is given under the chapter tiiz Feudatory
States of Tulu-nddu. The origins of these families have been embedded : :
in obscurity and only surmise has, hitherto, been expressed.; • To know 'A
their origins and historical antiquity is a great task to disentangle the'.., 1
problems of which should be the challenge of the future researchers.

. The authentic historical material available to us clears the horizon in
so far as their political activities were concerned from circa 1 3th - 14th
centuries A. D. upto the advent of the British in the beginning of the ,19th
century 16 . Some of the families seemed to have had an earlier record,
as for example, the Tolahas of Suralu, the Ajilas of Ptijalike and the rulers y
of Nagire 17 . The collection and collation of the source-material for a
connected historical account of each one of these families is a ; stupendous i : f
task. Willie partial satisfaction may be had in this connection, it has to
be confessed that much remains to be done. It is hardly possible to have ‘ /;/
a parallel instance elsewhere of a : particular compact territorial region
‘ . being cut up and parcelled out into so marly semi-independent principalities ; : •
(feudalities) exercising their real political control for several centuries.
The exercise of virtual/ sovereign control over T ulu -nadu started from the
. founding of the . Vijayahagara empire which gained immensely from the y
possession of this region both from the stand-point of internal security' f •;

Another site for excavation is the huge mound called Afl/r-A’o/r in Baraknru. Recent

/ i‘UA^fek' .T\vf\TfArl'. ol /'vet - PfYri ' Villi'; - 1 f

royal families arc-still ny vogue a:

The existing palace of the Tolahafamily is said to be tlic tim'd one, while the earlier
two in two different" places had fallen into complete ruins. Assigning 300 -'years

,, » - T- ' , A. ' 7_ ’■ ' “ .J / tv n If+h <1 -Al ,or>f' , o 1 (-1 «A''' ■« r»*- T-s r\ — .A ' l, — — « *

xvi Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

and foreign trade 18 . It looks as though these chieftaincies were given
a free role to play as long as they did not turn hostile to the sovereign
rule and paid their homage in submission. From the point of view of
administration, the Vijayanagara power (1336 A.D. -1600 A.D.)
witnessed a tremendous change. The economic control was complete
and society got stratified into exclusive communities. Communities
from the other parts of the empire migrated to this region and settled
here permanently. Political order had a record unexcelled in any other
period of its history. Local and municipal administration took deep
roots. It was a period of economic prosperity, social harmony and political
consolidation. It also saw a tremendous religious development based
on tradition and convention 19 . The period that followed the decline
of the Vijayanagara rule does not seem to have augured well for the
continued prosperity of this region. This was the period of the Nayakas
of Keladi (Ikkeri) 20 . They transformed the Tulu country into one province
(as against the two provinces - Barakuru and Mahgaluru - under the
Vijayanagara supremacy), seriously attempted to reduce the local chieftain-
cies to nullity, raised forts at strategic places over the region for defence,
and stationed garrisons for political safety. The unwise policy of the
total reduction of the time-honoured principalities naturally created
a spate of hostilities to contend against which the Nayakas had to set
their forces in continuing operation. The administration in general
became debiliated and demoralized. Jainism that recorded the Golden
Age during the Vijayanagara period declined steeply. From this state
the Tulu country passed into the hands of the Sultans of Mysore for a
brief period from whom the British assumed full control over tins territory
from 1801 A.D.

The Nineteenth Century 21

The nineteenth century was a period of resettlement and affirmation
for the people of the South Kanara district. The old administration

18 The earliest Vijayanagara epigraph in Tulu-nadu dates A.D 1345 and it comes
from Barakuru.

19 It was during this period that a repatteming of revenue divisions took place and
new place-names were given.

A detailed study of Tuluva under the Nayakas of Keladi is being made by Sri
2l ™f a . nt i la Madhava, Lecturer, Vijaya College, Mulki, South Kanara.
me intormation under this sub-head is culled from the South Kanara Manual.

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'•v'xvii <

of Mysore under Tippii .Siiltari was wiped out ancl the: new one under
the British [the : Comp any rule) c:ame to be instituted. In fact, the period
ranging between the . fall of the Nayakas of Ikkeri (Kejadi) and of the
Mysore Sultans was one of the. great - confusion and social and economic
disorder. Property was unsafe and certainty of possession was a matter

of seizure.

• . Revenue Resettlement ; .‘V’y.-

'••y. . In 1819//thfe British introduced a new system which endured for the
\ kwhole century. ; .. It was known as the' : tharao settlement of 181 9. “The,
•. y Original basis of tins was a one-sitcthshaie of the gross produce of a roughly
'■"Si estimated area of cultivation, the measure of which wa? kno ra as bijavari
;. i; - being that which could be sown by a . given quantity of seeds and the
' proportion of produce to seed, 12:1 as givenin the sastras. Besides, the
. • one-sixth of . a ' further share was taken for Brahihins and the gods and
i. additions were made to the assessment and extra cesses added from time
Cy ' to time in accordance with the necessities” . The tharao rates were divided
fh^ihtb bhaiiland kambharti, the latter subdivided into vdyide, Board sipharas
■. and . ianiki. :- - ; ■_ \ ‘ • y •

yfoy A There were two kinds of possessions (landed properties): one was
Y^lifniili-warg- and the other geni. The muli-warg entitled the . possessors to
T'. -Total proprietory rights over the property. The geni system was of two
kinds - jnuU-gcni which entitled the cultivator to possess the land perma-
V:..y nently subject to the payment of rent as stipulated in the contract ; while
y-0-chala-geni entitled the cultivator to cultivate and pay the rent subject
: ; y to increase from time to time. The possessor of the warg was known
v as. kudlaleddr. At the time of the assumption of administration by. the
; ^ i Biitish in. 1801, all the property description was. said to be in the Dimnaii- 1
; from the name of the year 1801. It was prepared by the village
f y: officers ;• for each warg containing the information in .respect of byavafi-:

; VyTassessment- due and rent produce hnWali. Unfortunately these entries
avere grossly inaccurate. The tharao system, introduced by the British
y yp was phased on the sdrasati-chitta. y »/•,•'/ y : v y ; y'-'y./ ■ V

, y r t v T '- The . assessment on wargs was based, on the nature of the land which y
T was four fold, in character majalu, . betiii, and bagayafu and their
yyVassessment; rates were 6:4:2:12 in the case; of the first class lands and the V
4:3: 1:8 in the case of the second class lands respectively.

xviii Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Lands used to be mortgaged which could be permanent mortgage
and terminal mortgage for a particular period.

Midway between the mul-geni and chala-glni, there was vayide-geni
or lease system for a specified period.

Waste lands and kumaki lands would be enjoyed according to a
particular tradition.

Agricultural and Trading Conditions

South Kanara has been essentially an agricultural district with 75%
of the population depending for their livelihood on cultivation. Brahmins,
Bunts, Jains and Christians were the chief land owners. Amongst these,
the Bunts were par excellent in cultivation. Havik Brahmins were good
at raising arecanut plantations. Invariably the tenants with their tena-
ments would live near the land and attend to agriculture. On the whole,
40 acres of land would be considered as a fairly large land-holding and
five acres a small one. “Tenures and natural circumstances being generally
industrious, a large number of the ryots were in easy and prosperous
circumstances and comfort probably more widely diffused than in most
other parts of South India”. Cultivation was mostly carried on in the
villages specially adapted for rice crops.

The principal division of lands was into rice and garden lands. In
the first class lands ( bayalu ) three crops were raised, namely, karti ( venelu ),
suggi and kolake. The name kolake gadde was used in respect of the
first class bayalu land since kolake crop was the last to be raised. The majalu
land would yield the first two crops and the bettu only one crop that is
the karti. The bagayalu was the garden land adapted for the formation
of coconut and arecanut plantations. It is interesting to note that one
acre of bayalu land would fetch from Rs. 100 to 250, majalu land from
Rs. 25 to 100 and bettu from 20 to 25. A little higher rates would be
offered dependent upon situations. Average rents for these three classes
of lands were as follows Rs. 16 to Rs. 26 per acre for the bayalu land
Rs. 8 to Rs. 16 per acre for the majalu land and Rs. 2 to Rs. 8 per acre
for the bettu land. Garden rents were considerably high, some times as
high as Rs. 40 per acre.

Cultivation used to be carried on with the help of bullocks and buffaloes
which were of medium size. It may be said that there was specialization
in rice cultivation and it was manufactured in two varieties, beltige and

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kiickalu. Karti arid ; ko lake crops, were made into mascati, the best variety
of preparation. As many- as 20 varieties of rice were grown the best
known of them being jira-sdU^ ganda-sale and mente-sdle. ' Sugar-cane
cultivation lent itself into four varieties, namely, rasaddii-kabbu, dasa-kabbu,

Yfkdri-kabbu and bidirii-kabbu.: Around .the hilly regions kunidri cultivation
A was popular. , . f • • • • ■' y;.-;'

Rice and other grains were measured in muras ( vnudi ) and its denomi-
nations. such as kalasige , seru (seer) balla, pavu or sidde. Standard muras
f were of two kinds dodda mude (big mura) and sauna mude (small mura).

.The former measured 42 sent and the latter 39 seru . Three kalasige
formed one mura and fourteen seers measured one kalasige. Four pavu
(sidde) formed one sent. In some places the mura consisted of 56, 50,
48, 45, 40 and 35 seers.

Wages were normally paid in kind, a man being paid from one to
two seers per day and a woman from 3/4 to 1 seer per day and children
much less. The climate of South Kanara has not been conducive for the
best breed of live stock. A special kind of breed used to be raised by the
; rich agricultural families. There were kambalada-konagalu (buffaloes
used in kambala race). As many as 22 kinds of agricultural implements'
- Were in use. Natural green manure and burnt soil (sudumamu) were
. the popular manures. Irrigation facilities were provided through bunds
(katta) being raised across streams and picotap {yeta).

The labouring class was constituted by kuliydlugalu (hired labourers)

, muladdlu (hereditary serfs or servants) and mulada-holeyaru (bound by debts).
The work of transplanting seedlings was. chiefly undertaken by women:
■f ■ "Vf. The following were the chief agriculture products:. Rice, coconuts,
V.. arecanuts, horse-gram, black-gram, green-gram, ragi, gingily,- , pepper,
cardamom, chillies, sugarcane, tobacco, betel-leaf, castor, termcric :
cotton, hemp, coffee, plantations and ginger. Grams were chiefly; raised
on majalu lands. . ' ' A/ ..•

AjwA; It is most surprising that one seer of rice; was available for one anna
v . or one anna and a quarter. ' f : v - A' 'A:. A d / vf A;AAy5f AA;
yAfA: Weights were measured in seen pavu, ratalu i and maund (piano). (
A:. Liquid measures were kudte y kuiti. bile and (miaund). h :AAyA;A;/ A
A A vf rlhe most ;important articles for trade were coffee, rice and paddy, ,
w: arecanuty bricks and tiles, sandal-\vood oils, cardamons, saltrfish, hides
:l and horns, and "tobacco. The district imported , the following important

XX

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

articles, cotton, piece-goods, twist and yarn, kerosine oil, salt, copper
and oils, agricultural implements, sugar and tobacco.

Money economy was in use mostly in trade and in day by life barter
was still in active practice. Goods were exchanged according to needs.
For a quarter of an anna, condiments enough for a man’s requirements
of the day could be had. Rupee had its denomination in 8 anna, 4 anna
(chakra), two anna (chavala), one anna, haif-anna, half-anna, duddu (4 pies):
tara (2 pies) and pie coins.

Social Conditions

A cross-section of the society in the 19th century would show the
following layers of communities known as castes each of which had its
own social and religious customs and manners. Although the caste rigours
were beginning to break, still they laid prescriptions and codes of behaviour.

Brahmins

The most important of them were Sivalli, Kota, Kotesvara, Havyaka,
Kandavara and Sthanika Brahmins. The other Brahmins who may
be said to be later immigrants in the district were the Gauda-Sarasvata,
Sarasvata, Desastha, Karadi, Chitpavan and Sakalapuri Brahmins.

Other Communities

Bunts (Nadavas), Mogeras (Fishermen), Billavas, Devadigas, Moyilis
and Sappaligas, Akkasaligas, Madivalas (Washermen), Saliyas (Weavers),
Gudigaras, Barbers (Kshaurikas), Kote-Serigaras, Bakudas, Koragas,
Nalkes, Pambadas, Kudubis, Paravas and a number of other sects and
sub-sects.

The Jain as formed an influential class although numerically dwind-
ling. The Mohammadans and Christians also were occupying position
of considerable importance, the former as traders and the latter as prosper-
ous agriculturists and gardnersR

72 A study of the advent of Christianity in Tulu-nadu, the influence that it has exercised
on die natives of this land - socio-economic and religious in character - and its
contribution to culture are fascinating subjects of abiding academic interest,
demanding scholar’s close attention. We do not know of any authentic proof of
the early spread of Christianity in Tulu-nadu. Itis surmised by somescholars that
there was marked influence of Christianity on the Madhva philosophy. If this is
true, we may infer that Christianity had spread in this region much earlier than the
advent of Madhvaism. But before any definite conclusion is drawn in this con-
nection much research with concrete evidence has to be conducted. Again, should
we accept that the place-names Tonse and Petri are derived from St. Thomas and

' -'K ' w ^ V ’^7 ■ Preview^- y '■■ yy'7 W y . yy7 ; W; ; V ^ xxi

; . .i Marriage was strictly confined to caste limits and inter-castc marriages
were tabooed. But social relationship was free from air-tight compart-
ment. was a surprisingly great deal of harmony and coopera-
tion among these groups. ... - .. 7 y-y

; ; : /The Brahmins and the Jainas had their different gotras arid almost
all the rest had their balls each ball representing a. lineage. One of the
most conspicuous social systems of South Kanara was the aliya-santana
system of inheritance (the matriarchal-system). The non-Brahminical
Hindu section of the society with a few exceptions followed the • aliya-
santana system. There were fomt&cii-kattus and sixteen kattales, connected
with those who observed the system 23 , 1 ' Vri

' . In matters of religion the entire Hindu community no doubt paid
homage to the Puranic gods, but the vast majority had very great faith
in the mysterious force of daivas. These daivas ware numerous and they,
virtually bewitched the faith of the common folk. They were invoked
. chiefly through annual celebrations known as the kolas or nemos or ay anas,:
Temples had their own annual festivals conducted' in all jubiliatiori 24 .

Agricultural festivals such as the kambalas (baffalo-race) 25 , and cock- :
fights were also organised from time to time. Three- meals a day, (i.e. ; ;

St. Peter respectively, then we shall have reasonable arguments in favour of the
beginnings of Christianity in Tuluva at least as far back as the times of Sri Madhva-
C:. charya. The striking influences of this religion over Tuluva after the capture of
Goa by the Portuguese is fairly well-known. . It may be said that the first churches
. were built in Kallianpur and Mangalore. ... -j-rir.

,v ! / Roman Catholics (Sur-names) : Abreo, Alfenso, Alva, Alvares, Albuquerque, Andrade,

' Aranha, Barnes, Baretto, Beptista, Britto, Braganza , Bothello, Barboza, Cardoza, Carvalho
. Castelino, Colaco, Concessao, Corda, Coelho, Cornelia, Corea, Crasta, Culinha, D! Souza, ::
;; D* Almeida,. Silva, Dante , D'Mello, D'Sa, Dias, D’ Cur, ha, D'Cosla, D'Cruz, D'Lima,

: Farias, Fernandes, Furtado, Ferrao, Gracias, Goveas, Gonsalves , Gomes^ Lasr ado, < Lewis,
Lobo, Mascarenhas, Machado, Mathias, Martis, Mendonca, Menezes, Miranda, Moraesy.

• ; ' 'Monis, Monteiro, Mudartha, Nazareth, Noronha, Oliveira, Pais, Palrao, Paula, Passanha,

wvWf Pereira, Picardo, Pinto, Peres, Quadras, Rasquinha, Rebello, Rego, Rodrigues yRosdiiqyii
, W - Scqueira, Saldanha, Sanctis, Serrao, Sudres, Tellis, Tauro, Voider, Vasj Vaz. Likewise.
of Islam. As these deserve separate study, they have, not been included , in-. this ,.

: : : . treatise. .. ■ , •• y. ; . ’ -V ;'y Wy7y<p : 5

23 Satyamitra Bangera ^Aiiya-santanadadcqttudagutlu(^paasiix:l)yy'^yy : ^dN:-:d{jV : -
; ; 24 A recording of the. rites and rituals associated with these annual celebrations spread

'Vy.-yy all over the Tulu country is not only, interesting but also enlightening from the
. • ! ■ stand-point of cultural study.. While ,a general- pattern is observed, each temple V
'diVi'dC .1 seems to have some of its own local variation. 7 : ; ; ;y;7’y.y:y-.y v^ri-v-yy . .yy y y
. 25 This festival which is primarily agricultural in character is given a religious touch. ;

kambala is connected with fertility cult. Anyway, it looks as though it is character-
istic of this region. yyyW'' v' 7- ; ' 'yWWyyy^y 'y \

xxii Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

congy, mid-day and night meals) were normal. Water with jaggery,
butter-milk, ragi soup, jaggery and milk were the drinks. Tender coco-
nuts were offered to gods. Kadubu, dosai , paramanna , atirasa and panch-kajjaya
■were the usual special items 26 . KoU-rotli was very much enjoyed by the
non-vegetarians.

South Kanara has had two peculiar types of naga dance, called
the Naga-mandala and Dakke-bali. They are still in vogue. There
were as many as a dozen Yakshagana troupes artistically entertaining and
educating people 27 .

An important place of daivas was known as diode or Brahmasthana.
Gatadis where K5ti and Channaya, two deified heroes are still worshipped,
were numerous. Brahmins would offer their usual Vedic prayers and the
homage to temples while the non-Brahmins would propitiate their daivas.
The Nalkes, the Paravas and the Pambadas used to impersonate the daivas
at the time of devil-dance.

There were numerous Jaina temples known as bastis where the
Jainas offered their prayers 28 .

The Christians and Muslims were permanently settled and their
relationship with tire rest of the larger community was very often cordial.
Conversion into Christianity and Islam would take place without coersion.
Mutual respect for the religious practices amongst almost all religionists
was a matter of appreciation. Introduction of a general system of public
instruction slowly resulted in the departure from traditional vocations
and caste conventions.

Three languages were in vogue-Tulu, Kannada and Konkani.
Sanskrit and English were the language of the elite. Tulu was confined
to the territory to the South of the river Kallianpura. To the north of
this river Kannada was the mother tongue. The Christians, Sarasvatas,
and Gauda-Sarasvatas spoke mainly Konkani. Marati and Hindustani
were sparingly used 29 .

26 Epigraphs are numerous making mention of these being offered to deities on parti-
cular days and for which grants were given.

17 Each troupe is called a mela and the most reputed are: the Dharmasthaja, Saukuru,
fvlandarti, Marana-katte, AmriteSvarl me las which arc grouped into the Teiiku
and Badagu-tiflus (the southern and northern types).

The history of Jainism -its_ growth and development -in Tulu-nadu with its
marked contribution to architecture and sculptural art is yet to be written. -
For alinguist, a rich field of study is available - study of the Tulu language, Coonda-
pur Kannada, Konkani as spoken by the Sarasvatas, Gauda-Sarasvatas and the
wtirisuans and Marati spoken by others.

YyW- W 'MIWW'W fW WWAv^''' VWK ; .

xxni

iGuifufe^rt'^U)

The culture of. a people is essentially religion, and metaphysics. A-
proper understanding of this is only possible through a keen insight into
the religious, and spiritual concepts, forms of. worship - both domestic
and : ntiblic 'Celebrations, of rites and rituals, characteristic, features of

of ;

religious institutions, principles involved in sacred edifices (temples and
shrines), their physical forms, sculptures and the sanctity ingrained in
them, literature produced with basic concepts, . practices followed and
disposition cultivated. While each one. of these has its 'own - significance^
in, cultural growth, it is the synthetic and cumulative effect of all of -these
factors on community life that produces culture and causes its development
and evolution. ’ An original attempt Has been made to perceive the Tujuva
culture with the application of this norm of investigation and .survey.
And the result has been remarkable. The Tulu country is a living.'-
exam ple of the splendid amalgamation of the old and the new, the primitive
beliefs and the sublimest thoughts, the simplest forms of worship and the
most elaborate manner of ritualism, a simple object adorned as divine
and a divinity worshipped in the ‘House of God’ erected strictly according :
to silpa-sastra, and icons miniature in- size but iesplendant in theology?;
and statues awe-inspiring all times and a permanent testimony to .the
imagination, skill and identification of the sculptor (slhafiaify^ffih. is ; /i
survey has been an ardous task, but it has yielded rich dividends.. Many
of the shrines tell us the lurid tale of dilapidation and neglect. There: is
seen, simultaneously, tremendous ignorance on the part of the. people ■;
as well as the elite in respect of the identification of the deiti.es.. worshipped
v.and their antiquity. Dating the temples in the Tulu country is a challang-

inicr o/M-wlrurief - 1-ipmncp flip - PYfprnfll frtrnV.Af

ing problem to the archaeologist, because the external form of . a- temple ;V
structure is likely to mislead anybody, even an expert. There are several:;
instances of temple renovation several times, '.while the sculpture of -the .;';
principal deity has stood unchanged the test of . time. Hence, there §
could be a thousand year old image, in a shrine that appears : modern W
Therefore, unless a very close, unbiassed and archaeologically scientific :
observation of these monuments is ’ made \yith patience, one is apt . to go

. tAifAn rr'i -n # T 4- Zn' /v ‘ • fi A /i ■ n f Vrr> n v'1 r » ''

maernifirn

d

XXIV

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

sublime The structural vulnerability subjected many a shrine to the
devastations of fire which fact is even recorded in epigraphs Under
royal patronage, shrines and edifices became more substantial and assumed
greater measure of grandeur. Instead of mud-walls and thatched roofs,
hard granite or laterite bricks came to be profusely used in construction.
Two interesting features in this connection may specially be noticed.
In some of the early structures, we discover delicacy of carvings on laterite
bricks, indeed a testimony of architect’s skill and sculptor’s art. Secondly,
heavy slabs of stone had been used in roofing, and this system is reckoned
as a marvel. It is supposed to be the stone counterpart of the wooden
structure. There has been another practice of covering the roof with
copper sheets which dates back to the 14th C.A.D. as recorded in epi-
graphs.

Four kinds of stones were used in carving images - hard granite,
close-grained schist, red soap-stone and rudralsha-sila. Hard granite
and rudralsha-sila were of popular use. Undoubtedly, this material is
very hard for shaping The close-grained schist and red soap-stone
must have been imported from above the Ghats and a few early sculptures
have been fashioned out of these types of stones. Images carved out
of these two kinds of stone would take high polish and enable intricate
carving. Abundance of wood seemed to have fostered wood carving,
resulting in varied forms of r\ ooden figures of various size ranging between
a foot and twenty feet in height Devil shrines ( bhuta-sthdnas ) have mostly
wooden sculptures in them. These sculptures are more known for their
curious features and strange combinations than for intricate and ornate
carving. It appears to have been almost the practice to sculpture the
lesser divinities m wood and in some of the renov ed aristocratic families
all the departed in succession used to be represented in the form of wooden
sculptures.

Stucco seemed to have been a convenient medium for divine repre-
sentation. And a number of celebrated sculptures of all-Karnataka
importance assignable to the Chalukyan or Rashtrakuta period are to
be reckoned as a great treasure of archaeological wealth.

Bronzes are innumerable in the Tulu country. Unfortunately their
art value hasn’t yet been appreciated. Temples, mathas and homes
have hoards of these bronze images varied in size, multiple in form and
do. erse in style. It deserves to be noted that though small in size, some

u ' ' 4 1 4 44 ;; Preview,

XXV ;

;; of; the /bronzes- / are , a^cribabl.e ytb /ye^harly/peiib^
over the whole of Tulu-nadu are found to be /in-estimable storehouses
of bronzes and the amazing variety in them is a permanent testimony
. to the religious disposition of the people of the land. It is to be regretted
too that most of them arc rid of proper care; their careful preservation
may be deemed great national wealth. One redeeinihg feature is that
they are found, in-tact since they receive daily worship. : A .scientific
study of these bronzes is most fascinating and has yet to be done with
emphasis on the character of divine representation, iconographic merit, /
stylistic beauty and chronological classification. An humble beginning 4
has been made in tins area of study in this Volume. 4 /: 4 -Apy

Selection and

Style

It may not be out of place to dwell upon the nature of selection of
sculptures illustrated in this work and their stylistic features; Perhaps,
this is the first time that these sculptures are being closely examined from
the stand-point of their iconographic and stylistic merits and accordingly
dated. In all humility, it has to be confessed that the dating of these
sculptures is approximate (excepting the dates of such images as have
definite records) and there is room for improvement. Much care has been/ '
bestowed in fixing chronology. The difficulties in examining and photo-/;
graphing them have been many. These sculptures are not availably;;
for anybody’s observation and study at a given point of time. Almost
. all of them are installed or kept inside the sanctum sanctorum and under
very difficult and limited circumstances, they have been exposed for ;
photography and for such observation as demanded by and suited to-/.;
iconographic study (This kind of study is very essential for dating). Apart :
from the limited chances of admittance into the photograpliing /

the hind portion of the images in many instances has been fraught , with ,
.//great difficulties owing to lack of proper distance. The survey has revealed ;

.that these, sculptures could -suggest to us their approximate dates and that/
> / while, they in general do conform to the general pattern of seffipturing /
/ assignable to broad chronological periods such as the Pallava, Chdlap/

- Chalukyan, Hoysala, Vijayanagara and the . Palayagar periods, they /
/ also depict characteristic local variations and st)de. : Tliis has been a
^ er T arduous /task; reqiiiripg iefem assidiiit^i; />It;hc&;h
// ; and exhilerating too to find that these sculptures be-speak of characteristics ;

XXVI

that have never before been imagined. A number of them bear the
early Pallava features and also depict the Western Chalukyan style. The
Ghola influence has also been found considerable. The Lokesvara image
from the Kadre Mahjunatlia temple, Mangalore which may be accepted
as the best bronze in India is a striking example of the influence of the
Chola art. 'While Chalukyan bronzes are reported to be very few in
Karnataka, half-a-dozen of them have distinctively been found in the
area. The Vijayanagara period witnessed the consummation of metal
casting. Art degeneration is clearly seen in the sculptures of the Palayagar
period. The scientific study of these sculptures seems to have thrown
a flood of light on the cultural influence of the other parts of South India,
especially those regions that raised great empires on this tract of land
which, though geographically was isolated and formed itself into an enclave,
refused to be culturally segregated with the result that this cultural con-
fluence is markedly discernible. The impact of Karnataka culture is
unmistakably seen in all works of art. This is owing to the historical
truth that Tulu-nadu had been an integral part of Karnataka from the
rise of the Kadambas in the 4th G.A.D. to the advent of the British in
the 19th. The Chalukyan, Hoysala and Vijayanagara styles have had
their indelible mark on the sculptural art of this region. Further study
in this sphere will take us to realms of real enlightenment.

A word, again, about the selection of sculptures illustrated in this
Volume may not be out of place. Most of the monuments and places of
historical and religious importance have been visited and a careful obser-
vation of die sculptures has been made, followed by a comparative analysis
of types and styles. The size of the sculptures hasn’t been die criterion.

Some of the images are only 5 cm. in height, but it is their age, variety
and form and style that have accredited them for selection. To get the
acquaintance of this basic material has been a truly stupendous task,
the product of almost house to house and village to village tour. Assign-
ment of a particular icon to a chronological period is based on the form

of the image, the nature of the head-gear, alafikara, garment, udara-bandha,
kati-sutra , facial expression, shoulder-tesscls, siraschakra, prabhavali , hasla-
mudras, position of the attributes and pedestal. Close scrutiny of the wear
and tear is also an important factor for consideration. While ascribing
dates to the monuments, the approximate period to which the original
structure could belong has been taken into account. (The present

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xxvu

structure is not accepted as the basis for dating) .7; Experience has shown
’-that a number of temples have recently-carved images which may be
discovered belli by the structural form of the temples and the presence
of l the m6fe 7 ancient iitsava-miirtis in tile slirine. ; Mutilated images, are
/found to have been deposited in temple , tanks and their salvaging from
ptbe tanks has been greatly helpful for fixing the date of construction of
the, original shrine. ;: Hence, although many of the sculptures; may appear :
to the common eye to be ordinary and rid. of artistic beauty, their inclusion
• . is justified on the basis of differentiation in. types and styles that reflect
7 the age and skill, whether praiseworthy or . common-place. . : . 7- -7 •" ..

7; Research is a struggle to know the unknown, or the little known or
• :7 the hitherto wronlgy known. Many things we take for granted, but
7 . when the ‘why of them’ is questioned, we are unable to answer. When
; we closely observe the forms of temple worship, it is unmistakably suggested
:f7to 7 Us that mahy are the areas where our knowledge is either inadequate
- or wc are ignorant. A few instances may be cited here. We do not

PVVyet know why the first of the temple annual festivals takes place at the
tyshrine oty Chaiidramaiillsvara, Udupi. The origin of the Rafiga-puja
: (the most popular form of worship) is not yet known. It is yet a puzzle
why Durga, Sankara-Narayana, Ganesa, Bhairava or as a matter of fact

. any divinity could be worshipped in the form of linga. Deities in various
yitemplesare being offered peculiar oblations the beginnings of which
^Vi£tfe'’kardlyiknc)\trn. The Anegudde Ganapati is fond of kadubti; the Udyavaia
f ^GnnesaTs . pleased! with kajjaya ; the ode-samaradliana is well-known , at the 7
•7: Durga temple, Kunjarn; at Pernaiikila, Ganesa is propitiated through
; 7 he.MadhuruGanesais a lover of mudappa-seve ; two plantains 7

7-'7arc kept on the hands of the deity of Krishna at Kumbale Krishna temple 7
7 and a lamp is waved after abhishekam; worship of a bunch of gold ..coins !
7 and a 5 cm. high Ganesa icon should precede the maha-piija at the Yclluru
7 .yityanatha temple; y ^ figures are the special offerings in

•' / die Suraya temple, Belthangady ; ,7 Chendu is the particular form of religious!

: 7 play at the timet of the car festival at the Polali Rajarajesvari temple;
7;y beating of drums in large numbers and fire-brand play are the. special
: .7’, ; features at the purgaparamesvafi temple, Bappanadu ; getting possessed!

:. y of »SYm by women throughout a particular night on a particular day happens
to be the sacred observance at the Vlrabhadra temple, Hiriyadka and also
fTf.at Kavatahu; the 48 days’ mandala-piija.is a;distmction at the BelinaiihwG

xxviii Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Durga temple; Manjunatha of Dharmasthala is the celebrated deity
foi keeping assurance (Manjunatha main bida , Srinivasa kasu bidd) ; the deity
is never touched by hand at the Balakudru matha; the deity in the Vishnu-
murti temple, Innanje (Undaru) has to be offered a dish prepared out of
mango; the dates covering the period of annual celebration in the Polali
Rajarajesvarl temple have to be announced through a function where the
daina plays an important role; it is not the practice to erect dhvajastambhas
in front of some of the temples; some of the shrines do not observe the
function of hoisting the flag ( dhvaja ) at the commencement of the annual
celebrations; the temple of Kadesvalya does not admit of the visvarupa
darsana of the main deity; in some of the temples, the last phase of the
waving of the lamp only ( mangaldrati ) is open for observation; the sixteen
Malya-mathas belonging to the Gauda-Sarasvata community have two
tulasi vruidavanas ; plantains are the special offering to the Anantadeva of
Peraduru; Marnakatte in the Coondapur taluk is renowned for the
Makara-Sankrdnh festival when sevanlige flowers are offered in fabulous
numbers tender cocoanuts are not offered to any guests in the premises of
the Y elluru Visvanatha tempe for they are the dearest to the Lord; Sone-arali
is chiefly confined between Brahmavara and Coondapur of South Kanara
and thousands of such practices are in vogue. It is high time these should
be codified and their history traced.

The whole of the Tulu country is interspersed with religious
centres called the Mathas where various deities have been worshipped.
These centres were, in historical times, places of worship, education, public
enlightenment and nuclei of spiritual experience. The writing of an
history of these Mathas exploring their origin, growth and development
and understanding the various phases of religious orientation and philo-
sophical background along with a detailed monographic study (for which
these Mathas a are rich reservoir) is most fascinating and has yet to be done
for a clear perception of the inner essence of the culture of the people.
The two Mathas propagating the Bhagavata-sampraddya, one at Balakudru
m the Udupi taluk and the other at Edanlr in the Kasargod taluk (now
m Kerala) in the north and south of the district respectively, are again
a refreshing source for original study. The contributions of the eight
Mathas at Udupi expounding the Tatva-vaia are yet to be given a cohering

.• Ayri :;\:A V y ~ V A -A-ri i-.B: kxix

Afy v 'AMuich is spoken of th? ^/ew/arS^a/ia of : Tulu-nadu (the so-called
; ; devil-worship). . But very littie is done in going to the 'roots and in syste-
matically and scientifically . codifying the literature (Jjad-danas) relating

a- l-Sp ... j xi_„ •'k'aiili.' • i..' 'y.

to

y.Much has to be known, of the manner of painting the face of the ‘devil-
•y dancer 5 , the variations in' drapery and the art objects and the ornaments
< , used and the practices observed. This is a subject of vital interest from
. •' tlic point of view of culture and it is no exaggeration that what has hitherto
y . been . done in tliis field of understanding is unbelievably little. Doing
| tills is a life-time job. ; v;". ;■ ••• • •* " -J

bv Naga-mandala rind its , Variation Qakke-bali is a religious practice of

unique distinction in ; the Tulu country. .. Its- origin is still am ystery.
: rWe are ignorant why the dance associated with this is confined only to
ri : ri:he,d^ origin also is lost in obscurity. It is reasonable

t -" •■'l xi. i 1 i .fi*i i : i* _•

. The ndga-bandha drawn at the time of the Naga-mandala may be reckoned
i t as; superb art. We do not know why Naga is fond of arecanot flower.
A Has the .Naga-mandala dance any affinity with the. Yakshagdna dance ?
r :. Thanks to Dr. K, S. Karantha whose contribution to the understanding
fl'bf'j Yakshagdna arid the art embodied in it is a major research of this century 31 ’.

; ; ' The conduct of Naga-mandala ritual is more confined to the four
taluks of the district, namely, Udupi, Karkala, Mangalore and Putturu,,
although its message is carried effectively to other parts as well. It looks
. as though its origin is Udupi. It is performed in propitiation of the
vi.Naga-serpcnt - and it is both religious and artistically, entertaining. A -Let
riJ ; mebrieflynarrate its conduct. • ”• -v • ;■,••• . W'if riyy.yyy

A design of the serpent is laid out on the selected area out of pancha-,
v .. yarna r (black, white, - red, green and yellow) powders. .. The hood of the
A : serp ent is : spread at the top of the circular form of the serpent’s desigiiri
;;t This . design is -laid with form of knots. If it is full there

\vill; bc.; 1.6 knots to the serpent design, if f of the it is 12 knots- ;

if it is half mandala'yiX. is 8 knots, and quarter 4 knots. , This design

r; nrofusely decorated with flowers and oil-lamps* especifily. with areca "

xxx Studies in lultiva History and Culture

(a) (b)

(a) Diagram of \ Naga-mandala with four
knots.

(b) Diagram of f Napa-mandatawith eight -
knots. '

(c) 175 years old relief of Naga-bandhn '
(perhaps Naga-mandata) on the ceiling of
a : temple at Gokarna, , ■

(<0

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xxxi

flowers which are considered as very sacred for the Naga, There are
two kinds of dancers - one is the Naga-patri (one who gets possessed of the
spirit of the Naga, and the other the Vaidya ) The latter number not less
than three, while the former is single. When all the preparation is
over, with musical play, the Vaidyas dressed in the form of Naga-kannikas
appear before the mandala followed by the Ndga-patri. The Vaidya dancers
hold a small drum called the dakke (damaruka). They are assisted by
two others who are dressed in the ordinary way but play music with
cymbals and drum beatings. All these circle round the serpent design
for about two or three hours with variations in the display of dance, vigour,
chantings, musical play and the like. At the end puja is performed and
prasddam , distributed. Very often there happens to be oracular con-
sultations. An important and costly part of tills ritual is the feeding of
all the guests who visit the mandala performance, irrespective of caste or
creed. A lesser form of this ritual is known as the Dakke-bali which is
conducted in certain of the temples on days of annual celebrations of the
temples. The difference is only one of dimension. On the sacred day
of Subrahmanya Shashthi, its performance is regarded as the most sanctifying.
The Naga-mandala is an oblation offered to the Naga to absolve of the
Naga-Sapa , to be relieved of leprosy, and for the prosperity of progeny
and to beget children. Indeed, this is a unique ritual.

Numerous and varied are the customs and observances and rites
and rituals still in vogue amongst the different communities and to trace
their origin and to classify them into occupational, agricultural and reli-
gious groups is a most fascinating area of original investigation. A detailed
study of the various communities of this region is vitally necessary before
we should try to understand their customs and mamiers. Only a few
aspects of social structure have been dealt with here. Immigration of
people into this geographically isolated region and the difficulty involved
in contacts outside were responsible for the remarkable homogeneity
in the cultural pattern marked by considerable differences in each group.
Tulu-nadu, historically, may be said to be a place of refuge for wandering
people from across the mountains. Sometimes in original form, some
of them were very meaningful and intimately connected with life- with
the passage of time they seem to have preserved only in the external form,
the vitality being lost. A study of this again is a painstaking and perser-
vering task of survey and record.

XXXII

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Toponomy may be regarded as a fairly significant branch of cultural
study. A scientific' study of the place-names is both stimulating and the
instructive from the stand-point of diversified cultural creations of commu-
nities of people. The nature of topography, economic situation, trading
acthitics, social settlement, community reflections, religious disposition
of the people of a particular country and a host of other allied aspects
tend to be rescaled through place-names when properly studied.
Barring a few stray articles, no systematic work relating to this vital aspect
of Tuluva culture has been done. And tliis field provides a bewitching
opportunity' for a fruitful survey and investigation.

Tuluva Culture

A fundamental question is: What are the distinctive features of Tuluva
culture ? The answer to this question could at best be a confession that
tills is yet to be inferred and vve have to be satisfied with a question mark.
It has fairly been made clear that the Tulu people must have belonged
to a particular tribal or racial type and that tliis type is virtually' extinct
today. The socio-economic and the politico-religious characteristics
of tliis tribe are not known. The only known heritage is the nomenclature
Tulu-Tuluva-T uh-nadu . It is even difficult to say in finality whether
the present Tulu language was spoken by' this original Tulu tribe or com-
munity. In die course of this treatise, a sincere attempt has been made
h> examine and analyse the polity’, sociology', economy' and religion and
cultural creations that emerged on this land with its geographical unity'*
based on reliable records and authenticity', a persual of which may' suggest
to the students and scholars that there are many aspects vvhich are found
common with those of the other parts of Karnataka. The reasons for
this phenomenon are not far to seek. The main reason is the overlordsliip
of the Karnataka empire-builders from the early centuries of the Christian
era upto the modem. Historically', Tulu-nadu had its own geographical
isolation 51 . As already explained this isolation may be said to have

51 To understand the geographical isolation of South Kanara, v,e should study the
lav of the Western Ghats which run north to south for 1000 miles from the Maha-
rashtra State to the extreme south of India, m a parallel formation to the sea coast
The coastal strip of land between the mountain ranges and the sea vanes in width,
but in South Kanara it never extends for more than 50 miles The mountain
range approaches the extreme north of the South Kanara district within 5 miles
ot the sea; the mam line of tins range soon swerves abruptly eastward round the

!L VaUe} - 5011111 ° r , t ^ e ,Y ai £ y r ‘ ?tS Ae Prominent peak of Kcdachadn 441 1 feet,
and thtn a precipitous clift-bhe barrier with an average elevation of over 200 feet.

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xxxiii

transformed this region into a place of refuge for wandering tribes and
peoples from across the mountains. This immigration may have been
caused owing to willing migratory character, religious persecution or
persuasion and political settlement. In any case, the phenomenon of
building up a community of different ethnic sub-divisions, eadi retaining
some of its cultural differences, but with a measure of homogeneity in the
general pattern of living and thinking over the tract of land as a whole
may be noticed. This homogeneity has to be attributed to difficulties
in communication with the outside world and to a large measure of self-
containedness. It is against this back-ground that the culture of Tulu-
nadu has to be examined and appraised. This culture is an amazing
blend of the Vedic and Dravidian practices in which each strain is vital.
In tills synthesis, it is hard to say which aspect may be isolated and labelled
Tuluva exclusively. Yet, if a daring venture in this direction is possible
a few suggestions may be made :

1. Bhuia-nriyta (so-called devil-dance) in the form it is still in vogue.

2. Nagn-mandala and Jfakke-bali in propitiation of the serpent.

3. Yafahagana dance and tdla-maddale in the form as yet in practice.

4. The fourteen kattus and the sixteen hat tales observed by tire com-
munities belonging to the aliya-santana system of inheritance.

5. The Tulu language with half-a-dozen variations and its rich
vocabulary (Perhaps, the Tulu language spoken by a limited
number in comparison with the vast majority in South India
may be one of the reasons for a feeling of separation among the
Tulu people) An account of the above has been given in the
text of the treatise.

6. Vaisnava-sidd/idiifa or Tatva-vada of Sri Madlivacharya.

From this point the Ghats run south-east to the Kudremukh, the highest peak in the
district, 6215 feet above sea level. From this, they sweep east and south, round
the Belthangady and Sulya taluks to join the broken ranges of the Coorg and Malabar
hills in the southern boundary of the districts. “West of the Ghats, a broken
laterite plateau slopes gradually towards the sea. The general aspect of the district
has been well described as a flatness uniform but infinitely diversified.” (p. 37.
Imperial Gazetteer of India , Madras II, Provincial Series 1908). The area is a sea
bed with rich soil washed down by streams. The annual rainfall is high, averaging
about 150 inches per annum. Humidity is also high at 75% to 80%. Nearly
one-fourth of the area is under forests and one half hilly and rocky land. The
area under cultivation is less than one fifth of the total. Rice is the major crop
grown over 960 sq. miles in three crops a year. Details of cultivation follow no
Written rules but only age-old traditions. Most of the farming activities are linked
to religious festivals.

XXXIV

Studies in Tuhiva History and Culture

■*r^ftwpT ^flr tR HTswwrnm^ i

TOTWf : 31RR SfaTT vfTRfir 5T I

5rrrft mf^JTT srnpRr sr&rfirfr 5f>m ywttnr n

Sri Madiacharya ( Ananda-Tirtha )

Image at tlie entrance into the sanctum sanctorum of Sri Krishna Temple, Udupi
vnth chmmudrd and abhayamudra

The car street of- Udupi may be called the. hub of Ttilu-naduc The importance 1
of this area is two-fold. It is here that the ancient Rajatdpitha is located giving the'namc - v.i,
Rajatapi (Kapur a to Udupi. The Anante^vara temple is one of the major monuments of • ’

Karnataka. The , Chandramauli^vara temple is at a lower elevation in front of die,: !
Ahante^vara temple. The lifiga in this; temple is made of spalifcd; ■ . Secondly,, the -earliest ihh--
, j Krishna shrine of South India is, perhaps, located, here. It is the practice here that first
* : p the; devotees . should visi t the GhandramaulKvara temple, then the AnantcsVara temple h :

- ; and afterwards; the Krish na temple. . The eigh t iriathas in dbandva are located here.

■3.raq psiusoj sib vapuvnp xn svtpmti qqgrs sqx ‘Slduisq Buqsixjj; sqq spiBAvisyu put?
3fduiaq BJtiASSiinmy sqq irsip ‘sjduisi u;ieAsiinBmB.iptreij0 sip psiA p]noqs sssqoAsp sip
^sjp imp sjsij soiptjjd sqj si qj -s.xsq psjuso| ‘sd'eq.isd { si Bipttj qinog jo suuqs Buqsu'i
issijjcs sxp ‘Xjpuosog -vyijvcfs jo spuux si sjduisq sup hi vSui] sqx 's|dmsi BiBAjsqxmry

3t li J° IttOJJ lit XIOp'BASJS X3MOJ V. IB SI SjdlUSl BlBASt jnBlU'BJpU'BqQ StJX ’Bq^BlUB}!

jo sursxunuoxii jofeiu sip jo suo si sjduisq B.iBAjsiiiBuy sqx '[dripri oq vxmjvxjlyjv]vfv}j
suibii sqi SuiatS psiBSoj si vif}i(fvivfv}j inspire sxp }Btp sisq si ij -pioj-OMl si ■bs.ib sup jo
ssireuoduit sqx ’npBU-njnx jo qnq sip psqus sq Xbui idnpft jo issaqs .res sqx

A XXX

Oimz-ij

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XXXVII

A Confession *

Studies in Tulnva History and Culture is both an experiment and exposi-
tion. For the first time, perhaps, a fairly systematic and intensive and
extensive survey of a particular region has been undertaken to obtain
and present a coherent account of its history and culture. The present
Volume comprises fourteen chapters. And it has a physical bulk of its
own which is purposeful. Political history, religion and art and architect-
tecture and sculpture have received the first attention. Although the
area covered is small against the Indian back ground, the cultural wealth
of the region under survey is so immense that it may be reckoned as
recapitulating the entire cultural evolution of the country. The cons-
picuous feature of this Volume may be found in the profuse illustrations
which constitute half of the work. This profusion is deliberate. Selection
of pictures has been based on religious, typological, iconographic and
sylistic peculiarities and features. Temples that have been illustrated
take their place from the stand-point of antiquity, structural significance
and location. Temple architecture is a very tangible and articulate
expression of the cultural aspirations of a people. More than a dozen
ground-plans of temples have been included for understanding the evolu-
tion of temple architecture. Three maps and three town-plans and a
a member of line drawings have been added to enrich illustrations.
Jainism is discussed under a separate chapter. As far as possible, chrono-
logical discrepancies have been avoided.

Fifteen years of hard work, painstaking exploration, tiring investi-
gation and crippling physical strain have combined to produce this Volume
to reflect the inner essence of a people who, though numerically small,
have been culturally great. A sympathetic appreciation of this work
will be a great encouragement for furtherance of knowledge and a rich J
reward for ‘worship of work’.

KalHanpur : 13 — 2 — 1975 ^ f

*>

* In the arrangement of pictures, sometimes the sequence of chronological order has broken.
This is owing to a number of difficulties, almost insurmountable, in obtaining them '
in time. As far as possible popular and epigraphical spellings of names have been
retained. In the use of the diacritical marks, a few errors have set in and likewise
< in marks of punctuation. The author beseeches pardon for these and a number of
other incidental mistakes and assures that they will be set right in the next edition.
Since no basic study of Christianity and Islam has hitherto been done this Volume
has been unable to encompass an account of them. '

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Abhimanyu

Takshagana character in vigorous and enthralling
dance pose. .

pf the manuscript but "also add to its sanctity, \ There seems to; be a faint suggestion of ; •
Yakskagaria dance in this painting.

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rreymv

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sawn -. ■

w®

jitX'rli

; Abhimanyu ■

.’■ Takshagatm character in vigorous and enthralling

f"v;’;v. r .9 ’. dance pose.' »

xxxv iii

Studies in Tuhwa History and Culture

Ilamsadhvaja

X' r JXVl&Wr;:-: ■xyy

Silk-

V*-':

. •* *1 -

Eiffel felf •

H&f/

msBrM

\-q /.<?*,

m$sr

v ; '> v ■••.'. Abhimanyu

Yakshagana character in vigorous and enthralling

■;vv..v.- . dance pose. 1 . . ■ '■

,.; XXXIX

XL

Studies in Tukva History and culture

Bhuta-nril)'a (Devil-dance)
Amunli Annappa— daiva

This is the typical devil-dance or the Tuluvas. Gaggra is worn on the ankles The
lower garment is of tender cocoanut features cut into small tapes. The swoid and the
mam are the usual attributes. Ani is tied to the upper part of the devil-dancer. It
is well ornamented. Bracelets, . head-band, ear-ornaments are prominently shown.
Head, of the, daiva in metallic representation is at the top of the ani. The dancer is in
action.

CONTENTS

FOREWORD - : 0

INTRODUCTION

PREVIEW

ILLUSTRATIONS

■ BIBLIOGRAPHY- v;

ABBREVIATIONS " "•!]}

.Acknowledgement

V CHAPTER ONE -

''DERIVATION OF TU^UVA . ;

CHAPTER TWO .

THE HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF TULU-NADU

, , , CHAPTER THREE ' ' ;

THE ALUPAS AND ALVAKHEDA . . ' : :C

'N.V CHAPTER POUR . f j'.'.— V

POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE. ALUPAS "•=: X U. y.

' *7

„ ' CHAPTER FIVE

THE RULE OF VIJAYANAGARA ' - ivU A

A'/:/.' •; : ‘ 'V' .!.•;/ chapter • six . 7; ;;'X{/ ; /X/X;'Xv

/ PERIOD OF KELADI NAYAKAS. ; 'v^ /

'?• X A ''k ’T A '' ; chapter seven'-- X :V' .•

PERIOD

-XyX/X;’- X/ //v/c / chapter eight .'X : ' •

FEUDATORY STATES OF TULU-NADU : The Bang
Bahgavaiji —the Chauias of Pultige and Mutfabidure
XT-X; Tolahas of Suralu tlic Bhairnrasa-Ocleyas of Karkala

of

the/,':

the

1

ii

iii
xlv

. L
Lxi
Lxiii

1

,XX/;/: : ,/5
A: : ;v : -<18 .

■;S: ' .42

•si*:

56

Studies in Tultiva History and Culture

Ajilas of Punjaliya-rajya — the Savantas of Mulki (Simanturu)
- the Rulers of Kumbale - the Honneya-Kambalis of
Hosangadi - the Nagire Chiefs - the Rulers of Sahgltapura
(Haduvalh) - Domba-Heggade of Vittala - Other Minor
Chiefships.

CHAPTER NINE

ADMINISTRATION : Administrative Divisions of Tulu-nadu -
the Machinery of Administration - Local Administration -
Village Administration - Municipal Administration - Political
Compacts - Administration of Law and Justice — Military
Organization.

CHAPTER TEN

ECONOMIC LIFE : Agriculture - Weights and Measutes -
Load Weights - Coinage - Taxation - Trade and Industry —
Sea-borne Trade.

CHAPTER ELEVEN

SOCIETY AND PEOPLE : The Billavas - the Mogeras - the
Nadavas - the Nayars of Tulu-nadu - Brahminism in
Tulu-nadu - Bath and Tuluva Society - the Nalkes, the
Paravas and the Pambadas - the Male-kudiyas - Surnames
and Titles - the Aliya-santana System.

CHATPER TWELVE

RELIGION : Worship of Gancsa - Worship of Siva - KotEvaia
and the Kajamukha Influence. - Mahalingadeva and Vira-
saiva Influence - the Worship of Panchalihgesvara - Manju-
natha and the Natha-Pantha Influence - Sakti Worship -
the Vaishrtava Cult - die cult of Parasurama - the Surya
Cult - the Cult of Sankara-Narayana - Aiijaneya Figures —
Subrahmanya Cult and Naga Worship — the Worship of
Isasta — Brahma and Brahmastbana — Devil Worship ( Dayiva -
gain; Dayiva-puje ) - The wooden sculptuies of Mekkeka).tu —
the wooden sculptures of Bailuru - Names of Divinities
worshipped in Tulu-nadu according to the chronological
order - Buddhism in Tulu-nadu - Vedanta with special
reference to Madhva’s philosophy. — Devil representations —
a list of principal bhQtai furnished by the late Rev. A. Manner
with additions - Role of Temples in Tulu-nadu - Temples
and Government - Evolution of South Indian Temple Archi-
tecture.

xLiii

Contents

s

• % '

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

1 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE : Need for the study of
architecture in Tulu-na^u - Hindu architecture and scul-
pture — the apsidai, square, rectangular and chcular types -
Lake temples - Cave temples - Hill temples - Shore temples -
Architectural details of the temple. 403

t , CHAPTER FOURTEEN

JAINISM IN TULU-NADU ; Jainism in South Kanara -Jainism
in practice ~ Jainism in Nagire, Bhatakaja and Sangltapura
(North Kanara) - List of basiis and their location - Jaina
architecture and iconography - Jaina basiis -Jaina sculptures
— Tirthaiikaras - Yakshas and Yakshinis - Jaina Tombs -

Manaslambhas. 4-26

APPENDIX

ICONOGRAPHY AND ICONOMETRY i

BHUTALAPANDYA’S KATTU-KATTALEGALU (Text) v xviii

A NOTE ON PRIMARY SOURCES . xxiii

GLOSSARY ... xxvii

A BRIEF REFERENCE xxxi

ERRATA xxxiii

rxr.t

This diagram draw a. .ha performance of ^ ^Tt^'ITZI Z' oZr
of 28 hues ,ap,a.ao»g2f"«‘.'»™jM'“ « ■ _ ^

J^ZThZZ ‘IXr^da,,; Pasha' add Brahm,

o

| KamAtnlal »

O

2 Pur— * ,hina

□

5 \ UvCdfva— «thin»

5 Lraka -<thine

Diagram drawn at Sraddhaprayoga.

ILLUSTRATIONS

GANfigA :

Plates: 1 to 64; 346(a); 361(a); 373; 380(d).

Poses in Ganes'a representation pp. 274 & 275.

Types in proboscis pp. 276 & 277.

SAIVA :

Siva and His various forms

Plates: 65 to 77; 81 to 92; 93(a), ( 6 ) and (c); 94; 95(a) and (d); 96; 331(6);
385(b).

K Siva-lingas :

Plates: 97 to 109; 358(6); 361(6); 298A(6).

Types in Brahma-sutra p. 283
Virabhadra :

Plates: 78, 79, 93(d), 95(6) and (c), 298A (d) and 308A (d).

Ardhanarisvara:

Plates: 80 and 87(a), 33^(6), 300 to 303, 304(a).

Natha-Puntka : Lokesvara: Plates 300 & 301.

Maiijusri: Plate 302(a).

Yogis: Plates 302(6), 303 and 304(a).

£AKTA :

Mahishamardini :

Plates: 113 to 120, 121(a), 123(a), 123(a), 124(a), 124(c), 125(a), 125(6), 126(a),
127(a) and (6), 128(a), 134, 135(a) and (6), 136(a) and (6), 159(a), 165(6),

1 175(a), 293A(c), 386(6) and 307A(d).

MahishasUramardini :

■ Plates: 121(6), 122, 123(6), 124(6), 125(c), 126(a) and (c), 127(c), 128(6), 129 to
133, 135(c), 136(c), 146(6), 168(6), 169(d), 170(a), 174(d).

Sapta-matrikas :

Plates: 138, 139, 141 to 145.

Durga and Her various forms:

Plates: 110, 111, 112, 137, 146(a) and (c), 147 to 153, 154(a) and (6), 159(6),
160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165(a) and (c), 166, 167, 168(a) and (c), 169(a) and
(c), 170(6) and (c), 171, 172, 173, 174, 175(6), (c) and (d), 176, 297A(6)

. 199A(6), 338(6) and (c), 339, 340, 346(c), 387(d), 402(a) and 308A(c).

XLV1

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Sarasvali ( Sarada ) :

Plates: 155 to 158, 168(d). 169(6), 293A(d). 402(6) -worshipped as Kajikamba
Durga in the hhgaform:

Plates: 111(6), 112, 172(6), 161(6), 162, 163(a) and (6), 166(6), 299A(a), 338(c)
339(a).

Durga:

Simhavahim Durga - Plates 110(a), 149(a), 165(c), 338(6).

SxTkhavahim Jayadurga- Plates 160(a), 166(a), 174(a).

Ripumari Durga - Plate 165(a).

Durga as Narayani or PatrAnatii— Plates 164(a) and (6), 148(6) and (c), 172(c).
Simhavahini Varahi Durga - Plate 111(a).

Parvalt — Plates 149(c), 150(c), 153(a), 161(c), 167(6), 168(a).

Gatri -Plates 152(c), 147(6), 339(6).

Gajagami- Plate 146(c).

Lakshmi - Plates 149(6), 160(6), 167(a), 169(a) and 175(c), 402(a) - attributes
are lost, hence identification is not certain.

Gajalakshmi - Plate 1 73 (c) .

Sri and Bhu - Plates 150(6), 147(a).

Ilajarajesvari - Plates 138 and 150(a).

KahkambS - Plates 151, 171(a), 161(a), 159(6).

TriiUlini - Plates 137(6), 173(6) : Perhaps, this happens to be the only Triiulini
temple in Karnataka. Here the mBlaslhana deity is represented in the
form of Insula carved out of stone.

Mukambika - Plates 112 and 152(6).

Kdlyayinl - Plate 152(1).

Chandesvan - Plate 152(2).

Annapurna — Plates 154(a) and (6), 339(c).

VAISHNAVA

Jandrdana: Plates 177 to 191, 241 to 243, 244(6) and (c), 245 to 254, 255(a) and
(6), 256(a) and (6), 298A(a), 401(a) and (6), 305A(a) and 307A(a),

Kesava : Plates 192, 193, 194(c) and (d), 195(6), 259(c), 260(a).

Sridhara: Plates 195(a), 271(a).

Govinda: Plates 200(d), 266(c), 359(a).

VSsttdftra: Plates 195(c), 267(c).

Mdihava: Platts 244(a). This is printed fiom the wrong side of the negative.

Nardyana: Plates 262(a) and 265(a).

tGshnu: Plates 194(a), 201(6), 264(6), 267(6).

Lakshmi-Mrdyana: Plates 195(d), 196, 197, 198, 260(6) and (c), 261, 263(a)
and (6), 264(c).

Garuda-Vahuna : Plates 265(c) and 266(a). 296(c) -wrongly printed as grikara-
murthi,

Anantasdyi: Plates 262(6), 263(e), 264(a).

-lllustratiomd < i 7;'d>U; •• ;:V ; ’^xLyii

Yoga-Narayana : Plates 266(6) , 372 (d), 385 (a), arid 384(6) : 'v7\T ; - >

Srinivasa (Venkatramana)': , Plates 201(a), 203(6), 256(c), 267(a), 268(6). 27l(6)

, •' ‘ 272 (a) and (d). . "k . ' . •' "'a 7 ";,.;’; - 1 A ; ■? ;

Narasimha: Plates 210 to 219,’ and 380(6); Here the deity is adored in the form
tiger. • ' ,• '■ . ri,

Krishna : Plates 220 to 238, 239(a), 255(a) and (6), 401(d), 374(6), (a) and (d)
375(a) and (6) and 307A(6). . -V ; , I" ,

Rama: Plates 270, 269, 268(a), 203(d), 204(e), (6) and (a), 206(6) and 377(a).
269(6) -wrongly printed as. belonging to Nayampalli, This group is
woi shipped in the Raghavendi’a Ma//za, Udupi. 307A(e).

Para-Vasudcva: Plates 207 to 209, 258(a) and (6), 259(6)7 ’

ViRala: Plates 272(a), 203(a) and (a), 384(a) - Bhandarikeri MafKa, Barakuru
Adimurti : Plates 272(6) and 359(a).

Srikaramurti : Plate 205(a).

Hayagriva : Plates 205(b) and (d). . '

Bhu-Varaha: Plates 205(a) and 377(6).

Parasurdma: Plates 376(b), (a) and (d), 202 and 308A(a) arid (6). „ 7

Anjaneya: Plates 239(A), 293 to 295, 296(a), 304A(a), 386(a) and 441 (a);

Garuda: Plate 305(6). .. .. ' . \ ' ) 7 V' .y

Madhvacharya : Plate 240 and page xxxiv. . •' - : ■ V

SAURA: Aditya: Plates 285, to 289. 289(a) is a rare icon of Adilya surrounded by, the
Ashtagrahas. 297(a) is also a rare bronze. ' • ' YYry:'

SUBRAHMAHYA: Plates 273 to 279, 296(6), 289A to 292A, 293A(6) and 293A(a),
295A, 296A (d) and 296A(e), 303A(a) arid 401(a). ,y : -_ »

SAHKARA NARAYAJ)TA : Plates 280 to 284, 293A(a), 294A, 296A(a), 296A(6)d‘
296A(a) and 297A(a). ■ , , ' ' ,.A A

SASTA : Plates 290, 291, 309(6). ' 7 :;A

-BRAHMA: Plates 292, 372(a). - . '• ' Udvy-y-

BUDDHISTIC : Plates 298, 299 and 304(6). 298(a) - Buddha as an aaelar of Vishnu. ;
NAGA : Plates 305(a), 291A(a), 315(a), 315(d) arid 316. 7 ■ VU/ A ."- 1

BI-IOTARADHANA : Plates 300A, 301A, 302A, 303A(a), (b), (a) and (d), 323 to 328, :
- 382(6), 383(a) and (6), 387(a) and, (6).,'.; :

ARCHITECTURE I • /. U

Dvarapalakas : Plates 306 to ,308-and.3,09.\y.«V U.;5; •( :.(■/ ■ , ....

■: . Vahanas: Plates 310 to 314, 315(a), 329(6), 369(b) and 360(6).

Apsidal temples': Plates 329(a) and (a) , 330, 331 (a) : and (a) , 343(d),: 37 : l (a) 'arid (b)y- :
, .. ' ' 389, 390, 391, 392 and 394(a). " (d d 7'd '•) 7" UyTCyy J

:■ •> . ; Circular temples : . Plates 332, 333 (6), (a) and .(d), : >370 (a) and

A ' , . Rectangular and square temples :,\P\^& 333(a)' i 33Ay:33ty336 3 ;33B(d)( : 34i'(6)’f;(a)';andr:
' (d) , 342(a) and (6) , 443(a) , (b) and - (cj, : 344 (a) and (a), 349(a) and V (a),

fi 358(6) and (a),. 361(a), . 369(a), 370(6), 374(a), 375(a)7and : (d),:' 376(a), .

>d„ : .. ; : 7 385(a), 386(a), 393(a), 394(a) and (6)7398(a) and 399(a). 7 ■;A7U:7:v. 2

.Lviii Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Lake temples: Plates 342(f), 346 (d), 363(a), 369(c) and 393(c).

Ancient temples with thatched roofs : Plates 348, 350, 351(a), 370(c) and 393(f).
Wooden screens c Plate 386(c).

Hill temples: Plates 329(a), 342(a), 345(f), 379 (d) and 370(d).

Ca.e temples: Plates 347, 395(f), 399A (c) and 399 AW).

Temples With uimana on the garbha-gnha: Plates 345, 352, 357(d), 359(d), 360(a),
395(a), 396(a) and 397.

Shore temples: Plates 356, 357. 371(f) and (c).

Pradhana-balipifha: Plates 321 and 356(a).

Balustrades (ratlings): Plates 319, 320(a), 357(c), 367 & 368 & 372(a) page 417.
Circular structures of the Natha-Pantha : Plate 285(a).

Tirtha-diara : Plates 320(f) and (c).

Wooden chariots. Plates 317(f), and 318(f).

Lamp-pillar : Plate 317(a).

Pillars: Plates 304A(c), 354, 355(a), 360(c) and 427(a).

Inscribed sampula: Plate 306A
HERO-STONES : Plates 362, 359(f), and 294A(o).

RITUALISTIC :

Relief panels: Plates 337(c), 365(d), 366(c), 377(f), 388(a) and 400
Takshagana : Pages xxxviii & xxxix.

Kampala: Plates 384(a) Kandil ceremony: 383(c)

Dakke-bah: Plate 388(d) Feeding of monkeys: Plate 322(a),

Pachada: Plate 388(c).

Relief panel of human sacrifice: Plate 388(f).

Offering of votive figures: Plate 382(a).

Ranga-puja: Plate 297 A(c). Naga-mandala: Page xxx and page xxxv.
GROUND-PLANS OF TEMPLES : Plate 402(c), 403 to 408.

EVOLUTION OF SOUTH INDIAN ARCHITECTURE: Pp. 400-401.

MAPS : Plates I to III.

INSCRIPTIONS : Plates VI to XII XIII and page 452.

TANTRIC FORM OF DURGA WORSHIP . Plate - XV.

ALUPA COINS : Plate - XVI.

TOWN-PLANS: Barakuru p. 172, Mudabidure p 177, Mangaluru p 178
ICONOGRAPHY AND ICONOMETRY : Appendix pp. i to xvi.

JAINA :

Tirlhankaras in the kdyotsarga pose

Plates: 409, 411, 412, 415(c), 416, 417, 418, 420, 422(a), 424(f), 425(c), 427(f),
431(a), (f) and (c), 430(f), 432(f), 435(f), 439, 440(a), 442(c), 443(a),
446(a) and (f), 447(c) and 448
Tirlhaiikaras m the paryankdsana pose:

Plates: 410(a), 413, 414, 423, 424(a), 432(c), 435(a) and (c), 438(a), 445(a),
(f) and (d).

Paimaval Plates 418(c), 419(a), 429 and 4 id.

Illustrations

XL1X

'Sarasvali: Plates 415(a), 419(6) and (c).

Jvalamalini: Plates 410(6) and 421 (a).

Shyama- Taksha : Plate 410(c).

Brahma: Plates 422(6), 437(a) and (c), 438(6) and (d).

Sarvdnya-Taksha : Plate 437(6) and 447(6) (Bronze).

Bahubali: Plates 415(6) (Bronze); 421(6), 422(a) (Bronze); 431(c) (Bronze)
443 (d).

Basadis: Plates 426, 431'(rf), 434 and 445(c).

Pillars: Plates 427(a).

Ground-plans: Plates 436 and 441(a) and page 444.

Manastambhas: Plates 424(c), 441(6), 332(6).

Tombs: Plate 425(6) and (c).

Sahasrakuta : Plate 432 (a) .

Nandisvara : Plate 443 (c) .

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a

»

Aigal, Ganapati Rao

»

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Lii

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„ Karmadada A'cle (Published by Samara Pustakalaya)

(Kannadal

Journal of the Numismatic Society of India (1965 Vol. XXVII Part I)

The Alupa Coins - Article by M. M. Prabhu
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of India (New Series) (From 1865)

Kadali Mahjunatha Mahatmyam (Published by Sri Sivaygoi Bhutela Nathaji Mantri)

(Sanskrit with translation in Kannada)

Article published in Prakaiim, Udipi, October, 1966
Tuluva in Vijayanagara Tunes (Ph.d. Thesis, Type-script)
Sahavasigaru Kaslimira Desada Brahmanaru (Published in
June 1941 in the Kannada Sahitya Patrike, Vol. XXVI,
Issue No. 1) (Kannada)

Karna\aka Lakula Sahara Itihasa (Kannada Research
Institute, Dharwar, 1955) (Kannada)

Karnataka Paintings - Mysore Unbersity (1973)

-Janapada Gilegalu; Takshagana Bayalala
-Kasargod, the land of Gods (Published in the Ananta-

Vijaya Souvenir, 1973).

(Kannada Research Office, Dharwar, from 1941)
Dakshina Kamadada Itihasa (Tuluva Charite) (Published
by the Author Kcshava Krishna Kuduva, Karkala, Lalbag
Mangalore, 1948) (Kannada)

Kamath, Suryanath
Kapatarala Krishna Raya

Ramtha Sivarama

Kukkilaya B. S.

Karnataka Inscr ip lions
Keshava Krishna Kudva, K.

Ktjait Nripa-vijaya

Linganna

Ur-'/Av; ; Biblibprhbhv ■

Killc Indira (Smt.) • •;•

);Kittcl, F. / : ^ ! :•

Kuduva, V. M. ;•
dlaw, N., L. :• '

■ Madhupura

Llll

Drachma Tulu-nadu (Original by Sheenappa Hegde maitu

Narayana .Kille s Mangalore, 1954) .

_Kannada-English Dictionary

(Mangalore B .M.B . & T. Depository, 1894) _ -

History of Dakshinatya Saraswais ( 1 972)

■ Geographical Dictionary of Ancient India -
Venkatakrishnayya, K. (Gita Prakasana, Kasargod, .
South Kanara, .1962) (Kannada)

I Madras District Manuals South Kanara ~Vol. I - Compiled by J. Sturrock

(Printed by' the Superintendent, Govt. Press, 1894) .

Madras District Manuals. South Kaiiara- Vol, II - Stuart (Printed at the Govt. Press, 1985)
Manner, A. Tulu-English Dictionary (Mangalore - Printed at the Basel

\V*'v •• ,/ Mission . PresSj 1886).."'

Manual of the Administration of ihe Madras Presidency, Vols. I , II arid III

.. ' .■ (Printed by E. Keya, at the Govt. Press, 1885)

Mahalingam, T. V. South Indian Polity (Madras University, 1955)

d Administrative and Social Life of the Vijayanagar Empire

; ■ • ■ . ■ • (Madras University)

Mangalore (A Souvenir published by the G.I. & B.S. Ltd., Mangalore)

Manner, A.. Tulu Pad-danolu (1886)

Moraes, G. M. . Kadamba Kula { Bombay, 1931)

Nanjuridiah ' Castes and Tribes of Mysore

'' Naihar, Muhammad Huayan S. - Arab Geographer's Knowledge of Southern India .. ;) •

(Madras University, Islamic Series, No. 6) , :

. (Part I), Chapters I to IX (Edited by Dr. R. Shama
Sastry -published by the University of Mysorey Oriental.
Library Publications Kannada Series, No. ‘14 •(1924) '/)>

..... . ' • . ' -'.'.’(Kannada);.

(Part II) , . Chapters X to XIV (Edited by Dr, R. Shama
Sastry, Published by the University of Mysore, ; .Oriental
Library Publications Kannada SmfeSi.--Np.r- Jt 6y“ ; l'926) .)%'■*»' ;
■ ) y , . .■ . .• f \ < : )•••,’ A) (Karinhda)'ik

(Karnataka Publishing House, Boidbayr .1946 ) SpfppfyVfd
Kaviraja-marga .' ,. ; V v •'"(Karmada)"'

Hdigap Halve (Published in the Kannada Brother hood;
•V Journal,. 1941) .■■■■■ pff

Mulkiyannu Kuritu (Published in’ the High School,)

■’) Magazine,. Mulki); ) ; ) ) : b) )), U)))y (Kannada)

Miiru (Published by the Kannada Research

■?. InstitplfejrUhhrv^^

; : : . Ptolemy's. Hippokoura - artide,:- prihlished 'Vixidlndica,-; the )
tji'C'i’-': Indian Historical Research Institute, Silver Jubilee Com-;

t ■; ) 'y yi'Tnemoration .Voh5me; Bomhav:' V95^V. r' - )' : ;-i:' : : ; ^ U; V;

.! jVayasena Dharmamrita

f jf ayasena Dharmamrita

jYfiw Indian Antiquary
Nripatunga •; )• • .) ;
) Pai . Govinda ..N/-’. •*

L1V

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Pahchakajjaya
Panditacharya Narayana

Pargiter, F. E.

Pillai, K. K.

Prapancha-hridaya
Puttaswamy, D.

Sitharamayya, V. and Sivarama Karanth, K. S. - Sri
Panjeyavara Nenapigagi (Published by the Harsha Mudrana
Prakasanalaya, Puttur, South Kanara, 1952) (Kannada)
Venur and It’s Colossus (Published in Antarahga, Udupi,
1939)

Venurina Sila Sasanagalu (Maruthi Press, Karkala, 1928)

(Kannada)

Vijaya Nagarada Tuluva Athava Tuluvaru Variisa (Kannada)
(13th Karnataka Sahitya Sammelana, Mangalore, 1927)

(Kannada)

Sumadhva-vijaya (Edited by Srinivasa Ehat, Vidwan, 1932)
Sri Sumadhya Vijayastha Bhdvaprakasila (Sanskrit)

Ancient Indian - Historical Tradition
(London - O.U .P. Humphrey Milford, 1922)

Dakshina Bharatada Itihasa (Prachma Yuga)

(Published by Pari mala Sahitya, Bangalore, 1957)

(Kannada)

(Trivandrum Sanskrit Series No. 45) (Sanskrit)

Karakalada Charilre (Kannada)

„ Miidabidarcya Charilre (Kannada)

Quarterly Journals of the Mythic Society

Ramcsh, K. V. A History of South Kanara (1970), Karnataka University,

Dharwar; Tulti-nadina Itihasa (1969).

, Chenna Bhairadevi Amina (Article published in

Bhavyaoaui, May, 1963) (Kannada)

, Vijayanagarada Kalada Tulu-nadu (Reprint) (Kannada)

» The Tulu Language: A Historical Survey (Reprinted from the

Karnataka Number of the Quarterly Journal of the
Mythic Society, Bangalore-2)

India’s Legacy — The World’s Heritage
(Published by B.M.B. Depot, Mangalore, 1948)

A Treatise on Aliya-santana Law and Usage
(Printed at the ICodialbail Press, Mangalore, 1898)

Rao, Laxminarayana Nelamangala

and Panchamukhi R. S. Kamajakada Arasu Manclanagalu (Kannada)

Elements of Hindu Iconography

Bharatesa-Vaibhava (Published by Vivckabhyudaya Karya-
laya, Birabhavana, Mangalore, 3, 1961) (Kannada)
Ancient Karnataka - History of Tuluva (Poona Oriental
Agency, 1936)

Social and Political Life in the Vijayanagara Empire - Vols. 1 &
II (Madras: B. G. Paul & Co., Publishers, 12, Francis
Street, 1934)

Ranganatha Poonja P. R.
Rao, Krishna Gangolly

Rao, Gopinatha T. A.
Ratnakaravarni

Salctore, B. A.

r

Bibliography

>3

Samaipane

Saradd-tilaka
Sastri, K. A. N.
Sivatattva-ratnakara
Venlcatranianayya, N.

Sastri Krishna M.

Sastri Lokanatha, V.

Sastri, Srikanta S.
Sathyamithra Banger a

Seshadri, M.

Sewell, R.

v

Sharma, Srinivasa K.,
Bhat Sediyapu Krishna,
Narayan, P. K., and
Rai Kaiyyar Kinhanna

Siddapparadhya, T. G.
Silva, S.

Seenappa Hegde

Sharma Krishnamurti B

Singh, Mohan
Sircar, D. C.

Sivaramamurti, G.

■'-i

Srinivasan, P. R.

Sukla, Dwijendranath

Lv

Sthanikas and Their Historial Importance

(Published by the Saraswati Printing Works, Mangalore)

(Kannada)

(Sanskrit)

Development of Religion in South India (1965)

Further Sources of Vijayanagar History , Vols. I & II
(M.U.H. Series, No. 18, 1946)

South Indian Images of Gods and Goddesses
(Madras Government Press, 1916)

Mudabidreya Chantre (Published by VIravani Vilasa, Jaina
Siddhanta Bhavan, 1937) (Kannada)

Bharatiya Samsbili (Mysore University, 1954) (Kannada)
Aliyasantanada Guttu (Tuluva Sahitya Male, 1930)

(Language - Tulu. Script - Kannada)
Mahishasuramardini (Half-Yearly Journal of the Mysore
University, Section 'A 5 (Art), 1963)

Lists of the Antiquarian Remains in the Presidency of Madras,
Vols I & II (Printed by E. Keys at the Government Press,
Madras, 1882)

Tenha-nddu (31st Kannada Sahitya Sammelan, Kasaragod,
South Kanara (1947) (Kannada)

Shatsthala Siddhanta (Mysore University) (Kannada)

Mangalore (Kanara Publications, Ahkola, 1956)

History of Christianity in Kanaia , Vol. I

Dakshina Kannada Jilleya Charitrc Maftu Bhiitala-Pandya-

Rayana Aliyakaltu (Sharada Press, Mangalore, 1915)

" (Kannada)

. N. Introduction Sri Sumadhva-vijaya, published by
M. Narayanacharya (1961).

Goiakhandth and Medieval Hindu Mysticism (1937)

Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India (Office
of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund)
South Indian Bionzes (Lalit Kala Academi, (India) .1963)

(Sanskrit)

Bronzes of South India

(Bulletin of the Madras Government Museum, 1963)
Pratima Vijnana (Indian Iconography - Brahmana, Buddha
and Jaina) (Lucknow Visva Vidyalaya, Lucknow)

(Sans.x/ t

Lvi

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Sundara A Ondu Apurva Saplamatnkeya 1 tgraha Karnataka Bhdrati-

Samputa 3 Karnataka University, Dharwar.

Tamil-Lexicon (University of Madras)

Temples of South India (Publication Division, Ministry of Information & Broad-

casting, Government of India, I960)

The Poona Orientalist, Vol. I (1936-’37)

The Travancore State Manual, Vol. I

Thurston, E. Castes & Tubes of Southern India, Vol. I oVIII.

Transactions of the Archaeological Society of South India (Madras 1955— 56)

Udupi Mahdlmaya (Published and printed by Proprietor, H. Ramayya,

Bangalore 1898) (Sanskrit)

Vodeyar, Mummadi
Krishnaraja

Vadiraja-swami

Wilks

William Logan
Williams, Monier & Monier

Sri Talca-nidhi (Sri Ki ishnadasaV ehkateivara Steam Press,
Bombay, 1901) (Sanskrit)

Tirtha Prabandha (Sode Mutt, Udupi) (Sanskrit)

Historical Sketches of South India (Mysore, 19301
Malabar, Vol. I (Madras: Printed by R. Hill at the Govt.
Press, 1887)

Sanskrit-English Dictionary (O.D-R)

Qrahnrtrmm and Pnnimsm (Y ourth Rddritm)

Dr. BHATT’S SERIES

1. Tulu-nadu:

(The Bhavyacani Publication, 1963) —
Kannada.

2. Tulu-nadma Ilihasadalli S'thSnikaru
(Published by the Sthanika Brahmana
Sangha, Udupi, 1966) - Kannada.

3. Ambalapadiya Ilihasa:

(Published by the Janardana-Mahakali
Temple, Ambalapadi, Udupi, 1967) -
Kannada.

4 Antiquities of South Kanara:
(Published by the author himself, 1969) .

5. Mandarliya Samikshe :

(Published by the Executive Officer of
the Durgaparamesvarl Temple,
Mandarti, 1971) — Kannada.

6 . Ilihasa :

(Edited work, 1971) - Kannada.

7. Dakshina Kannadada Tultaaru Tuluva
Samshritiyu :

( IBH Praha! ana, Bangalore, 1972) -
Kannada.

8. Udupiy a Ilihasa:

( IBH Prakdsana, Bangalore, 1972) -
Kannada.

9. Bar alum:

( IBH Prakasana, Bangalore, 1972) -
Kannada.

10. Kadre Sri'Maitjunatha Deidlaya:
(Published by the Manager, Sri Maiiju-
natha Temple, Kadre, Mangalore,
1974) - Kannada.

11. Studies in Tuluia History and Culture.

(1975).

re

LVJI:

V v X ; SELECT ARTICLES Jaina High /.School, vMobdbidri; 1971

vU- •• "'CfC : ^ -VrlpfsfifV'f '. .'The Historic, Subrdhamanya Temple of.

A Bird’s-Eye iCew tffTilukidddf A if

{. *Mifnorfit C nllp.at. uMaahphie. KftllinrmVir . •. " •n-Jr -i- v*'>"n'v ' -/ v ; .e’~r-;

A Bird’s Eye View ofTulu-nddu:,

*MUagres, College,, ; Magazine, ... Kaliianpur ,

' i-96k - • , ': . i’y-s 1

Antiquities of South Kanara: fa yf,

Milagres College Magazine, Xallianpur,

, ,1969. ' ‘ :>/••; -;

A study of the Architecture and Sculpture, of
Tribhuvana-tilaka-Ghudamain: A : .i

' cal Research , Manasagangotri, .1969 and
M. {?. M. College, Magazine, .••'Udupi ,
1969.' • f'ffffjT

Temples of Udupi •/, y '•";•< .
Akhila Bharat a Madhva Maha Maiidal
Souvenir, Udupi, 1969. v ; •

Antiquity of TJdupi: •'.'..

ICadand ale, 1971. CrffC ff
: A 'Monograph on the Manjundthesvara Temple,

’l CKadreP-MdhgdloreA;.'f lfC'.ffff:A:ff

. . hj:.. Stima, iBHaratiya; Samskriti .'^yidyap.Itiiaj-,. : .V^;

, ,t : Milagres High School Magazine, Kallian - if

; pur, K 1971;v;'-^ v

y The Influence ofHoysala Style of Architecture : f:
on South 'Kdnaraff'iff-f'yfghyf gftffiC

, ■ , The Hoysala Dynasty,- Ed. Dr. B. Sheikh yf
■ •’ y Ali, Piasarafiga, University of Mysore,

/' . ; AB72fp ■■f fi [ tf

Pajaka-kshelrd-a grealSpirilualiCenlre:f:fi.

AdamdniParydyam Souvenir, :-Udupij4I9.72;'-t Sf-
Manipal, 1970. ■ ' ■ ' v ' f

Maitjtmalha and the Ml, a Panthe Influence. . ' TffAAff,,

. - „ ., ~ . ... Published in the -Souvenir BrbugBt . out

in South Kanara: , ?y 1

_ ~ .■ ;. a it - i -• o -■ in- 'rnrm'prftrvn •"wntn • -thh- A1 1-1 nnia- 5 Pn'ar-*

Smarane, Jogi Samaja Sudharaka Samaja,

Mangalore, 1970.: ,

Types in Mahishamdrdini in South Kanara:

Milagres College Magazine, ,Kallianpurj
1970.' ■' r-vl -'V^y ; 'l"" ‘

Sencsvara Temple, Baindhrti : ‘ . v. -\yf . ;

' Dr. , P. B. Desai Felicitation : Volume, ;

Karnataka University, Dliarwar, 1971.

t-, „ . y a ■ A I-, 7 r -’": • '! '.I-.-; Brahmana ' Souvenir & Manipal- Record.;:'- ; -

The Economic and Social conditions of BVi-HC

South Kanara: fff. • V---;-

Souvenir brought out by. the South yy' Bdrakuruy{BarA:anuru,; BdrdkanydptAcf ~ : f]:y\y
. ... Kanara Gltib,,iN6'W, Delhi, 1.97 1 %h f-a fjVif’d fhcHistoric city '6fJ5dfakwubffpulu-m

An Insight. into the Hoysala

Architecture - v '.- ' , 'If ' - • 7 .. £ ".f f-iff' National Higher Secondary' Schc

ihapeutical Gdnf<^ence>.Mamp^

KdiitesvdraVApenirecfAnBentCulttirghrgi^gfyg

Journal' xf iihefAIysorei, University : fNew .fy.;
Series) . Section A-Arts, September,; i r- U v

' ^ ?.}fC ;f l : i; ■ if'/h . ' y |i* ?/ ff' South Kanara : ...i- •

AniiquityoffainismihTulu-nddxt: ''yfi'-ff-
-.Published mAcSilver'fubileeSouveUirf'

1 "'.Bangalore : .'(-l973);A-- : \ - :

Lviii

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

The 'Firsts’ in Karnataka:

Magazine Vol. IX (1972— ’73), The
South Kanara Students’ Assn, Mysore.
The Hanjamanas :

M.G.M. College Magazine, (1966). Udupi.

A History of the Academy of General
Education, Manipal:

Dr. T. M. A. Pai Commomeralion Volume
(1969).

Transformation of the stick into churning rod:
Udupi Law College Magazine (1971),

Udupi.

Sculptures from Barakuru- Srikanthika,
Mysore.

Portuguese sculptures from Milagres Church,
Kalhanpur - Milagres College Magazine,
(1969), Kallianpur.

Tulu-nadu: (Illustrated) Bharatiya Vidya
Bhavana (Magnalore Kendra) 1971.
Udupi ( Tradition , Antiquity, History and
Culture) :

Vivekananda Kendra Patrika-Pilgrimage
Centres of India (1974).

IN KANNADA

Dakshina Kamadadalli Devataradhane :

Visva Hindu Parishad Smnti Sampufa -
Udupi (1969).

Balakuduru Malhada Samkshipla Ilihdsa;

Prakasa Svatantryahka (1969), Udupi.
Tulunadina Upasana Paddhatiyalli
Vaisishlyagalu :

Prakasa Prajaprabhutvahka (1969);
Souvenir, South Kanara Students’
Association, Mysore, Vol. V (1969).
Dakshina Kannadada Sitpa Vaisishpya:

Yugapumsha Rajalotsavahka (1971).
Dakshina Kannadada Ganesa Bimbagalu:
Manavika Karnataka, Sampufa 1,

Sahchike 2, Mysore ViSvavidyanilaya.
(1971).

Udupiyalli Vdsudcva Panlha:

Yugapurusha Dasara V {Ushanka (1972).

Dakshina Kamadadalli Saradopasane :

Ullala pfavaratri £ri &drada Sarvajanika
Utsava Rajaiotsava Smarana Sahchike, 1972-
& Guru-KripaMandali,Manipura, S.K.

(1972).

Alupa Tamra Sasana:

Mavayuga, Chinnada Habbaia Sariiputa
(1972), Udupi.

Pajaka-ICshetra :

Yugapurusha, Parydyahka (1972), Udupi.
Dvibahu Ganapati Bimbagalu:

Sri Ganesotsava Samarambhada Smarana
Sahchike, Ganguh, South Kanara (1973).
Devata Bimbagalu:

Rdyabhari, Svatantryahka 1973).
Mudabidureya Eradujaina Silpagalu:
Manavika Karnataka, Sampufa 3,
sahchike 4 (1973).

Polaliya Muru Pahchaldhada Bimbagalu:
Yugapurusha, Dasara-Dipavali Varshika
Viseshanka (1973).

Dakshina Kannada Jilley a Aitihasika Hinnele:
Smarana Sahchike, South Kanata Assn.
Bangalore (1973).

Bidureya Devi:

Rajala Samarambha Smarana Sanchike,
Samaja Mandira Sabha, Mudabidure
(1973).

Polali Rdjarajesvari Dcvalada Vaishishtya:

Sri Guruvani, Mangalore (1974).
Basaruru ( Basare-paljana ) :

Dasamanotsava Smarana Sahchike (1974),
Ha]e Vidyarthi Sangha, Sarakari
Praudha Sale, Basruru.

Sambu-kallu Sri Virabhadra Dcvalaya:
Samskriti, Souvenii, Udyavara, Udupi,
South Kanaia (1974).

Murli Silpa:

Navayuga, Dipavali Viseshanka (1974).
Kunjarina Ilihasa:

Sadhane, Behgdjuru Vi s va V id y .in ila V a ,
Bangaloie (1972).

Bibliography

Udupiya Saklydl ay again : ,

Souvenir issued by the Putturu Durga-
devi Temple, Putturu, Udupi (1971).

Kadicya Pahchalohada Murligalu:

Smarane, Souvenir, Mangalore (1971).

Kannadada Meleyalli Mahishamardini :
Prajamata, Bangalore (26-9-1971).

Udayapura Matfu Sri Ganapati Devalaya:
Bhavyavanu Udupi (February, 1971).

Dakshina Kannadada Devalayagala
Kirn Parichaya:

Glimpses of South Kanaia (1971), Udupi.

Tulunadina Itihasadalli
Prasidha Sthala Miidabidure :

Kannada Pi abha (9-6-1971).

Visishta Murtigalulla
Mamma Jilleya Devalayagala:

Issued by Sri Kadandale Krishna Bhat
on 8-4-1971.

Karbala Matlu Miidabidmeya
Aitihasika Hinnele :

Dibbaila ( Dakshina Kannada Jilla Sahitya
Sammelanada Viseshahka, 1971).

Aitihasika Mahatvada
Kadiyali Sri Mahishamardini:

Published by the temple Trustee (1971).

Alupara Kdlada Ghinnada Manya
(. Pandya-gadyana ) :

Kannada Pi abha (19-9-1971).

Bhatakaladalli Piaktana Vikshanc :
Bhavayvani, Udupi (August, 1971).

Dakshina Kannadada Servegdi aru :

Prabuddha Karnataka (December, 1970).

Dakshina Kannadadalli Sii Krishnaradhanc :
, Udayavani (22-8-1970).

Barakurina Panchalingesoara Devalaya :
Prakashd , Svatantrydhka (1970).

Sivalliya Samkshipta Itihasa: '■

Udupi Taluk Board Special Issue (1969)

L1X

Kukke-Subrahmanya :

Sri Bdbbu Svami Temple Inauguration
Souvenir, Putturu, Udupi (1969).

Tulu Bhdshe Matlu Sahitya :

Rajatamahotsava Sahchike, Jilla Hindi
Prachara Samiti, Tumkur (1969).

Kaikalada Samkshipta Itihasa:

Bhuvancndra College Magazine (1969).

Dakshina Kannadada Kelavu Sreshlha
Muitigalu:

Prakasa Svatantryotsava Visesha Sahchikcs
Udupi (1968).

Somandthcsvara Devalaya:

Uchil Bovis ’ Hr. Ele. School Golden
Jubilee Souvenir (1968).

Malpcyinda Manipalakke :

M. G. M. College Magazine, 1966.

Mahgalurina Itihasa :

Kaladarasana , Kadre, Mangalore
(1971).

Kalyanapurada Dakke-bali :

Sudha, Bangalore (2-5-1971).

Bidarada Agrahara Anantapadmanabha Matlu
Kdrkalada Anantapadmanabha :

Souvenir, N. G. O’s House, Puttur,
South ICanara (1971).

Vaishnava Dharmada Kendra Udupi:
Karmaviia, Hubli (January 16, 1972). -

Polaliya Sri Rdjatdjesvari Devalaya:
Kaunavira, Hubli (July 1, 1973).

Karnatakakke Bhiishanapt dya Karanje :
Tatrika, Dipavali Sahchike , Bangalore
(1972).

Vadabhdndesvara :

Tatrika, DipaVali Sahchike, Bangalore
(1973).

Dakshina Kannada Jilleya
Kukke-Subrahmanya :

Sudha, Bangalore (Sept. 24, 1972).
Vaishnava Maiada Loha Samputa : 1
1 Prajamata, Bangalore (May 16, 1971) J

LX

Studies i» Tuluva History and Culture

Belmannu £ri Durgaparamesvan Dcvalaya:
Published by the Managing Trustee
(1973).

Dakshina Kannadadalli Saktydrddhane :

Udupi Darsana, Vani Prak^ana (1971).
Tulunadina Itihasa:

Sadhanc, Samputa 2, Sanchifa 4, Benga-
Uun& Bangalore.

Ed'galu Heluva Tulunada Kate:

Navayuga, Udupi (16-8-1962).

Udupi) alii Ganesaradhane :

Rayabhari Viseshdhka, Udupi (1966).
Tulunadinalli SLandaradhane :

Bhavyavani (December, 1966).

Tulu-nSdu - Turu-nadu:

Special Issue of the Progressive Techni-
cal Institute, Udupi (1963).

Malpeyinda Mahgalurige :

Navayuga, Svatantrya Saiichike (1967).

Tulunadina Devalayagala Samkshipta
Parichaya:

Navayuga (February, 1966).

Kimdapura Talukina Silpa Vaisishlya:
Published in the Souvenir issued by the
N. G. O. Associationu, Goandapur(1970)

Udupiya Devalayagalu:

Manavika Karnataka, Mysore ( Samputa 3
Saiichike 2).

Alupara Kelavu Nanyagalu:

Manavika Karnataka, Mysore - Samputa 2
Saiichike 3.

Dakshina Kannadada Ganapati Sitpa :
Mahgaluru Ganesotsava Silver Jubilee
Special, Mangalore (1973).

A.R.

: s.i.i.

'■ ’ '■ ■■■; a b b R E'^TiA^T^

— Annua] Report of;Indian Epigraphy
~ South Indian ;Liscri]>tion Series
E P- Car . . ==: ^ ,Epigrajfliia|<^^

Ep.. hid. . .Epig^apliia ; 'Iixdi6a^v^-Vl:^^ • •}' ••

'J R f S ■ = Journal of the Royal Asiatic'^ cty

hl - =•, / Rarnatak Inscriptions ; if f fif:.

Dynasties of the ;■

Kanarese Districts = Bombay Gazetteer Vol.?!, Part

Itihasa .. — Dakshina Kannada Jilleya Prdchhia Iiihasaffif'

History of Tuluva = Ancient Rarna^^j'^^

SYSTEM ; OF . TRANSLITERATION

w » 3TT
9 j 3, .

23, 5P
*?V o= r
3s, ;§•

= <Z

= n
= /i

= df

sr — s

.£ .

M,

■0

St

f .•; — f,

^fr-=ff;
zffft ' i:
■fff'dii
w a: = ><r/>

/,?; • AC,

v>S' : iti,:'

fffpf.

V '^ v ; ; ii-'V

3>

3fr

■ w

V%A-

K

ST :

Dravidian palatal alveolar ,n — n-.

Dravidian palatal alveolar r'— r 1 ’- 1 f£K' (

T^rQtnrli ori l ' : 7i ■ * i . ’ -Y \ ' *- •<!. -v. .'-‘’-v -• A' •>

Dravidian cerebral 1 retroflex = /
amt soar a — rh

-S’- (S; v .

acknowledgement; :,.W ••

; It has been really very kind of Sri M. N. Dcshpande, Director-
General of Archaeology, Government of India to have given the Foreword
. to this Volume.' I assure him that I shall continue to work upon the f
h . theme in furtherance of knowledge and I am extremely thankful to himy
for his act of generosity, I owe a debt of gratitude to nSn S. R. Rao,. \
ft Superintending Archaeologist, Western Circle, < Aurangabad for 1 the
-introduction he has. given to this Volume. In the prepaihtion of fhisv.,0
hi- Volume, I have very greatly benefited by my consultation with "the foBoW-W
• ing personalities : Dr. G. S . Gai, Chief Epigraphist, Government of India;;’? f
:d; Mysore; Dr. A. Sundara, Reader, Karii ataka University, Dhar war ; i
yv Dr. K. V. Rarnesh, Superintendent of Epigraphy, Office of the Chief
:/ Epigraphist, Government of India, Mysore; M. M. Prabhu, Mangalore;.

Dr. T. S. Rajagopal, Reader, Milagres College, Kallianpur; M. Jayarama i
: ' Sharma, Office of the Chief Epigraphist, Mysore; Dr. U. S. Kamath,

V Department of History, Bangalore University, Bangalore ^iVidwan :: £ri %
% Venkatrayacharya and Sri Amrita Someshvara. I express my gratitude it
to all of them, for, their • goodness in giving' me timely ^ tkaggestiohs.-

y;V. _ My thanks are also due to the Vice-Chancellor of the University of . A
Mysore, Prof. D. Javare Gowda, who has always been taking keen interest ; ;

. iDr. A. Sundara ; Dr. A. Srinivasa Ritti;; Dr. U. S. Kamath; MJ.M.t ^
Prabhu ;. Principal K. S. Haridas Bhat and Bannanje Goviiidacharya ;
! . for their kindness in expressing their opinions on the;,contcnt and.treatnientb
of the subject in this Volume. ‘ f Vf/. i'V r-jyuJyjyy f ^

f . It is my duty to thank all the temple priests and managements for
v; their willing co-operation extended to me in undertaking the survey work.;
y . Should this Volume serve the purpose fqm is written; I she ’ ’

b be thankful., y W t t - V'SA b ; W.ffyxV Vo U

LX1V

Studies in Tuhva History and Culture

My thanks are also due to H. H. Parijnana Svamiji of the Chitrapurn
Matha, Sirali and Piincipal K. S. Haridas Bhat, Director, Sri M. Govinda
Pai Research Centre, Mahatma Gandhi Memorial College, Udupi for
then kindness m permitting me to take photographs of sculptures from
their museums. I am personally indebted to Sri Irodi Radhalaishna Pai,
Udupi who has allowed me to make use of Iris personal collection on
bionzes in this treatise. I should also thank Dr. G. S. Gai, Chief
Epigraphist, Government of India, Mysore for supplying me three photo-
graphs of epigraphs for use in this Volume. Like-wise, the Chief Editor
of the Karnataka Gazetteers and the Anantapura Jimodhara Samiii ’,
Anantapura have given me a few blocks for use. I am also thankful
to them. My sometime colleague, Sri Devakumar Jain of the Jain High
School, Moodbidri, has been of much assistance to me in sui veying the
Jama monuments there. It is my duty to express my thanks to him.
I am thankful to the University of Mysore for permitting me to make use
of the theme of my Ph D. Thesis. My thanks are also due to the vaiious
aut ioi s o t ic soui ce books I have referred to at different stages, in particular,
uaratna Murti, whose South Indian Bronzes has been the basis for
Iconography and Iconometry in this Volume.

I Have great pleasure in dedicating this Volume to the respectful
memory of late Sri M. Ganapathi Rao Algal who deservedly Is called
the father of the history of Tulu-nadu. I thank his sons, Sri Venkat Rao

Manjeshwara and Sri M. Ramdas for permitting me to dedicate this work
to their beloved father.

the 1 ° We a debt ° f gratitudc to M/s. Manipal Power Press for

e S P t, lntlng ? r f0r thC extra -° rdina ry pains they have taken
Sarvasri T M ^ n 1 mUSt P artlLularl >' be grateful to the Partners
ld\h f" a u and T - Sati5h U ' Pai who have inseparably
v“to^r Tl S and Wkh0ut ^ co-operation the

SHbZI^ Vr SeCn thC hght ° f the 1 *°uld also thank
mJ. iZSffi-T [anager ’ fo ; Particular care he has taken in print-
in' Ramakrishna 1 rf ^ lf 1 d ° n,t express m >' heartfelt tlianks to

in B P tw , I ^ Wh ° haS dcsigned Uie ^ver page and

in photography. Mv col Ip-, ^ ^ ^ udio for tbc S reat help given me

than one. And I extend to CCn helpful t0 me in mor e ways

1 Cxtend to tbcrn my heartful thanks.

• J n dedication to die sweet memory of .
Late Sri M. Ganapati Rao, Aigal ( 188 l—I 944 )

the father of
eminent

l the

• v „ the History, of. South : Kanara ;-, and an
educationist whose

se original •. contribution to V

the;.’ *v\

understanding of the history and: .^culture of
X;.*.' ;;'Tuluvas is imperishable . X

LX1V

Studies in Tiiltma History and Culture

My thanks ai e also due to H. H. Parijnana Svamiji of the Ghitrapura
Madia , Sirali and Principal K S. Haridas Bhat, Director, Sri M. Govinda
Pai Research Centre, Mahatma Gandhi Memorial College, Udupi for
thei r kindness in permitting me to take photographs of sculptures from
their museums. I am personally indebted to Sri Irodi Radhakrislina Pai,
Udupi who has allowed me to make use of his personal collection on
bronzes in this treatise. I should also thank Dr. G. S. Gai, Chief
Epigi aphist, Go\ ernment of India, Mysore for supplying me three photo-
graphs of epigraphs for use in this Volume. Like-wise, the Chief Editor
of the Karnataka Gazetteers and the Anantapura Jimddhdra Samiti,
Anantapura have given me a few blocks for use. I am also thankful
to them My sometime colleague, Sri Devakumar Jain of the Jain High
chool, Moodbidri, has been of much assistance to me in surveying the
Jama monuments there. It is my duty to express my thanks to him
am thankful to the University of Mysoie for permitting me to make use
o he theme of my Ph D. Thesis My thanks are also due to the various
Sri C V W ' S0U1C *' 00 * have referred to at different stages, in particular,

ll? ?;’ ara TV ,rt1 ’ ' Vh0SC South Indtan Bron ^ has been the basis for
Iconography and Iconomeiry in this Volume.

* haVe f pIeasure ia dedicaring this Volume to the respectful

deservedly is called

Manjeslnvara and Sri M. Ram^Tfo ‘ ^ “* SO ” S ’ S ”

to their beloved father. ^ P6riIUttln S me *» dedicate this work

the elegant IrZnl fd *?**** * ^ Mani P al W Press for

in eXTe worU tf* ** W ^

Sarvasri T. Mohandas Pai and T^aSwi p 6 . grateful to the Partners
associated themselvrs , , . * 1 ^ U. Pai who have inseparably

Volume would not |„„! “ “' J wthout whose co-operation the

Sri B.Kri, CT mII ' Z' ri' ^ 1 ,h ' 1 *> '*'“ l

ing- I in print-

Sri Ramakrishna Devadivnr , 1 express my heartfelt thanks to

B-P. Baytri wl“ g" J u» d ? Sn, : d ““ ^gc and

- *- 1 ~

in dedication to the';-sv^t:'ihemp^;^f^ : -
Late Sri M. Ganapad RaoAigal ( 1881 —^ 1944 ) '

the father of the. History of South Kanara and an
*. -eminent; = educationist whose original • contribution
the understanding : of the history and culture of the
i; Tuluvas is imperishable ..-.A • aA-A

“What a learned world demand of us
in India is to be quite certain of bur
data, to place the monumental record
before them exactly, as it now exists
and to interpret it faithfully 6- literally"

P. K. Acharyo.

Plate I

Plate III

/

0.N.*

Plate IV

Pre-historic Remains in Tuju-nadu

(b) Circular neck of the megalithic tomb from
Santuru, Udipi Taluk. South Kanara

■(d) ■ Remains of a megalithic tomb from Bcluru.
Coondapur Taluk, South Kanara ,

. Plate V!

£? : The Vaddarsc Inscription (C. 7th. C. - ' A. D.) ' "

( I’he earliest epigraph from the district of South Kanaf a)

The Bclmannu Copper-plate of Aluvarasa (C. 8th C. A. D.)

This epigraph my be accepted as the earliest of the Kannada copper-plates
discovered hitherto.

This copper-plate epigraph is a complete document in the fotm of a hook
consisting of five plates. Each measui es 17.8 cm. in length and 7.7 cm. in bieadth.
The rims of the plates are raised to preserve the writing. At the left hand margin
of each plate is a hole, 1.1 cm. in diameter. The ends of the ring are soldered to
the bottom of a circular seal which is 3.2 cm. in diameter. In the counter-sunk
surface of the seal is a figure of a pair of fish, one below the other and both facing
proper right. The first plate is engraved on both sides. The fifth plate is a blank
one and is attached to protect the writing on. the second side of the foui th plate.
The five plates weigh 1205 grms. The writing is in an excellent state of preservation.

The digest of the grant is as follows:

Srimat Aluvarasa whose family was said to be protected by Brahma ( Pitamaha ),
along with Sri Ereyyapparasa, made a grant to Belmanna sabha , free from tax to
be paid to Sivavalli on the day of solar eclipse. This grant was made in the
administrative sub-division of Manideva ofKantapura (Kantavara) and the docu-
ment was prepared in the presence of Chokkapadi Bhatta. The grant was to be
protected by Boygavarma of Kapu, Nanda of Beja (Bola), Nanda of Kolunura
(Kodandur), Medini ofSantoru (Santuru) and Urappana who would be the recipi-
ents of innumerable boons etc. for their work of protection.

The presiding deity is referred to as Vindhyavasini adored by great saints. The
epigraph ends in reference to Pandya kulas which would prosper with this grant.

The Udyavara Inscription ofChitravahana II (C. 9th G A D
h, S ts the only stone epigraph having the relief of the Alnpa emblem of two fish

discovered hitherto) - , '

WW$P£m

$MBsm

'Wu%&

SSK^V

(a) Tire Polali Inscription bn the lintel of the cloor at the entrance into the
Rajarajes var i Temple, Polali (C. 9th C \A. D.)' -vT-I;,"

( Karanada Mandira Vas'udevm Ittan ) :-; 3 i : "- ”"• ■ : * } rf\?' : '":~j) : ’-.,

■(b) ; The Varariga Copper-plate
(C. 15th G, A. D.j^-

in Nandinag;

( c ) : ;,:;T’he- Alupa Inscription of
bearing the reliels of Brahma,
Mahesvara (C. 14th G. A/D.)

v ;;, ( ..; >'^7^

■</■ ■ ■_ •* ~

tmii \&Bfa

'tT ||fcLrjk!

•jjk£V > . A.

fc 1 • 'V** «?*• <> ' -. . ‘

gnx

T’ • •'' •*' ■• • - '

A* j***

Qp&StiS

w r*<^nr5Pvv 5jf|

» v *» civ.-*'

* :.v -SS^Ri

Plate XIV

(a) VyaghrKvaia (stucco),-, ■
Rajarajesvari Temple, Pojali

(C. 8 th - 9th C. A. D.) ,

This representation is-very reveal
ing in the sense, themotif of tige
being attacked by a hero win
a dagger, happens to he mud
anterior to the story. t wove:
round the derivation of the nam<
Hoysaja in the I2th G. A. D. wit!
the result that. we are temptei
to explain its etymology by othe
rational means!-

(b) The Alupa emblem of two fish
on the ring binding the Bejmannu
copper-plate (C. 8th C. A. D.)

Mate XVI

Alupa coins ( Varaha and hand)

(b)

1 (a)

la) Obv. Av Two fish under
canopy flanked by conch &
chauri.

b) Rev 3 line Nagan legend
reading Sri Pandya Dhmn-
jaya (C 12th CAD)

2a) Obv Av Two fish stand
mg under canopy,
b) Rev 3 line Kannada legend
reading Sri Pandya Dhanaft
jaya (C 12th CAD)

3a) Obv Ar Two fish stand-
ing imder canopy flanked
by conch &. goad
b) Rev Three line Nagan
legend reading Sri Pandya
Dhanaiijaya (C 15 CAD)

3 (a) (b)

5 (a) (b)

4a) Hana Obv Av Two fish
under canopy

b) Rev. Single Nagan letterin'! )
(C 13th CAD)

5a) Obv Av Two fish stand-
ing under canopy flanked
by conch &. goad
b) Rev Three line Nagan le-
gend reading Sri Pandya
Dhanaiijaya (G 1 5 C A D)

CHAPTER I

DERIVATION OF TULUVA

|^^;TIie';l3asic' question in . the history and culture of '• Tulurhadu^’-is'''td.
determine who the earliest Tuluvas were., how . the Tulu couhh3'' dem^-
ats 'narhe and in what manner it was evolved. Any attempt at: the, analysis
of this problematic question involves a researcher in an inevitable set
ipf compli cated propositions and challenging situations. At the very
fcmtset, it has to be confessed that in finding any solution- to; ;this : .pidblemy-'' -
die mfcrence could, at best, be hypothetical and not’ final • dniF a^spljitgi^

IPhe [derivation of the term Tuluva

V ' - Various interpretations have been attempted to explain the etymology
of the word Tuluva, some of which seem queer and fanciful:- According
tol the RajdtapUhapura Mahdimyap which is locally supposed to . be vpart
of0ip'iSKahd(ffirana, the name. of the country Tuliiva is traced to alegendary;l
ruler, Ramabhoja, who is supposed to have made profuse gifts like; the
Tuiaddna, Tuldpurusha etc. in order to absolve himself of the sin, he com-;: : l
miffprlN'i'v: Irillintr a sCrnOnt Tundvfrrtanflv. This - Rurahic :

listrict of South ICanar a . Since king Ramabhqja : ■ : gave- these gifts Af

il ; . -V- n '• , • - ; .. . i j i-.. t * —lit

: story

•ecqndly, the purely imaginary way, ' that is addled 116^ Weave a

iBook

Tenka-nadu (1947) - M. Govmda Pai -

2

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

to explain away the origin of the word Tuluva is self-evident. The word
Taulava is the Sanskritized form of Tuluva , whose connotation has to be
found elsewhere, for the earliest form as known through the Sarigam
literature or through the epigraphs is Tulu ( Tulu ) and not Taulava or
Tula-desa.

The oiigin of the name Tuluva has been traced to the activities of
a person called Tuluban Perumal who is said to have had his capital at
Kotesvai a in the Coondapur taluk of the district of South Kanara.
This is the account given in the Keralolpatii- according to which Tuluva
was a part of Kerala before its separation. This contention defies historical
proof. Since no such person as Tuluban Perumal is met with in the
entire recorded history of Tuluva and since Tuluva is never known in
any period of its history to have been a part of Kerala, we had better
dispense with this account as unhistorical. Tamil records, both epigraphi-
cal and literary 3 , refer to the Tulus and to their country separately and
not as part of Chera or Kerala.

Dr. B. A. Saletore, in his History of Tuluva 4 , opines that the word
Tuluva may be traced to the Kannada word tulu, meaning ‘to attack,’
which appellation seems to have been given to the people by their northern
neighbours, the Karnataka people. Prima facie, it looks as though this
derivation is worthy of credence. But on deeper examination, it fails
to satisfy historical credibility. The Tuluvas never attained an imperial
stature in any period of their history and they were not a ‘scare and care’
for the Karnataka imperial sovereigns. Hence, it is really very difficult
to agree with Dr. B. A. Saletore that because of the depredating and
predatory attacks conducted by the Tuluvas, they must have acquired
that name.

A fourth untinable view is that which seeks to derive the name Tuluva
from the weak character of the people. Sturrock 3 writes ‘The name
Tuluva, in the opinion of some is derived from a Tulu word’ meaning

Vscmth Kanara Manual Vol I (1894) p 2
Gazetteer of South Kanara District with Supplement (1938), p 174
Logans Malabar, pp. 224 & 228 ' 1

3 AgananUnt — 15

jt XVI 11 PamiShnangalam Grant of jVandivaraman II, pp. 121 - 123

Ibid Vol XXII Larger Leiden Plates of Raja-raja I.

A Saletore - History of Tuluva, Chapter I pp 1-8
South Kanara Manual, Vol I, p 2.

i

Wa

essentially 'softness and mildness* depending on the qua fity , of a -• ki nd of :
fruit and the land that bore such, a character was called, Tuluvh: and • .
the people who acquired such a quality came; to be known as the Tuluvas/ ;:’;'
Sturrock in the South Kanara Manual rightly .puts it, ‘The qyordypDirlii^5 :
meaning mild, is not in common use and though the Tulu people arc v .
mild and peaceable as a rule, they are hot markedly moire so than/theirc-
neighbours and there have been times when they gave trouble’. The
soil; of Tulu-nadu can hardly be accepted as soft and mild, ^Ifor the lateritfe.,> f ' :
cpyers the. Western Coast continuously and for the most part upto the ' • ;
very foot of the Ghats. • . '-T:

>M.' Govinda Pai 6 advances two major propositions. . He ; opines')//
that the word Tulu may have been derived from the Tamil root tulai
Which means to row (obviously the boat). There are other two words . ;
0jM and tuiaiyans ■ which' signify ‘to plunge in water, and- 5 to;piayv.iuhVatfei* ? Jq::
respectively. Based on Tamil etymology, Sri Pai surmises that the people :
of the Tulu country who were mostly fishermen and whose chief business . .
and activity were on w ? ater, may have been called the : Tiiiiwcti*?
is the first hypothesis. The second one is the possibility of the ttansformay
tibn of the word ' Ghiitu into Tulu with the passage of time; ■■ ^he^ecdhdt^
proposition suffers from too much of conjecture and it is mirealisticltooi|.;.y:

view-point . .

TT/ The* term Tulu may have some integral relationship with i toki ortf;
■thru ?; '.. which in turn seems to be connected with cattle or cattle-shed. ;; The i
ancient Tuluvas (Tulu people) ? may have been a class on community; /W
;of sherpherds. As time passed on. all those wiio: happened t6 inhabit;
fliis land came to be called the Tuluvas.. It is possible that the chieftaincy;/
of the Tolahas of Sural u (near the historic city: pP‘^a^2ik^l.ini^c^^c|C£f
of South .Kanara) may have had the;

die Tuluvas (Tolaha is also known as Tor aha or To/rtA< 2 ) s .;>::Tlie antiquity, Cy;
of, this ruling family is not yet authentically known. ... We have the: first :
pKereiiceTb 'this family in an inscription from the Panchalifigesvara temple,

6 Tenka-nadu (1947) M. Govinda Pai - Tulu-nadu-Purvasmriri > p. 19. '

^M'Tamtl-laxicon, pp. 2102, & 2 104. t-y TCTT' : l'ASh?fT : S'T A : -/7.y :/. ATMTTAAT'hASh'T r

8 IC. I. Vol. I, No. 24, " ‘ , ", A; '

4

Studies in Tuluva Histoiy and Cullme

Barakuru, 9 dated A. D. 1139-40. But they must have established them-
selves in Suralu much earlier than this date.

A few other considerations may also draw our attention. A much
damaged inscription dated A. D. 1203, found at Honnali 10 of the Simoga
district refers to Tauhva-kula and although circumstances of reference
and details are not known, the epigraph is important in the sense that
it leads us to infer that the Taulavas belonged to a particular community
of people. An inscription from Basaruru, dated A.D.1455 11 * , mentions
the four temples - Nagaresvara, Tuluvesvara and others which were
to be supervised by the halaru-settikaras of the two keris of Basaruru.
Nakhara was a merchant guild. Likewise, the term gavare is used to signify
a distinct group of trading people. .The temples caused to be erected
by them -were the Nagaresvara and the Gavaresvara temples. We can,
as well, infer that the temple erected by the Tuluvas was Tuluvesvara.
The proper names Tuluva Chandiga Tuluva Senabova 1 -', Tultivi Setti 14 ,
Tuluvakka Heggadati,'' Tuluvdluva,' 6 and Tulayi Amma 17 suggest* the
origin of this name from a community of people. An analogy may be
drawn between the two proper names, Tuluva and Aluva. The earliest
kings of the Alupa dynasty were named Aluvarasar, called after the group
Aluva or the progenitor Aluva. Similarly, it may be suggested that the
name Tuluvarasar may have taken its origin from the group Tuluva.
Later, the term Tuluva came to be used for all those living in the territory
of Tuluva or Tulu-nadu. The land, therefore, may have taken its name
from the community of the Tuluvas, just as the name Alvakheda seems ,
to have owed its origin to the Alupas (Aluvas). Only future investigations
should reveral to us when exactly the early Tuluvas settled on this land
and what their main features were. Thus, it may be inferred that the
Tuluvas were an ancient community and in the history of South India
they figure from the early centuries of the Christian era. The terms
tolu, tom, turn, tura and (ora — all mean the same, being connected with
kine. The first Tuluvas were, perhaps, different from the rest of the
people of Tulu-nadu. With the passage of time, all the inhabitants came
to be called die Tuluvas.

9 S. 1. 1. Vol. VII, No. 381.

10 Efi. Car. Vol. VII, Honnali 108.

" S. 1. 1. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 457.

17 & » A. R. No. 547 for 1929-’30.

14 Ibid. No. 247 for 1931-32.

15 S'. 1. 1. Vol. IX, Part II, No 424.

16 Ibid. No. 540.

17 A. R. No. 110 for 1949-50.

' .v,v '• chapter .11/’ "

THE HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF TULU-NADU

lU :" Next comes the problem of identifying the Tulu country of the early
iftimes. In - attempting to locate the original Tulu-nadu based on epi-
■ graphical evidence, we may have reasons to differ: from the hitherto
^accepted View-point. First, let us summarise the accounts, given , in the
^secondary sources for the sake of critical review. V; f}/.'/.

fhhhf- The compiler of the South Kanara Manual makes : us ; believe ;
ythat ancient Tuluva was made up of the regions of the district, which
: had a language of its own -Tulu. 1 Evidently this would mean the
Territory to the south of the river Kalyanpura in the Udipi taluk upto
rthe river Payasvani or Chandragiri in the Kasaragod taluk (now belonging
! tb the Kerala State). “The northern portion including the taluk , of :
Rundapura and part of Udipi belonged to Haige, where probably owing A
Tb-eloser connection with the ruling Canarese speaking people above ;/
the Ghats, Canarese is spoken by all Hindu castes”. But this description
pf . the frontiers of ancient Tuluva can hardly be accepted for reasons A
That ate. going to be discussed presently in this chapter,.;
fffjhc Manual of Madras Administration 2 simply repeats what is . given :.
in' 4 and states that Tulu-rajvam extended from GOkarna in the; A

mation of the land from- the sea, fetched more Brahmins from the morth A
and. located them in 64 villages or granias amongst which the first, 22, '

1,11 i

6

Studies in Tnlitia History and Culture

Tulu-nadu and the next 12 gramas from Kotesvaram upto Kannapuram
formed southern Tulu-nadu It is further stated that in the four-fold
division of Malrad (Tulu, Kiipa, Kerala and Mushika), Tulu kingdom
compnsed the territory extending from Gokarna to Perumpula (the big
lit ci), 1 e. the Canaras (noith and south) v ery nearly as at present defined,
Col Wilks, a reputed historian, tells us that from the region of the southern
promentor)’ of Cape Comerin, on the Western Coast, Malaya! am language
extends over Trav ancoic and Malabar and as far as Nilesvaram. ‘From
thence to Sadashegur (Sadashivagad), south of Goa, we find Tooluva
language and the country of Tooluva’. 30 Epigraphical evidence will
show how unhistorical it would be to identity the early Tulu-nadu with
both North and South Kanara districts

Amongst the foreign travellers, Duarte Barboza, the Portuguese
traveller m hi' account of Canara refers to the frontiers of Tulu-nadu
ranging between Honnavara (North Kanara district) in the north to the
Payasvani (Kasaragod taluk, Kerala) in the south. He further says
that the people of Mirjan in his days used to identify Ankola with Tuluva 4 .

Prof. S.K. Aiyangar states that on the West Coast, the earliest available
literature referred to Tulu-nadu as a distinct political and ethnic entity
immediately to the north of Kerala or Chera The Tulu country, he
opines, then took in a part of what is now called North Malabar and

probably extended northwards to Kanvar point. 5

There is hardly any doubt that the Tulu country was known as far
back as the period of the Sangam literature, for we have the mention
of Tulu-nadu for the first time in this literature. It is not easy to locate
Tulu-nadu of the Sangam literature as the boundaries are not mentioned
anywhere The ruler of Tulu-nadu is stated to be Nannan and K G.
Shesha Iyer writes m his Chera Kingdom of the Sangam Period that the Nannans
were the kings of the gold-producing country of Konkan, that they were
Kadamba kings and their country lay near Banavasi (North Kanara
district) « Th e assertion of K. S. Aiyangar? that Nannan, who is mention-

3a

4

J

6

7

Mark Wilks -Historical Sketches of South India, pp 48-49

Sn,Zl e cLP, Z n~ t p D 78-7 P 9° n ° f ** ^

South Kanara Manual, Vol I, p 67 PP y

'pp 582-583. °' (^' eV ' S enes )~f> K Aivangar - Satijaputras of Asohan Edicts

The Chera Kingdom of the Sangam Period, pp 11 12 & IQ
Ind Ant Vol LIV pp 37_qa rr c k ’ 4

to Indian Culture, p 323 ’ " ^ an S ar Some Contributions of South Indict

^ ^ t ' : y /t ;- i ?}'. GuW, dvTy

;§S tioned in "Ahani 1 3': as having been attacked by tlie - Kosars and as having
lost his slate elephant, ruled over South Kanara and North Kanara in
.V; the middle of the second century A.DV seems too sweeping and arbitrary.

Anyway,; facts are not adequate enough* to determine finally .which this
.'y country of ;Tulu was and where it should be. located, y ; r " v T;

• A y:. • In . Kannada literature, the name Tulu-nadu' first occurs in the
( [v Dharmamrita of N ay asen a . 8 This work, perhaps, belongs to A.D.1115. 8 "
; ; S . Here also we do not get any clue which territory is referred to as Tulu-nadu
X; by the author. 'The lamentation in a house, consequent on the death
A; of a person, is compared to what is being done in Tulu-nad u ( Tulu-nada
%Tsalta-nimieyante palayisuvar)^ None of the sources mentioned above
helps .us to solve the problem of locating the original Tulu-nadu. On :

: ;an examination of the various epigraphs, we may be convinced of the
;|bfa^thdt if -is not possible to equate the early Tuluva or Tulu-nadu with
>yfthe modern district of South Kanara. Let us turn to: the various epigraphs
^ thatirefer to Tulu-nadu.

The first epigraph that mentions Tulu comes from Tamil-had. The
ty^Tattattalmahgalam grant of Nandivaraman II (731-795 A;D.), the
; Pallava Ling, states that at the gate of the king, there awaited without
p/jgettihg) opportunity (to enter), the Vallabhas, the Kalabhras, the Keraias,

I; :the Pandyas, the Gholas, the Tulus, the Koiikanas and others desirous
yybf Obtaining admission to serve him. 9 We do not know 1 the exact frontiers
7N of. the Tulu country . referred to in this giant. But the surmise That fit ' ;

may have been located in the Honnavara and Bhatakala taluks of the i
^ .district of North Kanara, is possible. In substantiation,-; the following •
explanation may be given. : Banavasi and its surrounding regions were

region as a result of the Pallavas’ weakened position.' War: witli the 7
^Pallavas of Kanclii was the order of the day' right up to the advent, of the; ;

Ghalukyas of Badami ? a . Even after ' the establishment of the Chalukyan )
if 545 this region continued to be the battle-groimd for..:

So
Vo

• !9

-9ti

.Nayasena .‘f-fihqrniamrifa, Part 17(1924) p;

;ZWT;;Pai:tXIr(1926):Iritrodiictidh,-

76<A.Partl;tp. .il3. Av : -V :>J : ' ■ H-V- - 1 • V , 'VV-m-'- 1 * -v; • • ; j 'O

XVIII, pp. 121-123;. Tasya Vallabha. KaUbara -Ktralah Taftdyd Chola

8

Studies in Tu}uua History and Culture

political supremacy between the Chalukyas and the Pallavas. That a
minor branch of the Pallavas of Kanchi must have settled in the Honnavara
taluk, North Kanara, perhaps, after the decline of the Chalukyas of Badami,
is evidenced by an inscription, found at Kekkar in the same taluk, 96 stated
to belong to the 8th century A.D. It states that Anneyarasa was the
loid of Paivagundapuia, administering (?) Kadatoke as far as Sivaiji
Among the descriptive epithets of this ruler, Anneyarasa, the adjective
Simhadhvaja-virajamana, Simha-lanchchhana and ICaikeya-vamsodbhava are
noteworthy. They arc indicative of the descent of tire ruler from the
Kaiheva family' and that the crest and ensign of his family' were a lion.
We aic tempted to connect this family with the Kadambas of Banavasi,
who, too, were known to have had lion as their family crest; but they
were not the natives of Paivegundapura. The Pallava chief, Gopaladeva,
on the other hand, is described as Paivegundapuresvara and Kaikeya-vamsod-
bhavadhala-pradhana-punisha and had a rampant lion as his family crest
s °, the chief Anneyarasa apparently belonged to the family of Gopaladeva
and like the latter, had been connected with the Kaikeyas on his mother’s
S1 e. It may be possible that the Tulu king, who sought for interview
with Nandivarma II, may have been one of these rulers, belonging to
the Kaikcya family.

The Balmuri inscription 9 * of the Bdgola Hobali, of the Kongalya
king, Pandiava Maharaya, dated A.D. 1012, icfers to the conquest of

" . r r t i' S ^ a PP ens *° kc the earliest Kannada inscription that
mentions Tuluva It says that he seized Tulava and Kohkana, pursued

' Z. 1 aeya ’ pashcd aside and passed over Chera, Teluga and Rattiga
an d T S, - Cd the Smal1 Be!vala C0lmtr y (from his master Raja-
successor^f r a T r ,f r Plates °. f Ra J ara j a I (A.D.985-A.D. 1 01 6) w , the

include Pand ^'i °tc ’ mcntion the conquests of this monarch which

Simhalendra Satyasraya. Perhaps,
campaiem TTl to the same militaiy

district ^and h' V1S T ldentificd Tu,ava with the South Kanara
— ! — and^his conclusion has been accepted as final by all those who

94 ^TL n ^ ombay , p,omnce ' 1 (p 5).

Kanara (where Udupi is locatcdT^ Cann , ol 1 be identified with givajli of South

« Lp hd Vo! No 140.

10 "»*** and Coorg from ^sfnpho'ns^

11 “ 140 > William Coelho - Hopsata Varna

Kanaray (The difficulty - of identifying Tuhiva ; ;ahy of the . mpderr

A 7 in q i n risK r< O n rn r> c fM.'irlonl w/Hr-ri wo ovo mirw* • Cho or-sirrrnrdic Tiirflvov - / •

of Bankiyalupendra , 11 found in Barakuru, South ; Kariara; district T ,-A
correct- reading of this epigraph will give (us the / following i'weh^lfrse^irii
to record the military achievements of a eomm andeiy (ory ; su bordinatc
of . Bankiyalupendra . This chief is stated to have had his fame; spread
(uniformly over all the universe and, feeling confident in the use of his
(sword, established his own command in Tulu-vishay.a; :arid brought all
those who ruled over seven male and seven kombu to the feet of liis master
^Bankiyalupendra, Pursuing the Chola army that had carried its arms,
reducing the mandalikas and mahdmandalikas (stated to be 120 in number),
(hie -caused for their surrender to his overlord. He dvershadioW ? ed;the- ; : fehte

lost because of mutilation. 12 ; ■ . ' ' : v /( ..pr"

: Tliis epigraph is significant from three stand-points,t/Firsb:Bankiyalu-

pendra was the overlord and he was probably ruling from Barakuru..
Secondly, it was the chief, to whom the various epithetsii nicntioned in
the epigraph, belonged, who undertook the conquests oh behaif of His
master and who established his authority over Tulu-vishaya and:, not
'Bankiyalupendra. Thirdly, Tulu-vishaya must have been., conquered
for the first time and, where it is to be located is most intriguing. Since
Bankiyalupendra was ruling over Barakuru and other territories, it would

(be suggested that it could be the area surrounding Gcrusoppe and Bliatta^;

UVlx. ,"iU. TVT j-U /A t ntn . **i r i r*»v»i r •' tiTifl nr ^ in t •» W-rkWii +- ,

the Western Ghalukyan ruler, dated A.D. 1099 records a gift of land

' .;(V .9././. Vol. VII, No. 327. The date of Bankiyalupendra nmy bc.piaccd in the’ ir*

iN "( of the 1 1 tli century A . D. • C .*.«•; ; y \r : (T(T: : v(y.' '

V:( 12 This: cbisxatnh is incorrectly translated bv Dr. B. A. Saletore’in his Hislorv of 7

; lus. namesake ot , Othe lath century A: jj.vr.wjtn , tiiq. resuUithat;;;\he{hasyerred;that^
- :7 Bahlayaiupendra

10

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

for the salvation of Warasing who attained heaven by entering the sacri-
ficial fire-pit, amidst the admiration of the people at the demise along
with the consort of his leige-lord, Devaki, the son of Mahasamanta Chikkarasa
and the commander of the Tulu guards, who were the body-guards of
the king. I2 “ In the fight of a later inscription, dated A. D. 1398, found
at Kaikani, Honnavara taluk, North Kanara, we can venture to identify
the Tuluva -tanlra (Tulu guards), mentioned in the above inscription
with the Tvln-kalaka (Tulu army) of Gerusoppe rulers, who, as will be
proved presently, styled themselves as the Tulu kings.

An epigraph of Kadabal, Sirsi taluk 13 , North Kanara, mentions
Lafiyadevi as ruling, Mahamandalesvara Tailamadeva and Tuluva (country).
This epigraph is said to belong to the 12th century A . D . on palaeographical
grounds. Evidently, Tuluva in this context could be the region near
Gerusoppe and not the district of South Kanara which was by this time
known universally as Alvakheda.

The Hoysala inscriptions''' make profuse references to Tulu-nadu,
Tulu-desa, Tuluva-bala and Tula king. It is here the problem of identi-
fication becomes acute and uncertain. This is because, simultaneously,
frequent references are also made to Alvakheda (and it was always a 6000
country') which may be taken into account with good reasons as co-extensive
with the modern district of South Kanara. The lords of Alvakheda
were the Alupa kings. Dr. B. A. Saletore does not distinguish between
the Alupas and the Tuluvas and also between Alvakheda and Tulu-nadu. 15
He identifies one with the other completely. And there seems a great
deal of confusion. No doubt, Tulu-nadu was subjected almost completely
by the Hoysala king, Vishnuvardhana, and this subversion was so complete
that for over three generations very few accounts of military prowess
of Vishnuvardhana were embodied in ^epigraphs without mention being
made of the conquest of Tuluva. But the most vexing problem is whether
the conquest of Tuluva or Tulu-desa meant the conquest of Alvakheda.
The Hoysala epigraphs separately and particularly mention Alvakheda

'j? A R No 1 of 1940- 41 (B K 1, p 240}
n ! \' Vo1, k Part h No 36 of 1939-40.

15 T,pto! NL 40 58 COm6 ' !> AW/3 '- J “ Cn ^ 0 “)-

1 . b ' d 1 jy. Nagamangala No 28
Ibid II, No 53

15 (M V- BSluru, No 124 etc.

A. baletore - Hviory of Tuluva - Hoysalas and the Alupas, pp. 268 to 295.

• 11 '

or Alvaraldieda as the -wcstcrii boundary : of tlie . Hoys

the • ; Yacts^to ; "prove that thisf pouptryb bf ; : ^s^:ifediice(lvi>to •

tlie boundaries of his kingdom as bounded by Kohkanay Nadah^akheda/^
Bayainadu, Talakadu and Savimale. The Ghildkamagalur ' inscription U.:
of Tribhuvanamalla Vinayaditya Hoysala, dated A.D; , 1103, rneiitions"
Ins kingdom as bounded by Konkana, Alvakheda, Bayalna^uTralekaclu and :

S^Vini^lC A ItrnlrbSrlrk Iott +/\ pnn+Vj TT ntal/U r> d •’•o W rl ‘ .f/v.' kni?'

to -the; ;nortb; ’of b
In the Mysore Inscriptions , 8 1

riot corroborate this statement. Tulu king and Jagadeva mentioned
n this epigraph seemed to be distinct one from the other, k Dry Saletpre’s :
dew that the Tulu king in this connection was the Alupa ruler, Bhujabala:
rvavi-Alupendra-deva, does not represent the historieaIdtn.ith; !9 :y The :
boundaries of Vishnuvardhana’s kingdom in A. IT 11 1 ^ -
is follows. 20 The lower Ghat of Nangali in the east
ind Anamale in the south; the Barakanura Ghat n
he West and Savimale in the north. In A . D . 1 1 36, when he .Was at the k
enith of his power, his kingdom included the following • provinces ; 2 ty ;
Talakadu, Kongu, Nahgali, Gaiigavadi, Nolariibayadi; T^tyavadi; iHuligeirie^;

r> - tt-u t t„ 1 .

y <

111

aat When Vishnuvardhana was ruling Gaiigavadi-96,000, : the Alvakheda. yv
eople took prisoners in thousand in the cattle .raid; It is stimulatiiig P;;
> note that the foes, are referred to as the people of Alvakheda, and not
s Tuluvas. ' - Had . Tulu-nadu been identical - with ; Alvakhedayk the£e

■V W d A . ’w'. 1 J „ 1 1 ^ J n J p‘‘ r 'i

12

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

of the suzerain and records that the Pandya, the Cho]a, the Chera and
the Alvara sank due to the military compaigns of Narasiiiga. Afterwards,
there is tire separate mention of Tulu-desa, Chakragotta and other coun-
tries. The inscription of Vinayaditya Hoysala 24 sets the limits of his
dominion as bounded by Konkana, Alvakheda, Bayalnadu, Talekadu
and Savimale, and Tulu-desa is mentioned separately in the same epigraph.
The non-mention of Tulu-desa as the western boundary of the Hoysala
kingdom and instead Barakanura Ghatta or Alvakheda, gives us the clue
to infer with good reasons that Tuluva was not the same as Alvakheda,
although it became a part of Alvakheda, perhaps, after the 1 2th century A.D.

Let us further proceed in chronological sequence to identify Tuju-
nadu. The Hosagunda rulers, who ruled over Santalige- 1000 in the
district of Simoga in the 13th century A.D. assumed the titles as follows:

1. Kumara Birarasa A.D. 1221 - Tuh-rdya-sthapanacharyaP

2. The same king in A.D. 1255 is referred to as assuming
Tulu-raj a-samuddharanam 26

3. Bammarasa A.D. 1275 — Tulu-ra) a-sthdpandchdrya 17 ■

4 Biradevarasa A.D. 1281 - Tulu-raya-slhapanacMrya 2 *

5. Tammarasa A.D. 1287 - same®

6. Birarasa Bommarasa A.D. 1294 ~ Tulu-raya-pratishthapanachaiya' 10

7. Koteya-nayaka A.D. 1296 — Tuhiva-raya-sthdpamchdrya^'

It becomes evident from the above epigraphs that Tulu-raya or
Tuluva-raya could not be the Alupa ruler, as no Alupa king had ever
been referred to as Tulu-raya. The Tulu-rajya mentioned here may
be identified with the Gerusoppe region, which during this period witnessed
the rise of a ruling family known as the Nagire rulers, as may be proved
by the inscriptions of the 1 4th century A.D. u. An inscription of Hoysala
Vira Ballala III 33 , dated A.D. 1318 — 1319, records the details of a fight
against Basavadeva of Cliandavara below the Ghats and the destruction
°f Tuluvas in the battle of the Ghats. The scene of the battle was in the
Honnavara taluk of North Kanara and not in the district of South Kanara.
The Tuluvas mentioned here must have been the rulers or the inhabitants
of Tu]u-desa whose centre was Nagire or Gerusoppe in the Honnavara
taluk. North Kanara.

24
23
26
27

25

tin?. tXcgamangala, No 2
d^agar, Nc
Ibid. Sugar, No 150.

Ibid Sugar, 134.

Hid. Xagar, No. 20.

29 Ibid. VII, ShU.aripur , No. 312.

30 Ep. Car. VIII, Soraba, No. 502.

31 M. A. R. 1931, pp 188 to 190

“- Supra Political History of Feudatory States,
33 Ep. Car. VII, Homali, No. 117.

Historical ^Evohtiowqf "'

yX'/r The earliest epigraph . .that specially; mentions Gerusoppe in the ;
r: Honnavara taluk , \ North Kanara, as -belonging to Tulu-des'a . is . dated
:;? A;D. 13 78. 34 And we have ; the regular genealogy of the rulers of Gerurf;

: soppe (Nagire) from at least the beginning of the 14th century A. D. until
y the' close of the 16th century A . D. It states that to . the south of Mem lay
•; .Tulu and Kongu and Haiva-bhupala was the ruler of the Tulu kingdom
blii Avhich shines the city of Gerusoppe. It is : appropriate -here to hhentioip
y. tivb other: epigraphs found on hero stones, dated A. D. 1 398, udiich glye '
y.us unmistakable proof of Gerusoppe and Bhattakala region being called •
^Tulii-rajya in the 14th century A.D. These epigraphs 35 state, that .
cMahapradhana Mangappa-dannayaka took an offensive on the Tulh ;
^country, camped at Bidire and having overpowered the., Ghavatas,: issued/
yah • order to the men of Mahamandalesvara Haivarasa to vanquish the foesh
n .and proceeded, perhaps, to Kaikani. In these epigraphs, Bidire could
^hardly be identified with Mudabidure of the South Kanara : district^ £>
y nor, Tulu-rajya with either the Barakuru-rajya or the
;|It could very certainly be the region of Bhattakala and'G&r'usoppe .'Qila^ire)>p
.1; And Bidire referred to in these epigraphs may be identified with Bidanuru i :
y of Sagar taluk from where, perhaps, it was convenient to launch the
JV campaigns against the Tulu kingdom. Tins' Bidire-nadu, also called:^

: Venupura, was referred to in one of the epigraphs as a part of theHadu-A
valli kingdom (in Tulu-dcsa) ruled over by Indagarasa or Salvendra :IId 6a
.It is not possible to identify the Chavatas mentioned here with inflexible^ ■-
$ resolve. The Barakuru inscription of the same year , (A . D ; 1 398) states i
bthat Sankaradeva-Odeya was the governor of Barakuru-rajya and there y,

- does not appear to be any such political commotion and violence during
This reign. 37 • . • • * ' ..•••'• ; Ty

ACT. During the Vijayanagara times, the district of South Kanara seemed p:
:/to ; have been permanently associated with the name Tulu-mdu or • y;
■rdjya. . There were two provinces, namely, the Barakuru and Mangaluru- .
y : rajyas.. And it is very significant to note that the Barakuih-rajya was

: " 34 M. A. i?. 1928, Ins. Nq. 108, p. 97.
K. I. Vol. I, Nos. 35 & 36.'

At -‘Itf *• 3S- Truk-‘'t7 -r

y-X^-A. R. No. 274 for ; 1931-’32,. TT T 'X/XXX

14

Studies m Tuluva History and Culture

also known as Tulu-rajya and Barakuru-Tulu-rajya. 38 In this altered
political situation, it was the northern portion of the South Kanara district
with its capital at Barakuru, that was called Tulu-nadu, although Tulu
w r as rot spoken there. Very often the Barakuru-Tulu-rajya included
m it Bhatakala legions also.

It deseives to be noted that the name Tulu-desa came to represent
unmistakably the various kingdoms such as Haduvalli (Sahgitapura)
and Nagire from the 14th century A . D . As already pointed out, Barakuru-
rajya was also called Tulu-rajya. Sometimes, both Mahgaluru and
Barakuru-rajyas were referred to as Tulu-rajya, as evidenced during
the governorship of Ratnappa-Odeya, dated A. D. 1515. 38

The Karnatak Inscriptions pointedly refer to the Tulu, Haive and
Nagirc-rajyas.'* 0 It is very difficult to demarcate the boundaries of these
countries in precision. It may be inferred that the rulers of Nagire and
Haduvalli called themselves Tulu kings and their territories bore, in
general, the name Tulu-desa , although in particular each w'as known
as Haduvalli or Nagire-raya. The point becomes clearer with further
evidence. The Kaikani epigraph, dated A .D . 1415, states that the Kaikard-
vishaya w'as a sacred place in Tulu-desa. 41 Another inscription of the
Haduvalli, Bhatakala, dated A. D. 1423, particularly mentions Haduvalli
as being the centre of Tulu-desa. 42 An inscription of Hosa-basti ,J
in Mudabidure, South Kanara district, dated A. D. 1451, states that
Jinadasa Salva hlalla was ruling from Suvarnapuri (Honnavara in North
Kanara) over Nagire, Haive and Konkana, Nagire being the vermilion
of the lady of Taula\a-desa. The same inscription refers to Gerusoppe
as the capital of Nagire-rajya, part and parcel of the Tuju country'. The
Mavali epigraph of A.D.1547 44 of the North Kanara district points
to Gerusoppe as the capital of Tu]u-desa. It states that Saluva Krishna-
raja-Odeya of the lunar race w'as ruling over Nagire-rajya, Haive, Tulu
and Konkana-rajyas from his capital at Gerusoppe in the Tu]u country.
The Sagar inscription dated A.D.1560« locates Taulava-desa as lying

38 r/v 7 - ^ 5 ° s 309 ’ 3i0 > 34 °. 350. 355 etc ,

fhf-nvd B iiVo U , No 3> A ' R - No - 263 - r or 1931— ’32;

I bid o08 for 1928—29

” No. 528 for 1928-*29*

£ / Vol. 3 I,Ko 63> 1; Ibid ™ in. Part I, Nos. 72 & 79.

- 44&r V V fi 1 V ° L ‘ m ’ PartI ’ NO 79 ‘

m

to the east of tHe western ocean (the Atahean Sea^'to to describe •

i', -i n a n *rt'/4 v -‘« i-n /vvi'- Trtll/sYirC’ * V ^Tn ‘‘i f - Ai-iC ia’'t'o niyf 4-1^-W'l

y if :' The earliest- epigraph discovered in /the Mahgaluru-rajya mentioning ,

.^n *T A A A 1 rs VlTVl OmrO r\-f* fli n Pn tf f o 1 CkiVfk’t.'.v

K;anara belonged to it is dated A . D . 1 387 46 . It states that Iv^adhavaraya, .

governor of Goa, made certain grants after purchase of land, to the /temple ^
Tof Subrahmanya at Kukke, a part of Kaclaba in Tuju-mandala. <; THc%

. next epigraph also mentions some grant made to tlie same divinity and :;

: is dated A . D . 1 38847. Among the 3 7 countries mentioned fas ieohqueredy
; dining the reign of Harihara II, Tultfva was one and it seemedho comprise^

TV urift c»-nrl T<T Sril o : 48 pri''\

■ -come

y tlie several countries of Aryakhanda, Tulu-desa was one to which belonged ; |ii
Mangaluru-stliala, and Venupura (Mudabidure) fist stated,]

Pniiicpie town of Tulu-desa 49 .

• , A+" +T* •TaU

'pertain observations

/-f.p - The foregoing discussion will
; inferences, which, at any rate, are
-PUp ii);-. It is not historically correct to identify ancient. Tuluvaywith; : f
. ..any; of the present political divisions either the district, of :South ;Ka.narh: ^
;pr. of North Kanara. . v y / • .f-

fs y;f .(ii) Future research alone could throw .'light on the qu estioil . iyhat ; .y
.. exactly the extent of Tulu-nadu was during the iSafijpto
f y f v (iii) f Historical records show that Tulu-nadu upttd ^the :ndvent\ nf ; V
the Vijayanagara period lay in the . region of the present taluks of Hoima-:.; /
vara and Bhatkala rather than in the district. of/ South Kanara -properf y

that the Tulu spe;

46

47
: 48

lu speaking ’ area; wak the^hetht :

6 M. A.R. No. 2 for 1 928-’29 (Cdppcr-i?lf tcs V Z
7 : ; iV/. A. -R. 19.4-3 j South Kan ara No..46. & ;

8 Ep.Car/V ; Bcluru No. 3, A;0. f 397;::>f
PS. t /. A r dL VII,. Nos. 196, ; 197 & 202.

16

Studies m Tuluva History and Culture

epigraph dating before the 14th century A. D. is available to establish the
hypothesis that the region between the river Kalyanapura in tire Udipi
taluk and the river Chandrrgiri (Perumpula in the Kasaragod taluk)
could definitely be called Tulu-nadu.

(\) The name Tulu-desa or Tulu-nadu came to be used to denote
vaiious tciritories such as the Nagire, Haduvalli, Barakuru and sometimes
Bin akuru and Mangaluru provinces after the advent of the Vijayanagara
rule

(vi) The Pattattalmangalam grant of Nandivarman II assignable
to the third quartet of the 8th century A.D. 50 states that the Tulu king
was one of those, waiting for an opportunity to seek an interview with the
overlord. This is, perhaps, the first mention of Tulu in inscriptions. We
cannot make out who the Tulu king was, nor do wc know to which territory
he belonged. The Larger Leiden Plates of Rajaraja 51 (A.D.985-A.D.1016),
speak of the conquests of the countries-Pandya, Tulu, ICerala and also
Simhalendra and Satyasraya. This epigraph is of the 11th century A.D.
and here also we have the same difficulty of locating the area, Tuluva
We do not have strong grounds to argue that the Tulu country was iden-
tical with the present South Kanara district.

(vii) A copper-plate inscription from Honnavara 52 North Kanara
district, (palaeographically assigned to the 6th century A.D.) records
the grant of a village, Napitapalli, together with a grove ( aratna ) and certain
varieties of land (called kanasa and pukholi) to the Arya Sangha by the ruler
during the reign of Ravi-maharaja. This Ravi-maharaja may be identified
with Ravivarma of the Kadamba dynasty of Banavasi. The reference
to Clutrascna as — Kella and M aha-Kella in this record is interesting. The
mention of Ara-ICella and Sevya-Gella as local chieftains in the epigraphs
of the 9th and 12tli centuries A.D. respectively from the South Kanara disf
i ict suggests the possibility of Kella having been the family name of minor
ruling houses in the coastal Kanara territory. This record is said to have
been issued from Vijayambu-dvipa. An interesting point is that this
Ambu-dvipa could fairly rightly be identified with the territory comprising
Gerusoppc, Honnavara etc. For, an epigraph from Sagar in the 15th

ntnr\ A.D. describes the celebrated city of Gerusoppc, situated on the

51 7rt f Y° l XVIII, p 121. 5' Ep. Ini Vol. XII n 219

ror r i9G3-’64 *° N °' 10 of A PP endlx ~ A, from Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy
55 C P Car Vol VII, Xo 55.

17

The Historical Evolution of Tulu-nadu
1 J > '

southern bank of the Ambu river, in the great Tuluva country. Geru-
soppe was also known as Kshemapura. Therefore, hypothetically, we
may infer that even as far back as the 6th century A.D., an important
part of Tuluva was located in the region watered by the Ambu river.

(viii) In a recent book-let entitled the Histoiy of Tulu-nadu 5 f written
in Tamil, an attempt is made to sketch the history of Tulu-nadu during
the Sahgam period. Suffice it to say here that the author lacks seriously
geographical knowledge and that his identification of Tulu-nadu with
Konkana-nadu happens to be gross misrepresentation of facts. Dr. K. K.
Pillai, who had given foreword to this work, also believes that Tulu-nadu
was a part of Tamilnad during the Sangam period and that the Satiya-
putra of the Asokan Edicts was none other than Tulu-nadu which was
co-extensive with the present district of South Kanara. It can only be
Remarked that ‘before we accept these sweeping statements, a great deal
of original and fundamental research has to be done based on authentic
records and archaeological survey.

CHAPTER IH

THE ALUPAS AND ALVAKHEDA

The political history of Tulu-nadu from the early centimes of the
Christian era to the advent of the British may, broadly, be divided into
four periods.

(1) The Alupa period

(2) The Vijayanagara period

(3) The Keladi period

(4) The period of Hyder Ali and Tuppu Sultan

The his ton 1 of a host of minor chieftaincies that held power in partial
sovereignty merges into these four broad divisions.

The Alupas and their role in the history of Tulu-nadu

The Alupas were the most important of the various ruling families
of Tulu-nadu who seem to have had a record of more than a thousand
years of political career and they controlled the ‘destiny of Tulu-nadu
till the close of the 14th C.A.D. There can hardly be any doubt that
theirs was a family of considerable antiquity. It is almost certain now
that Alvakheda, the land of the Alupas, was known, to the Greeks as,
Olokhoira.' The Halmidi inscription* (the earliest of the hitherto known
Kannada inscriptions) makes references to Alapa-gana and Ala which,
most probably, relate to the Alupa family. In the recently discovered
Gudnapur epigraphs, ascribed to the 6th century A.D., the Alupa ruler is
mentioned as one of the subordinates of Kadamba Ravivarma (C. A.D-
485— A.D.519) In all probability, the A]upas entrenched themselves in
powerfrom the early centuries of the Christian era and very often, offering
their willing submission to the Karnataka overlords, continued in virtual
political sovereignty over Alvakheda until the establishment of the Vijaya-
nagara empire . It is difficult to define in finality their territorial juris-

’ Ya 4^936^1? ° f Ta,ulas ’ p 56

nhm\hxha pp. 66-67 (Felicitation Volume of Prof. S Snkantha Sastri).

19 .

/ to'time. Nevertheless, it may, broadly, be stated tliat tlie district of South
• K the coastal regions of the North Kanara district upto Gokarna

from

/were subject, their capital was shifted from one place to another. f Mahgala-

f '-' 1 <■ r*Vv / A /T* "I ntvt /-» /4 + /«. h n ^ T-v Xi •»» fi v.^i. ^ m 1 ' T m * ^ O 4~ h : '

' /activity. ; ; Then, Barakuru drew their attention and once again, perhaps,
frdni the 11th to the 13th centuries A. D., Mangalapura became the seat
//of their regal authority and it continued to occupy their position until
/the end of their political power,

fact that they were the feudatories of the Karnataka ..suzerains ■/
/Kadambas of Banavasi, the Chalukyas of Badami, the Rashtrakutas , "
" of Manyakhcta, the Ghalukyas of Kalyana, the Hoysalas of Dvarasamudra
| "and : the ; Rayas of Vijayanagara) reveals clearly the phenomenon that
from die early centuries of the Christian era, Tulu-nadu had unbroken . -
y contact with Karnataka and therefore, the influence of Karnataka .oyer;./.

M cultural complex and the Western Ghats had been no serious impediments
f/tof this dienetr ation. ' / • ' ,'

V//:.'// It is not. wortlrwhilc, at the present juncture, to debate upon the
" /nature of the origin of the Alupas and what exactly the term ylA/po.connotes./v : ;;
/ Su ffi.ce ( it to infer that the word-foot dlu means hide’. 6 Perhaps, - the • •
/Originator of this family must have been named Alupa or Aluva and the entire: /
i /family came to be called the Alupa dynasty and the: term Alupa (A(uva) . />
//came to. be accepted in tradition as the family, cognomen. : Some scholars : :
/like Dr, B. A. Sale tore and M. Govinda Pai are of the opinion that tin
/term. d liilrri "■miipf va! q fori • fA Is pelt a : ii cr -Df tli a QprnprifcV.^ti^fd'rrnr^ifirfl't

• infer

•A f- •

Efr: Tnd.\r n \. XXXTT.nri: 318-25. H-vO/O. V //:.>/

20

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

in substantiation, to the relief on the inscription-stone from Mangalore,
dated A. D. 1303, which they seem to surmise is that of a hooded-serpent.
In fact, the relief on this stone is not of a hooded-serpent, but of Brahma,
Vishnu and Mahesvara in propitiation of whom grant was given. The
central relief is of Vishnu depicted as being seated on Sesha. Lack of
observation has led to this misconception, 7 (PLATE XI c)

AlvaUicda-6,000

The Halmidi inscription of Kakusthavarman belonging to about
A.D.450 is taken into account as the earliest of the Kannada epigraphs,
hitherto, discovered. It is argued that Alapa mentioned in this inscription
may be identified with the Alupas of the district of South Kanara. Autho-
rities still dispute whether this identification is acceptable 8 . Should we
accept this equation of Alapa with /Uupa, we can say that the history of
the Alupas dates back to the 5th century A.D. on epigraphical grounds.

In the 7th century A.D., the Alupas were ruling in the district of
South Kanara. This fact is corroborated by two of the earliest inscriptions
belonging to die dynasty, both found in the Udipi taluk 7 . We come
across the name AlvaUieda with its geographical extent 6,000 for the first
time m the Soraba inscription, dated about A.D. 800, of the Rashtrakuta
’ ^.J-ndarasa', Another epigraph of the 9 th century A.D. beloneing
° t 1 . ugun , Bankapura taluk of the Dharwar district, seems to record
some g ts. o and when Indapayya was governing Banavasi-1 2,000. It
? e , ntl ° nS . • va ^heda-6,000". It is beyond doubt that Alvakheda
a is met po ltical division was known by about the 9th century A.D.

f ,i . ’ ® u ^ ers introduction to the Vikramankadevacharita gives the

,TT' Vikrima ’ °» b ™s M to Mmsclf. marched
Then 1 ■ ™ gabhadra on whose bank he rested his army for sometime.

J hen he became anxious to fight the Gholas and spent sometime in

Djmuhes of IheKana^scDiltncu' p.To9 P60 ' M ‘ GovInda v ^~Tcnka-nadu pp. Fleet-
s page 20. * 936, Is ° 16, s Sr,kanta Sastri - Sources of Karnataka History, Vol. I,

one AtapTty r d5. P 1936 0 p™ d 7« ba r f^ U5 ' , ’ a > da ted circa 450 A.D. mentions
{lad Anti 19, page 17) refers to nPsiT' 1 1 ™ Mahakiita inscription of MangalCsa
7 A A a P a Aluva d^astv know whether they belonged

: O FOOta0tel4 ’W318) .

" - 1 ' * No. 26or i943JS a ^ NO h 10

Of BombajhR anidfaka Inscriptions ,

2

Vanavasa. When he resurhecf -VWs^iharfeh”;':: the trumpets of his arm);

a ^ lim’rrc rvF. ; A/folo^Vo ■ A /z&'n \ Af* -.Viic, "* '*;'T A t ».o £ 6 i

South of. Kohkana and north of Kerala Jay the Alupa lungdoiii; • Thi
territorial:- division of • Alvakhcda-6,000 .continued to f be called; by tha
irame .till the Hoysala period. . And an inscription of the time of Vishnu

v

13

During the Hoysala times, this country was frequently referred to as-: th<
Alvakheda and as the western boundary of their doihinionsVM - ‘ rnL

v;TTThbnxtension of Alvakheda over parts of the North Kanara district
inclusive of Halve, .may be substantiated by a few epigraphs. The dMsioi

: JAltr'i/k /i!'- iL-t'C -* ’• j 1- 1.. _ TD^iSI,: ; — iu ~

The inscription belonging to the reign of Pandya-Chakravarti arirdyd-basava
sdnkara Pdndya-gojdjikuh Vira-SOyidevalpendra, dated A.D. 1 348, describe
the religious establishment in the lands made by one Mahaprabhu N arayana
saryatithya of Idagundi of the Honnavara taluk.* 7 . The Sirfdi inscriptioi
of Bhatakala, North Kanara, dated A.D. 1304, speaks of the gift mach
if ^yPdn^a-Ghdkravarli- arirdya-basava-sankara ViiuAjayidevarasa.™ T Th<
second!' part of ‘the same inscription dated A.D. 1 334-; records anotlie]
gift during: the reign of SSyideva, the Alupa ruler. 1 ? Vira-Kul asekhara
devarasa ruling from Barakuru is stated to have issued the orders in con-
junction ^vith his ministers, announcing the continuance of the use o
diis, biddra by the people of Swale.™ Thus, before the advent of the Vijaya-
nagara rule, the western coastal strip, consisting, of the modern districi
:'of Soudi Kanara and the coastal regions of North Kanara (espcciall)
;,Bhatkala and Honnavara taluks) were under the control of : the Alupas

Ind.-Ani. VoL V, pp. 3 1 7-323. ; V/ : A\; A V

Ep. Cab Yol. XII, Tiptiu* No. 31. .- A- A- yjA'A-y A Al-AA AATaT AAA

Ibid. Vol. V. > /• Beluru No. 199, Ibid. Arasikare .No. 55.

Ibid. Ghcnnarayapatna. Nos. 204-, 205. 220. - Ibid. Vol. VI. Cliikkamdgalui.

No. 160 ctc.:' v .''; ; ;.. ; ::- c : -.( v.yy.y-y', . A .y : V /A Ay-.;..AA{ Ay::!.' ■ AAAtA-S

Ibid. Vol. y. Arasikere No. 55. Chermarayapatna No. 220.. '

IC. I Vo! . T. ; Nb 43 : nf I940-M-1 Batikianna-arasa is taken to b<

12 .
.13
Ai 4

15

‘ 36

'•fir

\l8

to be an Alupa ruler

& No. 44 of l940- 41.V' 20 /foA No. 47 dfi940-’41.;

22

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

and Alvakheda-6,000 referred to in epigraphs was this coastal territory. 2 '

In the history of any country in the Christian era, it may be difficult
to find a similar example of a continuous line of dynastic rule extending
over a period of more than a thousand years as that of the Alupas. It is, in-
deed, unique. But, it may not be unreasonable to suppose that the Alupas
held power through the main and collateral branches. The most vexing
problem with this dynasty is chronology. Any researcher on the history
of the Alupas in general and of the early Alupas in particular is faced
with the acute paucity of dated epigraphs with the result that the chrono-
logical sequence in the writing of the political history of this ruling family
can, at best, be hypothetical. Future discoveries of new epigraphs,
dated or datable and with greater clarity, may clear the horizon. Even
the more abundant epigraphs with fuller details relating to the medieval
and later Alupas fail to solve the problem of chronology. It has been
very difficult to fix the reign periods of the various Alupa rulers with
certainty.

The following genealogy of the Alupas may be accepted as fairly
reliable, although there is a large room left for improvement. The
succession table of the Alupa dynasty drawn by Dr. K. V. Ramesh 22 is an
original contribution of very high value. He has painstakingly laboured
to solve many a problem connected with chronology. A few alterations
have been made in the light of new discoveries with the confession that
the findings are yet not final.

C. A. D. 650 - A. D. 675

G. A. D. 675 - A. D. 710

G. A. D. 710 -A. D. 720

C. A. D. 720 - A. D. 725

AJuvarasa I (Gunasagara)
(Aluka-maharaja)

■I

Chitravahana I (son)
Ranasagara

Kshirasagara (interim period)

4

Svetavahana

4

21 noA S ;o^ U of s!mn4n thcr f lvis i on ? f Alvakheda-6,000 ever comprised western

r dls ^', 5 33 - ma, ! i0Md H the M.A.R. of 1936

have taken, place durinp-Th 13 !?- 11 * ° t ^ lva ? c ' le< ? a mto a 6,000 province seemed to
their possessions in the j ln ? eSj when the ^ I upas were stripped of

tones. P£>hat region and they were confined to thacoastal terri-

KA . Ramcsh - History of South Kanara pp. 35 - 149.

G. A. D. 750 - A. D. 770
G.;A.X);i 770 ; 2 : A;\D, 795 V;: ;
G; Av;D. ; 795 >- A. D. 825 ‘

G);' A/I). 910 -
Wk:0$3o^-
G^A' D. 970 -
G; A. D^:1000
G. : A.DVii030
; C! AAAI) Al 050
; C1. AvD.;i070
C; A. E>; ;1090

CiA. dAi 115 .
a : A.D; 1156
AAAP.;i 170
"G;iA::P7;i^20
VvG7'A. p. ;1230/
^A.;p':;: ; i25o^
;G7A. b^l275
^'Sli);S'29®

A. D. 930
A. D. 970
A. D. 1000

- A. D. 1030

- A. D. 1050
-A. D. 1070

- A. D. 1090

- A. D. 1115

- 1155
-1170

-A. D. 1220
-A. D. 1230

- 1250 A- ’

- A; D. 1275

- A. D. 1292

- A. 1 X 1300

Aiupas;jina v ALvakheda: ; \ .■■■; v

'^.Uday aditya Pnthvlsagara
X- pdayaditya. Maramma Aliiyarasar
' : A ".' : rSaka3a-Srimat-A|m ? arasa II X -AA
; Gliitravahana II - V- - ‘ ■ '4;

A • ... i , " A. -■ . AA

Nagadatta Pandya-nayaga ? ; ; i- “

'■ 1 . .y-.v-y

. Viinaladitya ? , • yyy

Dattamma (Datta-Aliipa) ?

Aluva Rananjaya ; '■ '• . . • ;

KundaVarma • . '‘Ar

Pandy a-Dhanarij ay a

A ■ - - •_ .

Chola Occupation . .A*;

' . *1 . • .A, - ■-"A-aA

Bankideva I v v yy

\ , " .. ... ' .AA. AyAA

Dattaiuvcndra-Srl-Mara .

A j ' A A A a AAA:

Pattiyodeya • " y • ; /:/>•*

Pandya-Pattiyodeya : AAA;: .AK
(Kumara Jayasingarasa) y • - yyAA

Bhujabala Kavi-Akipendra : ( vA’AA

Bommadeva-Alupendra ;; J AA' ;: C-y

. Vira-Kidasekhara :

- ' A • ' ' V-.A T’A ■ AaA :A AyABS®

Pan(Bta-Pandya(Kundana); ; ,:’;yAA
. Vallabliadeya A; ‘‘‘ A^/AAAA'AAy

; Vlrapandyadcva JA^AXAAAAAAA
.. ' Ballamahadevl(wifep^^ \ A Ak A

04 Studies in Tuhaa History and Culture

C. A D. 1285 - A. D. 1315
C. A. D. 1315 - A D. 1335

C. A. D. 1335 - A. D. 1346
C A. D. 1346- A. D. 1355
G. A D. 1355 - AD. 1390
C A. D. 1390 - A. D. 1400

Bankideva II (nephew of Virapandya) ?
Soyideva

i

Kulasekhara II

i

Bankideva III
1

Kulasekhara III
1

Virapandya II

HOYSALA

Ciiikkayi - Tap (Queen of Vira-Ballala III, A.D.1333 - 1348)
Kulasekhara (A. D. 1344- 1348)

The discos cry of a new epigraphy from the Settra-basti, Mudabidure,
South Kanara throws fresh light on the genealogy of the Alupas and the
introduces a new r ruler in Bammadeva-Alvendra, who is stated to belong
to Soma-iamsa and is described as Bliuvana-vikhyala and Pandya-kula-tilaka.
The absence of the Saha year in this epigraph causes difficulty in deter-
mining the date. The epigraph is in the foim of an epitaph mentioning
the death of one Uttama-setti on the Ekadasi day (Wednesday) falling
on the se\ enth day of Vrishabha-masa of Parthiva sarhvatsara. Parthiva
occurs in A.D. 1045, A. D. 1105, A. D. 1165, A. D. 1225 and A. D. 1285.
The 7th tithi on the said Vrishabha month does not correspond to the
week-day, Wednesday, in any of these years. Only in die years A . D . 1 285
it corresponds to Thursday (a day later) i.e. May 1, and Tuesday (a day
earlier) i.e. May 1, respectively. In A. D. 1224, the previous Tarana
cycic 7 eai , it falls on May 1, Wednesday. The preferable equivalent
date may be A.D.1224 or A.D.1225. The epigraph is engraved in die
oysala characters and has an elegant relief characterising Hovsala art.
alaeographically, the epigraph may be ascribed to the 12th *C A.D.
' n .* C , h CaSC * c ll datc acc <Ttable will be A.D. 1165. The text of the
Sdma' V ■ •LrT f ° °T : Svash Sr ' lmalu Bhuvana-vikhydta P mdy alula- tilala
Z iZivS » raj ] M J uda } .ia PtrMva-
sZ lZt— nil &«*• Sri samasta-

CHAPTER IV

;f; ; • political history- of the; alupas

The first recorded Alupa ruler of Alvakheda, Ganasagara (Ajuyarasa I)
is stated to be ruling from Banavasi (North Kanara district) 6' vctfthe
Banavasi-mandala. 1 This inscription is assigned by Mr. Rice, to A . D . 67.5
andRence the overlord of Karnataka during this period was Vikramaditya I
tlie Western Chalukyan king. Aluka- maharaja referred to imtthe
Maruturu grant dated in the year 663 A. D. may be identified with
Aluyarasa I. It invokes akshaya-phala upon Aluka-maharaja and mentions
him as having traversed a long way from Mangalapura. 2 Gun asagara’s son
and successor, Chitravahana, continued to be in possession and governor-;
slnp of Kadamba-mandala. The Soraba plates of the Ghalukyari
king, Vinayaditya, dated A.D.692, state 3 that he made, a grant at the
request of Gunasagara Alupendra’s son, Chitravfiha-m.aharaja, who was
In possession of the Edevolal district in the Banavasi province. Likewise,
another copper-plate grant of . the same emperor, dated A . D . 693, mentions
the subordination of Pallava, Kalabhra, Kerala, Haihaya, Vila, Malava,
Ghola, and Pandya, along with the hereditary servants - the % Alupa, :
;Gahga etc. 4 That the Alupas were subordinate to the Western Ghalukyas
is fully evidenced by an inscription dated A . D . 634-35. fV-Tt. gives the
information that the Alupas and the Gaiigas of old standing took delight
in; drinking the nectar of close attendance on the great Pulakesin II,
Sn+ yasraya. We do not know who the Alupa ruler Was at the . time of

707jV state

that this sovereign had gone to Banavasi .to- meet . Chitravahana .whicli :
' *•%>’ Vol. vi, Koppa 38. '/--f-,. -■;.>’ VO-'

-w Andra Pradesli Goot. -Archaeological Series. No-6. pp.'ll— 39 andplatesy::V;ii:Vve -
]lnd.-:ML Vol. XIX. p.- 146 ff; Ep. Car. Vol.. VI II, S6rab&A571
;;; A r.:7. Vol; II, No. 3 for 1940- 5 4lyp. 9.

* hid An!. Vol. V, p. 67; Ibid. Vol. VIII. p. 237; Ep. Ltd Vol. VI. p. 10. $

26 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

shows that the latter was still in possession of Banavasi-mandala. There
is no doubt that this Chitravahana was the same as his namesake mentioned
in the Soraba plates refeired to above. (Chitravahana of the Soraba plates
is called Chitravahana I by Dr. Idultzsch in view of another Chitravahana
(ID found in the later records). 6 7 * 9 Vijayaditya paid a courtesy visit to
Banavasi from Ids camp at Kisuvolal at the request of Chitravahana
and made the grant to the Jaina monastery which was caused to e
constructed by Kumkumadevi at Purigere. Dr. G. S. Gai, Chiet Bpi-
giaphist for India, while editing the Sliiggaon plates, suggests that Chitra-
vahana coidd be his brother-in-law. He also points out that it is likely,
Alupa Chitravahana was an elder relative of the king since he figures
in the grant of Vinayaditya, dated A . D . 692, referred to above.’ Chitra-
vahana was responsible for the visit of Vijayaditya to Purigere and for
the favour of a grant to the Jaina monastery caused to be erected by

Kumkumadevi. V V—

lst

Even though the Alupas were subservient to the Western Chalukyas
ofBadami towards the beginning of the 8th century A. D., there is
no positive proof of the possession of Alvakheda by Kirttivarman II
(A.D.743 - A.D.753) as contended by Dr. B. A. Saletore* and
M. Govinda Pai.’ At any rate the possibility of kinship between the Western
Chalukyas and the Alupas may not be seriously disputed. The power
and influence of the Alupas must have been the reason, along with the
blood-relationship, for their appointment as the governors of Kadamba-
mandala.

This contact with the Western Chalukyas of Badami was of momentous
significance in the history of Alvakheda, because this must have opened up
channels of communication and cultural exchange between Karnataka
and Alvakheda.

Inscriptions of the 8th century A.D. reveal to us that the Alupas
were enmeshed in serious disturbances in Udayavara (Udayapura),
Udipi taluk. South Kanara and before political stability could be attained,

6 £p. Ind , IX, p. 16.

7 XXXII, pp. 318—25 ; Sliiggaon Plates of Chalukya Vijayaditya, S. 630 -

Edited ^ r * Cai, Chief Epigrapliist for India, Mysore.

u* ^ ctorc opines that an inscription of the same ruler is found in Aduru,
which, too, is not historically true. Aduru referred to by these writers is the one

9 t° theDharwar district and not to South Kanara. {History of Tuliwa, p.203).

rri™ * ment *OH5 that there is an inscription at Aduru belonging to the

reign of Xirtivarman II {Tenka-nddu p. 21). But this is not true.

'vW W g Political tiistoiy Oj\ the ;A (upas . v : ;-vi ;? - > y WA y:-2'

' conducted >: ahy - expedition ' agaihstyUd^
evidenced by an inscription in- that place, which states that in the distres
of Ranasagara, Chitravahamvs army invaded Udayapura-’ in which
Kaltide, son of Vijana-nayga fought and died on behalf of GhitTayahaha; 3
We hear about Chitravahana’s military encounter with Ranasagara
the latter entering Udayapura,. determined to capture the city: 33 fThi
record states that Ranaman.de Angupesara Polegan, a scr van t of Y uddh a
nialla, died in a fight with Ranakesara (i.e. same as Ranasagara), wh(

.Was ; entering Udyapura in the battle against Dhareglsan. Ahothe:
epigraph relates to the military operation of Ranasagara and record:
the death of Jatisura, who fell fighting after piercing the army of Kshlra
sagara, On behalf of his master, Ranasagara. 32 Ranasagara made t
giftto N a gamma of Kayra-vamsa who was as brave as Mahcndra fo;
crushing the army of Paybaya. 33 This could, perhaps, mean the victor}
of Ranasagara over his enemy, Chitravahana, Kshirasagara, mentionec
above;, may have been a near relation of Chitravahana. ; .yy-AgWy

'Next, we come across Svetavahana. Two epigraphs mention aboul
his invasion of Udayavara and obviously the power of Ranasagara musi
- have been extirpated, but Svetavahana was not destined to rule for long,
for he had to contend against his formidable foe, PyithvIsagara.iyW.Pnthyd-
sagara’s success was complete, and out of chaos, political order and stability
seemed to have been established. 'It may be said that a period of resto-
ration and of political reconstruction was ushered i n. The epigraphs
of Prithvlsagara inform us that considerable political order -must have
finally been established by him, which led to definite regulations intro-
duced into the eighteen pattanas of Udayapura ancl Patti-Pombulcha
(Simoga district) 35 . ' Prithvlsagara assumed they title Uttamd-Pandya
and although it is not clearly known how he came to assume this cognomen;
a surmise is possible here. The Shiggaon plates of Chalukya. Vijayaditya,
elated A. D . 707, referred to earlier, 36 mention Chitravahana as belonging
to the Pandya lineage. This is reminiscent of the' connection between
the Pandyas ■ of Madura and the Alupas.;::. paucity

10 Ep Ind Vol IX p 18 31 A R No 505 for 1928-’29.

: . 12 A 7. Vol. Vlij-No.. 293. 13 '. Ibid. Vol IX, Part i, No’. 392yaA tfaYa'

14 Ep. Ind. Vol IX, p. 19. 15 Ibid. pp. 20-21. 36 Opp. Cit. Footnote 7 ,

28

Studies in Tultwa History and Culture

of any other authentic source material to get enlightened further, how
and why Chitravahana called himself of the Pandya lineage. The
Vclvikhudi Plates of Jatila Parantaka,'? the Pandyan king, belonging
to about A D.770, also known as Varaguna-maharaja I (A.D.765-
A.D.815), refei to a battle fought at Mahgalapura in which the Maharathas
were defeated The Maharathas referred to here were none other than
the Chaluk) as of Badami and Mahgalapura is, by the consensus of opinion,
identified with Mangalore of the district of South Kanara. 18 This
battle of Mahgalapura must have been fought between A.D.700 and
A.D.730 during the leign of Kochchadaiyan, the grand-father of Jatila
Parantaha, who was the donor of the Velvikkudi Plates. Evidently, the
Western Chaluk) an king was Vijayaditya (A. D. 696 —A.D.733/34)' 9
and the Alupa ruler, w r ho must have assisted Vijayaditya, being his feuda-
tory and who suffered defeat in the hands of Kochchadaiyan at Mahgala-
pura, could be Prithvlsagara If this possibility were accepted, we may
surmise that Prithvlsagara, as the vanquished, may have assumed the
title - Utlama-Pdndja

The assumpdon of elaborate titles by Prithvlsagara, the glorious
Alupendra, who sprang from the race of the moon, the ornament of his
family, Udajaditja Uttama-Pdndja, the glorious Aluvarasar — seems an
indisputable sign of the invigorating political advance of the Alupas. 20
There is no doubt that the early Alupas W'ere lords of Patti-Porhbulcha, a
place in the Nagar taluk of the Simoga district. The successor of Prithvl-
sagara, Vijayaditya Maramma Alvarasar, also is stated to have introduced
trade regulations into Udayavara and Porhbulcha.- 1 This king assumed
the title — Vijayaditja-Alupendra, Paramesvara-Adhirajardjan, Uttama-Pdhdyan ,
Soma-vamsodbhava — which reveals the clear proof of the unquestioned
sovereignty established by him. The name Vijayaditya is reminiscent
of the Alupa s connection with the Chalukyas of Badami. It is possible
that Chalukya Vijayaditya (A.D.733/34) may have been the grand-

19

Mjtixc Soceij, V ° 1 . Xin (Oct 1922 ) PP 448-455

^ ^ astn : Pandyan Kingdom.

II* ^ h'dia, PP 162 & 164 The Kotrakudi p lates ofNandivaram

Wr*m4l P u °, , a gf ant madc the request of the chieftain of Mangala-natfu
derated hv ,l?e°P ?b i y the i Sam c a ? htangalapura m which the Maharathas were
mST it k ,T Sad™. (, Journal of Mythic Society, Vol XIV, p

couldbe e th^r Prirtf - P0SS1 T the chlcf i >F Mangala-nadu mentioned here
m JCp hid Vol IX P nn Vnwf 3 ° r hlS succcssor Sakala-Snmat-Aluvarasar (II).

Ep Ind Vol xx', pp 22-24

.2

6f:Prithvisagara;.-i-T^ ruler introdiiccci by the. newly discovered

tv/* 't. ' ,£ \V V ; ro-vVWr L V*.‘ V*‘- UW-.f. •'•4 s’- /.v ‘i - • / ‘ ' .*.‘i ' v.'*.. * <*’'-* l *' * . r». '.V A •; "A .\'A ’“■■ V «V-. A;. • ■»’ ; A-V *. s-A

mayr¥e,jidhe;i>t

(PJatc VIJI): .;.

tliC:vAliipas and was entrusted to Rajaditya, while A]vakheda--6,000' wa
administered by Chitravahana II, who, on the strength of his name
!mja^b& \$hspsibi& ftd'ihave belonged to the Alupa family^/ To' judge ifrdh
tiiesMayalh inscription,? 2 he proved troublesome and; had to bajcoe’rea
by the force of arms. What exactly was the position of Alvakheda dtirins

in another epigraph of the 9th century A . D . (in all probability belongim
to the;' reign of Amoghavarsha - (A . D„ . 8 1 4 - A . D .878).** , It refers t(
Indapayya,!, as governing Banavasi-1 2,000 and also mentions Alvalcheda
;6 'QOOppThis epigraph suggests to us that in the 9th century, A.jl.A^yh
Jkheda was - a , distinct division and that it was not a part of Kadamba ;
mandalaV-or Banavasi-1 2,000. The subjugation of the AlupasAis > alsc

; rCl sited - 1 tv rx r'Ar\rw-.v_T-il-a-)-£* rrranf nffhp rhirtf RaiarfitVfi tA . D . 95 I Ptlv xvhosf

Probably, Alvaldieda suffered an. invasion in the hands of.the Rashtralcut?
kingjvKrishna III (A . D . 939 - A D . 966). It is clear that the relatioi:
between the Alupas and the Rashtrakuta suzerain was niarkcd lW hbstilu>

1 A L.-L' ■ A — * J *• • 1 1 n Urt /4 V\ /iT*h o rxc "tA "v'-l'N O AVA r\ A 1 ! mid »'• f K A

subjected to a military campaign in the 9th century ;Arp:;;A;iff^

ij'r? fV.d-” ^ : 'V ' v'2 A A . . r* . . ” tt a ' Jlf’A A vtT'j-'.-'irTil -:-A ! '.AviAlA'AA-' A*Vi' r eo-- >

Punnata,?;; Rulasthana-Auhka, Mahishaka, Mekura,p Papdyar i Antara-
Pandya. It is quite possible that Aulika was none other than Aluka.a*

A f A'VA 4 * • 'L • ’..A ^ vA 1 . ’ AWA^/NtA 'rrS’-l 4 V' \r-J- • A r A‘r r , r *A « r - ' -:-A ~ AAV ' A

30

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

The political history of the Alupas from A.D.800 to the middle of
the 1 0th century A D is shrouded in obscurity. The two names included
in the genealogy of the Alupas between Chitravahana II and Kundavarma I,
also do not recenc the unquestioned stamp of historical certainty.
Our sources for the study of this period of a centui v and a half are virtually
blank It is rather difficult to explain this phenomenon. But we have
reasons to belies that during this period, the Alupas must have been
o\ er powered and impaled into insignificance by the rise of another political
pover m the district of Simoga, known as the Santaras.

The Santara kings had their first capital at Patti-Pombulchapura
he modern Ilumcha of the Nagar taluk of the Simoga district): ihey

LoS J of na$ ti ,Tl fraCe theh ' 0ri ^ in t0 Jinadattaraya, who was the
Lord of northern Madhura and of Ugia-vamsa * -Tffi adatta came

L ns his c^Z

lion-crest He 000, bavln S S ained the monkey-flag and the

ranvava 'u It na ™ ^ara and Ugra-varhsa became Santa-

conquest of 'Wv-Ah-^ T "' ** Jinadatta himself undertook the
rSstt r ?*** thC CXtCnsi0n of his kingdom below

to Jmad « td h a) ' VC Cn 3 V ° IUmar > SUbm ™ Alupas

extendLg ffieir noli rcmarkable —ess in
belonging to HattiyahgadTstat of A.D. 1388-
son of Mahapradhana Baichappa DanLaka ^ Vl ™gappa-dannayaka,
horn his capital at Blrakhru .^rS St ^fLT ^

made to the Chandranatha-basadi in early Imes hv T ^ * -

portion of the inscription reads as follows : Jmadattaraya. A

HaUiy angadiya bast,) a Chandranatha
' wami S c purvadalli Jinadatta-raya
bitta dharmakke barasida silasasana
bahuUlavada mele agni-badhejdgi
bahala dharma mareyada karanada
Abhqyachdryara nirupadinda
Vimgappa-danayakarti barasida
Baia sanada vakhaniya kramaventendare

“ J l\ d Vo > VIII, Int pp 6_ 9

>angadi, Coondapura taluk, 4 SouS’ KaS. i0n iS !n * e Chandranatha-basu,

°f A lup/ ls Iffe-;; -

3 k

of Tulu-riadu and could, as well, lead us to infer that Jinadatta ;rriay have
: had his .political sway extended over • the clistri c.t ; of South Kanara (Ajva-
Idleda^ SceorLdly/we may surmisc that at leastduring the:time ofJinadatta.^.y
Jainism may have spread to this part of Alvakheda. y Its complete: dis-A;;
cussioii will ; ; ; follow . under the . chapter; 4 Jainism V in; ; Tulu-nadu’.
Among other things the inscription states, that the original stone inscription ..
recording grants made in olden days by Jinadattaraya • to the deity -
Ghandranatha, having been destroyed in a .fire, thereby resulting in the
discontinuance of the grants then made, Virugappa-danayaka, at they
-instance of Abhayacharya, caused the present inscription to be ehgfayedK;
fahew. ';' The text clearly implies that Jinadatta was in some way connected^ ;
with ; Alvakheda. However, it has to be accepted that.wC; dO:hot;haye|J
’;^hy- -further proof of his hold on Alvakheda. - : ; ... '

The Padu-Alevuru inscription of the Udipi taluk, South Kanara,? 9 y
assignable to the 10th century A.D., discovered in the /^raAvim of the
Bur'ga Paramcsvari temple, states that the grant to the goddess, Devi,' •
was made during die reign of Santara-dcva : , \ yV: yy.

6 vasti srl kumbhadalu brihaspa - ■ •

WyyV- tiyilda virbdhikraiu samba - -Vy

■ tsarada dhanur-masadalu srimatu ■ yd,

1 ■ Santara-devara rajyadalu Devi ' y

$%£ o.pi. deya Dcvige Kokkarni obba ~ . ;; j' ir

k|$y/,';' v abbe madagida dharmam-appudu 'C.y yyy^yyyyyyyyyf

Here rye have the indisputable proof of the Santara suzerainty over y
Alvakheda or at least the inclusion of this area in, the : kingdom of the • •
Santaras. A herostone near the palace site of the Aliipas. at ; Udayavara, ; ;;;

;y . ; Svasti sri Sa -
yy-y niarana-alu Me -
: y'y. dumdnan i - "■]
vkk': Ui eridu vildan • y

^. :A. ft. No. 585 for 1929-30..> f^

32

Studies in Titluva History and Culture

There is an indication of a fight between the Santaras and the Alupa's ( ? )
in this epigraph.

The next land-mark in the history of the Alupas may be found during
the reign period of Kundavarma-Alupendra. Only one epigraph of this
ruler is available and it is unique in that it furnishes us with the information
that the Natha Pantha must has e flourished at Kadre, Mangalore, South
Kanara, during his time. A detailed account of this religious sect will
follow. This iascription is in the granlha script and in the Sanskrit language,
engraved on the pedestal of the image of Lokcsvara in the Manjunatha
temple at Kadre, which was installed in A.D.968 by Kundavarma-
Alupendra. 31 We have to examine this inscription critically in order
to understand something about the political condition that may have
prevailed during his times. The following arc the important points
contained in the inscription that should draw our attention:

(1) The king Kundax arma-Alupendra belonged to the lunar race
(C/ia'idra-vaiiisa).

(2) He is eulogised as a renowned king of the world.

(3) He appears to have extinguished the sin arising out of drinking
{sara-pana). Possibly, he may have introduced a sort of
pi olubition’.

(4)

( 5 )

( 6 )

Grants (perhaps, land-grants) were made by him to the agraharas
of Brahmins.

He conquered the king, who was (or proved) ungrateful (or
reasonable) and by the use of the arms, he required his kingdom,
uch a great and benevolent king (profuse praise) undertook
in A ^ S 011 ° f tHC L ° k “ Vara ima S c in the vihara of Kadarika

(/) I' m ? ti0ncd aS an ardcnt dcv °tec of Lord Siva

moon). t0 * ° f Him Wh0SC Crest j^l is the crescent

_ Tt 1S n0t qUUe dCar from this c Pigraph who the ungrateful king,

31 HV' oLVII ' No - 19L

nzes m South India” (p 164). * ^ nn anc ^ -mai ^ in the history

Political History of the :iAlkf)ds :: A: V :

•33

V.“ u- -7. ” /• ’• ■ 'v ■ OO > 1 » . -iiAU/ j Aiu v,u .'UAjvyaJ.^U

•the Santara kiiig from Alvakhcda (or : a protegee of the Santaras.: Alva
Riananjaya/ having given liis ; 'daughter to Ghagi Santara* established
drastic alliance between the Santaras and the Alupas. •••;': He must have
been unchi' the influence of the Santara king to such an extent as to over-
shadow his own regal importance) and established his .order. -We may.
juh point to another epigraph, dated A.D. 967, belonging to Venur of
the ICarkala taluk, which; makes mention of a king (whose name is not
known, /since. that portion of the stone is built into, the foundation of the'
temple) who had fish as his emblem (Jdnchchhana) n Since the iiistory..
of the Alupas in the 8th century A.D. reveals the fact that they, had
fish as their Idnchchhamf* it may be inferred that this epigraph belonged,
to the Alupa line and the king, who may have been responsible for the
issue of the grant, could be none other than Kundavarma himself.

;^|'(i'We: are yet steeped in ignorance as to who succeeded Kundavariria. y
It is quite possible that he was succeeded by Pandya-Dhananjhya, whose/
name came to be inscribed as legend in the Alupa coins that were struck /
;b)t the rulers of this dynasty. This is corroborated by a newly discovered .
: epigraph from Bcluru, Coondapur taluk, South Kanara (Plate XIII); ;/The
next ; name • that we come across in the genealogy is that of Bankideva; ./:
He was undoubtedly a powerful ruler. The AJupa-Santara alliance was
■further strengthened during his reign. Blraladevi, daughter of Ainmana-:
deva, the Santara king, was given in mariage to Bankideva and Tailapa-
;deya,:the Santara king, married Banki-alva’s younger sister, Mahkabbarasih-:
An inscription from Udayavara, dated A.D . 1058, , mentions Maha-
'mandalesvara, Raya-Santara (wrongly read as Raya-Saltiratta in. S . I . I. v
ryblf VII No. 278). : No details are .. available in . it. Rayar&antara, /

mentioned above, may have been the predecessor, of Trailokyamalla Bira^:
//(yira) Santara, who : figures in the Nagar inscription of . A.D . 1 062.” J
/Baiikiyalup end r a . may be taken to . be Ray a-8antara -s / uncle. We - are
. unable to say how, long Banldyalupendra ruled; perhaps he may have.';
. been in power until A.D. 1060.- -y ^ /• f

32

;3

2 i'/T t. Vol. VIII, No. 253. • /. • dCcd'h;

■ 2 3 ; M.' M . Prabhu - Alupa "Coins - Published in the journal of . the jYumsmdtic Society of :
.„ ..../^^wV/VoLXXVn,' Parti (1965), pp. 53 - 60 . iff

pf^Ep.Sar. Vol. VIII, Inti pp. 8-10. ; '

Igaghr No.,;63. y yy/;,

34

Studies in Tnfava History and Culture

Bankivalirva must have been succeeded by Dattaluvcndra-srl-Mara,
He is stated to be a Santara king, but his father’s name Mayuravarma
is distinctively Kadamba. His mother, again, was a princess of the
Dattdlyara-vama. Possibly, Dattalva may point to a derivation from
Jinadatla. We are not in a position to decide how this ruler came, to
possess the throne at Barakanyapura and issue grants in his name. 36 At
best we can suggest that he was a relative of Bankiyaluva.

The influence of the Santaras over the Alupas may further be explained
as follows: An epigraph of Ballamahadevi, dated A. D. 1281, refers to
Bankideva of Dallalvara-bali, as comprising one of the important personages
of the court. 37 This Dattalvara-bali is definitely related to Daltalvara-
vamsa to which srl Mara belonged. 38 Another inscription of Uppunda,
Coondapur taluk, dated A. D. 1377, mentions one Vira-Katarasa who is
stated to be ruling his stable kingdom. He is said to belong to the Adiyara-
vatiisa and is described as - Adiyara-kula-kamala-martanda , Adiyara - kula-
vamsodbhavam etc. 39 And it may be inferred from the mention of the
lineage that he must have belonged to the line of Hosagunda rulers, who
claimed to be the lords of Pomburcha and sometimes said to be ruling
Santalige kingdom. 40 Instead of Ugra-vamsa, they seem to belong
to Adiyara-vamsa. Vira-Katarasa, mentioned above, must be a scion
of this family, who established his authority over the Uppugunda-nadu,
a portion of the Coondapur taluk of South Kanara. The Adiyara-kula
was accepted as one of the balls in the history’ of Tuluva.

Further, occurs the possibility’ of the Chola invasion of Alvakheda.
Here, no final inference, in tire present state of our knowledge, can be
drawn. That there must have been an invasion of the Tulu country
by the Cholas and that the Tulu country was not identical with Alvakheda
were explained in the second chapter. The hoard of Chola coins (silver),
discovered at Kartoka in the district of North Kanara, 41 of the time
of Raja-raja I (A. D. 985 — A. D. 1016) could plausibly lead us to infer
that a portion of North Kanara, lying in the coastal region, may have

36 5. 1. 1. Vol. VII, No. 314.

31 A. R No. 336 for 1931— ’32.

35 the SaI f C as . va r !P Ja ma Y he proved in the light of two epigraphs which

No m^T/T^I& a \ a 925) ,, mCan5nS ,hC S3me (S ’ L L Vo1 - n > Fart 1
11 'l' R ‘ No 555 for 1929-30. ;

it Vo1, V , HI > Nagar Nos 27, 134 and 150.

■ U. uupta -Journal of Numismatic Society, Vol. XXIV Parts I & II (1962) p. 183.

^ v ._

icen the target- of; the: ^ : 'Bhat this terri

43'

'.' -AS.

been tlie target of . the GliSla attack. /; That this territory : continued tt
be^^agei^by .-- tJm>s<mfo£|^^ityj^ D . ;t 0 1 A:VD .

1,044) : ; is ; also quite manifest through records:; . Rajm Ghola marchct
up ;to Donur in the Bijapur District and in the words of the .Chalukyan
inscription ‘plundered the entire country’, slaughtering even children,
women and Brahmins. 42 He also captured Banavasi. ; Because of the
dynastic and blood-relationship between the Alupas and the Santafasj
perhaps j the latter had to be assisted by the Alupa king, Pattiyodeya:
iix; a v Battle against the Chdla king (perhaps, Kuiottunga A. D. 1070 --
A,:D.d 118) which seemed rather adverse to the Alupa ruler. Any way.
we do not have indisputable records to prove that Alvakheda was conquered
by the Cholas and that during their imperialism, the Alupas were politically
subordinate to them. 43 •, v yA >

AHhe Hoysala inscriptions mostly relate to Alvakheda as the westerh
.boundary of their dominions. It is really difficult to decide with the
available source material, whether the Hoysalas actually -reduced - 'Alv%:
kheda. into a dependency; because the epigraphs in this connection -are
rather confusing and indistinct. In three instances, the western frontiers
of the Hoysala dominions are stated to have extended up to Barakanufa-
Ghatta, as discussed in the second chapter. But a few inscriptions suggest
that A|yakhecla may have been part and parcel of the Iioysala kingdom.;
The Belur inscription, dated A. D. 1101, states that Ballala I ruled over
itlief: territories ■ : inclusive of Konkana, Alvakheda, Bayatnad, Talakad
and Sayimale 44 . An inscription of Vishnuvardhana, dated A.D: 3134,
says that he exercised his sovereignity over the territories which vvere
bounded .by the three oceans, 45 Koiikana, commencing from Barakanuru
is stated to be the western boundary of his kingdom in a record. 46 Again,:
another inscription of the same date describes the boundaries in the same

hhfSastri f-A. History of South India, p. 173. .4 ••

7:^A 3 : ^P.: R. .Srinivasan in his Bronzes of South India (pp. 164-165) hints that the ruler who :
wf7£(sdt7up the image of Lokesva in the vihara of Kadarika in Mangalore may havfe;
y^ybeeh subjected to 'the Ghola power, as a result of which he adopted the scrip t of . tlui;

country' of. his sovereign for writing his inscriptions; but this may not be true /for ,
ft; V: f ib the inscription, the Alupa ruler (Kundavarma) assumes imperial titles: and;he
is the lord-pai'amouht .without any indication of his subordination to anW extent al

nilfllOfiHr b Trie • -cfwi'rtrl. An ihnf fl. flpSl'Pllrlant nfv Snrrif* fsirmlipc • ■

M

Ep. Beluru No.; 199. - • HassWm lig.A 46 No-

36

Studies in Tuluva Histoiy and Culture

manner. 47 The lithic record, dated A. D. 11 49, points to the conquest
of Vishnuvardhana and demarcates his kingdom inclusive of Barakanuru
in the vest and Savimale in the north. 4 * It deserves to be noted that
in no record of the Alupas earlier than the vice-royalty of Vira Ballala III,
diere is any mention of the recognition of the Hoysala overlordship over
Alvakheda. Moreover, no record belonging to the Hoysalas until the
third quaiter of the 13th century A.D. has hitherto been discovered
in Alvakheda It is quite possible, that the Alupa rulers nominally
acknowledged the overlordship of the Hoysalas. Dr. S. U. Kamath
writes in his thesis Tuluva in Vijajanagara Times , based on the version
given by M. Ganapati Rao Aigal in Iris Ilihasa , 49 that an inscription
of A.D. 1114 mentions Hoysala prince, Udayaditya, as the viceroy of
Tuluva and states that the Alupa king, Kavi-Alupendra, was a mandalika
under him. But this does not seem coirect. Because, the same epigraph
simply mentions one mandalika Udayaditya in the kingdom of Kavi-Alu-
pendra. 30 We are unable to identify this subordinate Udayaditya.

It is only when we come to the viceroyalty of Vira Ballala III, we
have a specific and clear case of the inclusion of Alvakheda within the
Hoysala dominions. This was, perhaps, partly the consequence of the
matrimonial relationship between the Alupas and the Hoysalas. Vira
Ballala III took Chikkayi-Tayi of the Alupa extration as his queen, 51
which seemed to have resulted in the annexation of Alvakheda.

The earliest of the Hoysala epigraphs, hitherto, discovered in Tulu-
nadu, is dated A.D. 1278 This epigraph belongs to Sirali, North Kanara
district. The record states that a grant of land for the camp office ( bidti )
of the adhikdri at Srili (modem Sirah) during the reign of Mahamandalesvara
Vira-Kumara Immadi Ballala-Devarasa, was made 32 . The king men-
tioned is evidently Ballala III, who, from the reference, appears to have
been a crown prince ( kumara ), ruling with the powers and privileges
of a Mahamandalesvara over the coastal district in the Saha year 1200 i.e.
A.D. 1278. His reign as a crowned king began from A.D.1291 53 .

T°_ advcrt to the achievements of the medieval Alupas. The history
of the Alupas from Pattiyodeya to Vlra-Kulasekhara IV happens to be a

(D '“"

> . K A K. Sastri . History of South India, p. 216.

37

Political History of the Alupas

Continuous one and the whole of Alvakheda was integrated under their
regal authority. The assumption of such imperial titles as - samasio-
bhuvana-vikhyata-Pdndya-rajddhirdja i Pardmesvara , Paramabhattaraka saranagata-

vajra-pahjara , ripurava-kunja-kufijara Pandita-Pandya ’ Pdndya-Dhanaftjdya

by Pattiyodeya and his successors 54 is a distinctive testimony of unques-
tioned sovereignity. Vira-Kulasekliara I (A. D. 1170 ? - A.D. 1220)
was reputed to be one of the greatest of the Alupas. Tradition ‘relates
to an invasion of Alvakheda by a Pandyan Icing of Madhura which resulted
in the latter’s defeat. But it has not been possible to know the truth
about such an invasion. One of the Pandyan inscriptions belonging
to the 12th century A.D. mentions the conquest of the Tuluvas. 55 It may
be possible that if the invasion took place, it may have been during the
reign of Vira-Kulasekhara I, who was the lord-paramount of Alvakheda.
We can reasonably argue that during his reign period, Alvakheda may
have been divided into two provinces, Barakanuru and Mangaluru,
provinces. The epigraph, dated A.D. 1205, speaks of Barakanura-gadyana
and Mangalura-gadyana , coins minted in two separate units, in all probability
relating to the two provinces. Vira-Pandyadeva (A.D. 1254-A.D. 1277)
was another celebrated ruler of the dynasty. A number of epigraphs
relate to the grants and charity gifts made by him. 56 Particular reference
has to be made to the reign of Ballamahadevi, the queen of Vira-Pandya-
deva. 5 ’ This queen happened to be the most illustrious personality
in the entire Alupa dynasty. After the death of her husband she personally
took the reigns of administration and conducted the affairs of the state
with dexterity, diligence and practical vision for a period of seventeen years
from A.D . 1275 to A.D . 1292. She is eulogised as the devout worshipper
of the sacred feet of sri Manchinatha and as belonging to the lunar
race. 58 She is further described as a second Lakshmi, an Aruudati

5<r A. R. Nos. B, 526 and B. 527 for 1928- 5 29,

ss Tinnavelly Inscription of Mat avarman Sundara Pandyan II- K. V. Subramanya Ayyar
(Ep. Ind. Voi. XXIV, p. 153).

- 56 A. R, No 484, 490 & 509 for 1928-29; A. R. No, 364 for 1927.

57 It is very difficult to agree to the view of the Superintendent of Epigraph) that this
queen might be the sister of Vxrapandya and that the system of aliyasantana may
have obtained in the Alupa line. Because, the title pattada-piriyarasi applied to-
Ballamahadevi does not indicate nor make us understand that she was the elder
sister of the preceding ruler as is supposed by the Superintendent (A. R. for 1929-’30 •
p. 83); it simply conveys the meaning— the senior queen. In proof of this, we

\ can cite the example of Ghikkayi-Tayi, who is referred to as pattada piriyarasi , the
' “ senior queen of Pratapa-Chakravarti VIra Ballala-deva (/LI?. No. 262 for 1931-32).

' 58 A. R. No, 584 for 1929- r 30. , ^ ,

38

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

to her lord’s wishes, the wish-gratifying jewel to the needy, a kalpavrkisha
to her dependents, profuse in liberality', the refuge of those who sought
her shelter and the vanquisher of her foes .» Her Council of Ministers
was composed of five pradhdnas «> and she is stated to be giving audience
in her palace at Barakanyapura for the discharge of her state functions.
Epigraphs reveal that she was sensitive to the multifarious problems of
her subjects that she was keen on effecting improvements and was bene-
volent and spiritual-minded. Her entire regime appears to have been
one of contentment and political stability. 61

Like-wise, the importance of the influence exercised by' Chikkayi-Tayi,
the senior queen of Hoysala Vira Ballala III, will have to be given due
historical credence. An inscription of Nilavara, Udipi taluk, dated
A. D. 1333, records a gift of taxes on lands at Niruvara by the fourteen
members of the assembly (?) of the village to the temple of Durga-
Bhagavati. The gift was made with the permission of Vayijappa-danna-
yaka and other officers and the in the presence of the chief queen, Chikkayi-
Tayigalu. 62 A badly damaged inscription, dated A.D. 1334, refers to
the chief queen, Chikkayi-Tayi of Hoysana Vira Ballala-deva, and men-
tions Niruvarada-giama. 63 Another record of Barakuru dated A.D.
1336 64 regisrers a gift of charity' by Kishnayi-Tayi, the senior queen of
Hoysana Vira Ballala-deva, who had the titles — Yadava-Chakravarti and
ariraya-basava-sankara. Another epigraph is dated in the same year. 64 "
The gifts of Sirali, North Kanara, are stated to have been made in the

presence of Kikkayi-Tayi. Hoysala Vira Ballala is introduced with the
epithets — Pandya-Chakravarli-ariraya-basava-saiikara and raya-gajdnkusa . 6i
Perhaps, the last record of Vira Ballala III in Alvakheda (South Kanara)
is dated A.D. 1338. It states that he paid a visit to the Barakuru army —
on Ins ordering Ankeya - nayaka, son of the great master of robes, Honneya-
nayaka of Baeivala in Kumdra-virttiya-kusa of the old Nlrugunda-nadu
saying ‘ R emam in Barakuru’. He replied, ‘I will stay, jiya\ at which, being
pleased, he granted him Alada-halli, a hamlet of Bagivala, as a kodagi."

record from Kanyana, Coondapur taluk, 62 introduces Vira-Kikkati-
l ayi with th e titles - Pdndya-Chakravarti ariraya-basava-sankara etc. - and

61 tvv" p - 83 ‘ 60 Ibid - N °- 257 for 193 1— ’32

« o. & 341 ^ ]931 -’ 32 ;

records, a gift m ade by her, to a certain Amiia-htbbaruva. • As thi s record : •
mdkesfnb .mention Of the : kihg^^VfradBallala ;If Ii-%Hile;;gmng : :aii t
tides to his queen Ghikkaykit must be midcrstdod'that subsequent to his
demise, which is known to have taken place in A .33. 1342/^ his queen
ascended the throne and was alive in the year Sarvadhari, which correspohds
to A . D .1348. .•■’•This queen figures in an epigraph of Harihara II 69 from
Sringeri, dated A. D. 1345, with the same titles and supplementing a grant y
of land made by the king to the teacher, Bharati-tlrtha, thus’sho wing theyy
subordinate position of the last Hoysala rulers to the rising Vijayanagara/

power. .

• .:•; The Alupas paled into insignificance after the founding of the Vijayay/;
nagara empire (A. D. 1336). They simply lingered in shadowy existence, . - :
as ;.ihe imperial suzerains did not like to ' exterminate .• th'eir-pp’wefy^ithtf
goes without saying that they were subordinate to the central authority.; •
of the governors of Mangaluru and Barakuru. In spite of the supremacy//
of ; the Vijayanagara governors, that the Alupas must have . possessed .
'their, hereditary rights and privileges and that their traditional rsta4us;i?:i
stilh continued to be respected is evidenced by the ihsciiptionsi^Mbhyl
record their elaborate titles as before. An example will make the point y;
clear. The epigraph, dated A. D. 1384, belonging to the reign of Kula-
sekhara enumerates the king’s titles as follows: 70 \ // ; /!y

* Svasti samasia-bhuvana^-vikhydta Sdma-kiila-tilaka Pdndyd-Mdhdrdja-yppy, .-
Ky- dhiraja Paramesvara Paramabhattaraka salyaratndkara sardndgatt^vajrd^fy

’y . panjar a mmat-Chdrukirtti divya-mpdda-padmdradhakddpdfdpald^^kdri;^:

■ karumappaMmat-Pa^ya^Chah’avortieka-chatrddimrrdj^dmgP^if^d^^

: The absence of any reference to the Vijayanagara sovereign hi this/ .;

record and the usual titles of the Alupas are noteworthy. /The same-; /•
titles were assumed by Vira-Pandyadeva, in his record, d:rted A.D. 1396,-
and he is stated to be ruling his lungdom without owing- alligiance -to nny/f/
•suzerain. 71 He styles himself as Pandya-Chakrayarli, ruling over hisVy
kingdom with sovereign powers (ekachchatradi rajjwhgcjyuiiire)p? inspite of//
the fact that by then the Vijayanagara rule: fqver yAlvakhed^'V^s>fM;
imposed without being challenged and disputed. - -/i;// ’.Ofy

://"/ We do not hear of

any Alupa ruler after A.D. 1400 i.c. after Vira- i

40

Studies in Tuhiva History and Culture

pandya II which marked the last date of the last king of the old-standing
dynasty of the Alupas.

An examination of the titles borne by the Alupas may reveal to us
certain facts concerning their status. We may not reasonably argue
that, at any time, the Alupas rose to imperial stature. The territory
over which they exercised their political sway at the zenith of their power
extended from Haive in North Kanara to Kasaragod (at present Keraja).
Even the instances to prove that all this area was, at all times, governed
by the Alupas in their respective regnal years unchallenged, are lacking.
Wc may at best presume from the titles assumed by the Alupa kings,
that they played the central role in the history of Alvakheda upto the
advent of the Vijayanagara period, when their reduction was complete.

1. Up to the 8th century A.D., the Alupas were referred to as-
Srimat-Aluvarasar.

2. Prithvisagara (A. D. 730 -A. D. 750) was the first to assume
the title - Srlmat-Alupendra Soma-variisodbhava-kida-tilaka Udayaditya Utlama-
Pandja. As explained earlier, the idea that the Alupas belonged to the
Pandya lineage came to be accepted from the reign period of Chitra-
vahana (A. D. 675 -A. D. 710 ? ). But it was this king, Prithvisagara,
vho assumed directly the title as belonging to the lunar race and as
Uttama-Pandya. The suggestion that the latter title may indicate contact
between the Pandyas of Madhura and the Alupas, is made earlier,
although it is not final.

3. Both Udayaditya Prithvisagara and Vijayaditya-Maramma-
Aluvarasa called themselves ParameSvara Adhiraja-rajan, perhaps, indicative
of their supreme power.

4. Pattiyodeya (A. D. 1070 - A. D. 1100) is stated to have assumed
the following birudas :

Pdndya-mahardjadhiraja, Paramesvara, parama
bhaltaraka, saranagala-vajra-panjara,

Pandita-Pand) a, P andya-Dhananjqya

5 ‘ ^ Pdndya-Chakravartii, seemed to have been assumed by

most of the Alupa rulers.

name 6 ' M K w Al T n u dra ( A ' D ' 1 1 13 ~ A-D . 1155) had prefixed to his
< me bhujabala, which may have been taken from the Santaras

7. Lrke-wisc, the title salyaratndkara assumed by Kulas5khara-Alu-

7; ; v \

| Political History of the Alupas ' " ’ , 41

^ - - is that of the Hosagunda rulers

Pdndya-CJiakraimtiiy • arirdya-basava-sahkara etc. which . r?vi%e^ ■
the Alupas, perhaps, in cognisance of his victory over and matrimonial -
alliatice with the Alupas. It is significant to note that no Alupa ruler;.' ,
until the Vira Ballala III was called Mahamandal esvara, which signifies .
perhaps, their independent status, supreme power and influencey;'^^^^

CHAPTER V

THE RULE OF VIJAYANAGARA
( A.D. 1336 -A.D. 1650 )

The Vijayanagara period witnessed the division of Tulu-nadu into
two well-defined provinces ( rdjyas ), namely, the Barakuru and Mangaluru-
rajyas, whose capitals were the Barakuru and Mangaluru towns respect-
ively. The earliest Vijayanagara inscription found in Tulu-nadu until
now is dated A . D . 1 345 and it states that during the reign of Mahamanda-
Ictcara Vira-Bukkanna-Odeya, Sankaradeva-Odeya was the governor
of Mangaluru -rajya and he seemed to have made a gift to a deity, 1 probably
to Gopinatha of Arthapura (Attavara). This inscription reveals an
important fact that the control of the Vijayanagara governors over Tulu-
nadu started vers' early. The earliest of the Barakuru epigraphs, so far
discovered, is dated at A.D. 1 353- and belongs to the governorship of
Goparasa-Odeya. 3

The names of governors, who were appointed to rule the two provinces
of Barakuru and Mangaluru, are given at the end of this chapter. The
following are the important inferences that may be drawn on the nature
of their political history :

(a) The governors were either appointed by the sovereign himself
or by the Dandanayakas who were put in charge of the coastal
regions and who were primarily answerable to the Central
Government. A few examples will clarify this point. Hadapada
Gautarasa was the governor of Mangaluru in A.D. 1349 by the
orders of the king,* and Mangarasa-Odeya, the governor of the

3 S n IJ '7°u VI ?’ No ' 179 ' 2 No. 314 for 1931-’32

? 00nda u P ur ^ South Kanara, seems to
Wc do not know wheth^ MnlV*^ and f lother who jointly executed some duel.

ror 19s“ V v“rNr231. gOVern ° r ° rE5raiQru ' <A-X- No 329

T'heyRule.qf - Pyqpaimgara f4^

same province ;in A . D . 1390, was.:appeihted%^

lung ; }kti )Mtihapmcl/mna Jakkanna-

Odriva was abnoirited fynVnfhnr of: Bar akfirii in A D l® 5 !

under

^§.^:.pdeyi' became the governor of Barakuru in A /D . 14$2 : Mdek
■kvAdhe : orders of the ldng and M ahdpradhana Perumaladcva-damja-
: v4A yaka. 8 Pradhana Lakkanna-dannayaka appointed Timmanna-;
'j i/^ Odeya as the governor of Barakuru. 9 Inscriptions are nuiricrous
in proof of our above inference. It may not be unreasonable
i,; . , i to suppose that the control of the Central Govermnent over.

Tulu-nadu was more direct and effective when these governors
:;.4. were directly responsible to the king arid that in such instances,:'
4^4 the authority of the governors was substantial, whereas in cases
|J“;->"df: 'the governors held responsible to another digriitbr^clbf: thri-
"king, - powers tended to be less substantial a nd their tenure of

office short-lived. . .

tV(^) Most of the governors were of the rank of Mahapradhana, but
t :• ;:y Narasiihha-Odeya who was in charge of Barakuru-raj^a^ in
.-.1425 called himself Mahamantri . We do not ^ kriow/t^ietliei*
’.;4 '4i;ihis -- governor wielded greater powers iri ^ adrinriistratioaf ^than^
the: rest. 10 '• ' ".A ’

(c) It looks as though the Barakuru-rajya was held in greater iinport-;,;
ance and also presented to the Central Governmcn t / greater
• i : ^ problems than the Marigaluru-rajya. This inference is based
on consideration of frequent appointment of governors to the ;•

; ! ' Barakuru province. One reason for this phenomenon seems $

r probable. Marigaluru-rajya comprised a number of self-govcrnr 4

y' Therefore,

: -' ; l litt&es''- v.^yf-X-

g the governor sy'.

44

Studies in Tultwa History and Culture

(d) The normal reign period of a governor in office would be two
to three years. But there was no convention against the re-
appointment of the same person to the office, who, either was
transfciTcd or was succeeded by another. This short tenure
of office was found to be essential to avoid despotism and recal-
citrancy. Moreover, it appears that the direction of politics
at Vijayanagara had their repurcussions on the provinvial centres
also. Sometimes, three governors were found in office in the
same year. But it cannot be said that longer tenure of office
was unknown. Mahapradhana Maleya-dannayaka was in office
in Barakuru from A. D. 1356 to A. D. 1366. Likewise, Mahfi-
pradliana Goparasa held power for eight years from A. D. 1366 to
A. D. 1373. Another example of prolonged governorship was of
Vitharasa-Odcya during the reign of Virupaksharaya. He
appears to have continued in power from A.D. 1467 to A.D. 1478.
Ratnappodeya, who was ruling over the Barakuru and
Mahgaluru-rajyas from A.D. 1513 to A.D. 1519, was one of
the most powerful of the governors. The assumption of elaborate
titles bears witness to the power he commanded."
Srimat-maha-bhagadeyarum-tadajnadhararum
sapta-saptati durgadhisvara-m edinimisara
ganda Srimat-Baichadandadhipa-gotra
gagana mandala-mdrianda mandalarum
Jaina paramagama - uddharana-dattana
danarum samyaklva-gunaratna-bhushana
bhushitarum = appa Ratnappodeyaru
Mangaliiru-Bdrakuru-rajyavam pratipalisuttidda
kaladalu

(e) Most of these governors were appointed from outside Tulu-nadu
and perhaps, the reasons for this are not far to seek. Yet, it
may be said that natives of Tulu-nadu were also at times selected
for tills office of pride and power. Kurugodu Sovanna-nayaka
(A.D. 1509) and his brother Kurugodu Mallappa-nayaka seemed
to have belonged to Tulu-nadu itself, n
(/) ^ ^ difficult to say finally whether there was any system of the

S 1 L Vo1 VII > No 212 - 12 a -R. No 271 for 1931— ’32 Ibid. No. 410 for 1927-28.

: ;w J : - a; yd he Rule: oj Vijayanagara ; \yy. yyyyTy:. /y.T 45\ ;

A from father to sonA But,; an inscription of ,

; ; • J, •: Nilavara, :.:U dipi? taluk, ; states . that Ralnappddeya, % to whom
yA was assigned the governorship: of Barakuru, transferred his pow er
to his son, Vijayappa-Odeya, as governor. 53 ': The epigraph
: v ? ,; of Nandanavana, Coondapur taluk. dated A.D . 1520, records .af
• a gift of land in the village of Kcrgal by Vaijappa-Odeya, son of-
Rataappa-OdCya, ruling over Barakuru. 130 vfAMyAyy yyf

(g). Instances of both Barakuru and Manga luru-rajyas : held bythe :
same governor are also found. This would take place, perhaps, i;
on two occasions. The most capable of the governors deserved ;
ill[. to be entrusted with such enormous powers as in the ;case$ ,pf 7
Annappa (Annarasa)-Odeya, Vitharasa-Odeya and Ratnap- ' /

. podeva. Moreover, during the interim period following the
transfer of one governor and the appointment of another/ it
was but natural that the governor of the other province in Tulu-
nadu was delegated with administrative powers. The significant .
fact in this connection is that there seemed no lapse in admini-
strative control over Tulu-nadu from the earliest times of they
Vijayanagara rule. Sometimes the governor of Barakuru super- /;
vised over Haive and Kohkana-rajyas also, as in the case of \
Mallappa-Odeya in A.D. 1386. 14 Sihganna lield Tulu and fr
Malaha-rajyas in A.D. 1392. 15 Here, Tulu was Barakuru - A

rajya and perhaps, Malaha was Araga-rajya. T ul u and Halve- .
rajyas were governed by Mallappa-Odeya n A.D. 1396. 16

' Mahdpradhdna Purushottamadeva-Odeya, the governor of Bara-
... kuru, held sway as far in the north as Bailuru in the Honnavara
taluk of North Kanara, in A.D. 1433. 17 Tuiu^yajf^wihbh

was practically the Barakuru-rajya, was in rare cases governed
M/A/ from the capital at Honnavara as is evidenced in A.D. 1427,
/My y :■ when Mahdpradhdna Timmanna-Odeya is stated' . to be ruling
AAAA'over Haive, Tulu and Kohkana-rajyas.! 8 Antappodeya : was
/My •/• in charge of Haive, Tulu and Kohkana-rajyas in A . D .1438
• : : . . and is stated to be ruling from his capital at Honnavara. 19

:. 13 Ibid. No. 503 for 1927-28. , 16 Nov342. ...

130 Ibid.; No. 333 for 1952-V53 Appendix B. ' A 77 7f.7. Vol. I, Nos. -53 and- 55;
v 14 5./. /; . Vol. VII, No. 351.. . - -v V: M • 18 ilbW No:-48.M ; ;y:yyyy: -

l5 Jbid. No. 344. • • / . 59

46

Studies in Tuhiva History and Culture

governors OF BARAKORU

(From A.D. 1353 -A.D. 1587)

Xames of Governors Date Reference

Goparasa-Odeya
Mahapradhana Mallaya

Mahapradhana Goparasa-Odeya

Bacliarasa-Odeya

Bommarasa-Odeya

Mahapradhana Jakkanna-Odeya

Mallappa-Odcya

Virugappa-dannayaka

Singanna-Odeya
Heggade Sankarasa
(Sankaradcva-Odeya)
Mallappa-Odeya

Mahapradhana Sankaradeva
Nagarasa-Odeya

A.D 1353

A R. No. 314 for )931-’32.

A D. 1356 -

Ibid No. 534 for 1929-’30.

A D. 1365

A D 1366-

S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 409.

A D. 1373

Ibid Vol. VII, Nos. 306 & 358.

A.D. 1376

Ibid. No. 341.

A D 1377-

Ibid Vol. IX, Part II, No. 417.

A D 1380

Ibid Vol. VII, No. 325.

A D 1382-

A.R. No. 547 for 1930.

S I I. Nos. 317 and 379.

A D 1386

A D. 1386-

Ibid Nos 351 & 391.

A D 1391

A D. 1389

New inscription discovered at

A D. 1393

Hattiyangadi.

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 344.

A.D 1394-

Ibid Nos 356 and 299.

A D 1395

A D 1395-

Ibid Nos. 363 and 342.

A D 1396
A.D. 1397

A D.1399

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 350.

Basavanna-Odeya

A D. 1400-

Ibid Vol. IX Part II Nos

423

A.D.1402

and 426.

Mahapradhana Bachanna-Odeya

A D. 1406

M A

R. (1943) p. 147.

Sankaradeva-Odeya

A D. 1408

K I.

Vol. I, No 37 foi 1939-

-’40.

Mahapradhana Bachanna-Odeya

A.D. 1411

SI.I.

Vol. IX, Part II, No.

435.

Sankaradeva-Odeya

A.D. 1414-

A.R.

No. 545 for 1930 and K.I.

A.D.1417

Vol.

I, No 37 for 1939-

-’40.

A.R.

No. 601 for 1930

and

K I.

Vol. I, No.41 for 1939-

-’40

Annappa-Odeya

A.D. 1418

S.I.j

r . Vol No VII, 261.

Mahapradhana Sahkaradtva-Odeya

A.D. 1422

A R

545 for 1930.

Virupanna

A D . 1422

K.I

Vol. I, No.52 for 1939-

-’40.

Haiideva-Odeya

A.D. 1423

A.R.

. No. 317 for 1931— ’32.

Virupanna-Odcya

A D . 1424

Ibid.

No. 366 for 1931— ’32.

NarasimhadCva-Odcya

A D 1925-

SIX

Vol. IX Part II, No.

441.

A D 1426

A R

No 571 for 1929-’30

v v ; v*? 'i\ A ' ? :V 'A y - '’7* 'a' a '■ v ^ J ‘‘ ;

. V" 0 "“i '.•"^ ) '"‘ X A ’ '•V*‘i / ” ' :^** ' ■*{ *’-’ •' ' '■’. ', „*' ; ,v. ',,1*^ ■* flO'.h,

Kuie of yyaya

A:A-A v A-vA; ; A 47

’ r -V'' V d >V"v . V. 1 * .' . 'V- v . r ’ ",

' yvdmesi -pJi.;-Gdyerngfs(^;\ r.0jU

^xy;': : Date '-p-P

Z0G:Ppi:P'D$rehcep

Tinimanna-Odcya.} V 3.

A;Dv1427.!

Pp 'IbidM ibr 1 939A‘4 0; ft; A ^ A

Anriappa .« ; y/V-vN ;<v ’V- yy : {; . •;

3A ; A.D.143l ,

' :X'A;R. 3S T o, .334 for 1 93 1- J 32

jMahdpradhana (Jhandarcirzszi ; V

CA A.D.I43I-

PPpSil.I. Vol.; VII, No. . 369 . 311;

■V ■’• X'l-P' 1 '-/' ' t t C'' ; - -:i ‘-a 'r y, V'/a' vVi'*

A. D. 1433

V 348 etc.4 . PrZPo'P-yrPj-

Vy’" . 'A .

•v 7^ Vol. . IX, Part II, No. 444.

:Purush6ttaraa-0^eya

• • •• A.D.1433 -

; ' A" ./. V ol. I, Nos. 53 and 55 for

‘ 't < A'*-, v » ■ :\- - r,

• " . 1939-‘40l.:

Mahapradhana Ghandarasa

A. D. 1434

: a. /. /;. vo. vii, No. 3823';;^!;

Annappa-O^leya

A. D. 1436-

■ Ibid Vol. • IX, Part 11^ No. 446.

. - ' .

A. D, 1437

Ibid Vol. Vll, No. 372. v V A :

Antappa-Odeya

A. D. 1438

K.I. Vol. I, No. 5 6 for 3939-’40

.Annarasa (Annappa-Odeya)

A. D. 1439-

A . R. No. 346 for I930~’3lVvi:v

A. D. 1440

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. ^ISAVWi

Gliap^arasa-Odeya

A .D. 1442

Ibid Vol. IX, Part Ily No. 448

Mahapradhana Timmanna-Oqleya

A. D. 1442-

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 367l^;r : ^V

i - .y.V : .. % . -

A. D. 1444

A.R. No. 323 for 1 93

Mahapradhana Acharasa-Odeya

A. D. 1446-

Ibid No, 588 for 1929-’30.

K.I. Vol. I, N6s. "58 ahd : 59ifoi

A. D. 1447

1 939-MO. • ;v

'•,"1 •

A.R. No. 553 for 1 929--’30. •

Rupanna-Oqleya

A. D. 1447-

A.R. Nos. 467 an(j 5.9 6 . i 3':} r - L-ivAr

/Tv- 1 " ' , • A*

A. D. 1448

• ‘ <■ ■' >V '1 ' ; ;c A ‘A;

Devappa-dannayaka-O^leya

A. D. 1449

A.R. No. 596 for 1929~’30. -:V

Rayarasa-O^cya

A. D. 1449

S. 1. 1. Vol. VII, No. 337. : :^vN

Lingarasa-Odcya (Lingappa)

A. D. 1450

Ibid Vol. IX, Part II, No. 452.

Mahapradhana V allabhadcva-Oqicya

A. D. 1451

Ibid No. 455. AyPviVfypZ

Banappa-Ocleya

A. D. 1451-

Ibid No. 456, A.A.- No. 559 for

**>■*'

A. D. 1452

1929-’30. ' p

Demanna-Odeya

A. D. 1453

: S.I.I. Vol. VII, No.:368^

Bandarideva-Odeya

A, D. 1455

Ibid Vol, IX, Part II, No, ; 457;

A’--

, A.R. No. 589 for 1929-’3b. A: i‘ f

BanapparOdeya

A. D. 1457

Ibid No. 358 for 1936^13#^

Guruvappa-Odeya

A. D. 1459

S.I.I. Vol. VII, Nos. 336 & 3 15.

Sicidappa-dannayaka

. A.D.1459

A.R. No. 595 for 1929-’30. : .

Devarasa-Odeya . ' v „ ; ■

A. D, 1461

oankaradeva-Odeya ,

A. D. 1461

A :R . No. 549 for 'l929- 5 30 i '4 - •

neggadc Devappa-dannayaka

A. D. 1462

S.I.I. Vol: VII, No. 338 A; : ;^ v

MuhSpradhana Jjakkanna^Odeya

A. D. 1463 .

'■ .Ibid No: 361 y a- A '

Pandaridcva-Odeya i- • 4\ •' '

A.D.1465 , ;

[Hid Vol. ix, :PartiI 4, ; No/ 459?

Singarasa-Odcya V" ~ d-s .A \ :Z}'-- "a ' '

VA.3D.1466 •

Ibid Vol; ViI,^No.^20;vA 4 V' :

^ e ^?ja*Q^[eya . •5}\%VvV- ;s - f / \ -_v.

A.D. 1467 A

ZAliidjiid,i^3lGA:ypGiyP'{Pp>i ! r -P-\_

48

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Names of Governors

Date

Reference

Vittarasa-Odeya

Pandarideva-Odeya

Mallappa-nayaka

Virupciksha-Odaya

Hamparasa-Odcya

Honnakalasa-raya

Pandaridcva-Odeva
Sadaranadeva
Kcndada Basavarasa

Somanna-Odeya

Ratnappa-Odeya

Vijayappa-Odcya

Vittarasa-dannayaka

Euraya-Odeya
rili) a Timmanna

Kondappa-Odeya

Pandarideva-Odcya

Achappa-Odcya

Ghcnnarasanna

Obalaraya-Odeya

Achyuta-Odeya

Ekadhalakhana-Odeya

Mallappa-Odcya

ICalleja Yellappa-Odeya

Dalapaji Lnigarasaraya

Ramakrishna-Odcya

Achappa-Odeya

A. D. 1467-
A D. 1478
A D 1480-
A D 1482
A D. 1482
A.D. 1486-
A D 1487
A D 1491
A D 1492-
A D 1494
A.D. 1495
A. D. 1500
A.D. 1503-
A.D.1508 ?
A D 1510
A D 1513-
A D 1519
A.D 1519-
A D. 1520

A D. 1523—
A.D 1525
A.D 1526
A D. 1528

A D. 1533-
A D. 1536
A.D. 1542
A.D 1543
A.D. 1544
A.D. 1544
A D. 1546

A.D. 1551
A D. 1554-
A.D.1557
A D. 1562-
A.D.1564
A.D 1569
A.D. 1571
A D. 1581-
A D.1586

Ibid Vol. IX, Part II, No. 461.
A.R. No. 372 for 1932.

New Inscription at Nilavara

S.I.I. Vol. IX Part II, No. 470
Ibid No. 471.

A.R. No. 250 for 1931-’32.

S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 473.
Ibid No. 369 for 1931-’32.

Ibid No. 598 for 1929-’30.

Ibid No. 270 for 1931-’32.

Ibid No. 279 for 1931-’32.

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 364.

Ibid No. 345, A.R. No. 541 for
193 1— ’32.

A.R. No. 271 for 1931-’32.

Ibid No. 340 for 1930-’31.

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 228.

Ibid Vol. IX, Par* II, Nos. 511
and 512. A.R. No. 515 for
1929-’30.

Ibid No. 255 for 1931-’32.

S.I I. Vol. VII, No. 349.

Ibid Vol. IX, Part II, No. 520
Ibid No. 525. A.R. No. 355 for
1 930— ’3 1 .

Ibid Vol. IX, Part II, Nos. 555
and 578.

Ibid No. 603.

A.R No. 599 for 1930-’3I.

S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 609.
A.R. No. 310 for 1932.

S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 620
and 621.

A-R. No. 375 for 1927.

S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 655.
A.R. No. 294 for 1932.

S.U. Vol IX, Part II, No. 673
A.R. No. 283 for 1932.

S.I I. Vol. VII, No. 386.

A.R. No. 574 for 1929-30.

SIJ - Vol. VII, Nos. 375 & 321.

WiH of : Vidc^ana^ara -i -j 0^001 B
00aM^^0mmr, -"c§MV . : Date V?'; y V ^000 Reference 0

^K^ncliappa VyfyPVy, A.D- 1587.VG Ibid No. 83i;VV;

|&||:||:-5a:'0 ; y ; E O RS O F M Als T GAG UR U

fc^vr: v/ X-/ ^ •< i ''v i. i- - / : - .^ M- r- A • J t;0F^oirt- A. , t) : . 1345 to A. D. 1563V ‘ . W'-V-.'

AS

Sankaradcva-O^lcya V - . : v . yv

A. D. 1345 -

• S.I.i: Vol. VTI, No. 179. :A ? ;

• Gautarasa/V'.' ' y -‘ W V /'■■'•• ' '

A. D. 1346

A.R. for 1909 p. 18.

: Maliaya-dannayaka ’: A - y . ■• ’ ■_

A.D.1348

K.I. Vol. I, No. 40. '

Jiadapada Gsuitarnsti • V .-.

. A. D .1349

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No; 231. A V;

A. D. 1353

A-R. No. 314 lor 1932. > y V

vMadaraSk'iRVyy V V y -. , '■

A. D. 1364

S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part II No. 408.-

3ankaradcva-Pdeya V

A. D. 1375 ..

‘ Pandaridcva-Odeya y. .

A, D. 1377

S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 416.

Madarasa ; V •■' . ". ..

A. D. 1379

Ibid No. 418. . •'

.Mallarasa \ V . •:

A. D. 1389

A.R. No. 477 lor 1928-’29;V V

^ Madarasa "V *’ ■?{£ :\ y . ' \ . .

A. D. 1390

S.I.I. Vol. IX, No. 18644 V; -:

^MMngarasa A:.::/' ''■■ ,

A. D. 1390

Ibid No. 229. , ,

;^irigarasaV;/V.'yV'\ ; ’-<'- . "

A. D. 1390

A.R. No. 652 for 1958-59. ;6;.P

0id^dpada-i<,izdsTa.siL

A. D. 1396-

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 183. V vV y :

A. D. 1398

. A.R. No. 469 for 1929.VyvVW

vNaganna-Odeya ; .-'tV. .•;. . "•

A. D. 1404

Ibid No. 470 for 1929, '

Bachanna^Odcya V*

A. D. 1406-

S.I.I.Vol. VII, Nos. 349 and 211.;

££■ -V-' ■•' V" ■■.'■'

A. D. 1407

^ r - ’ ■ !'/>’. . ? ' ‘ ; -V* ,

Banappa-Odeya : • W V •; ■ '. •

A. D. 1407

. Timmanna-Odcya \ ; y . '

A. D. 1411

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No.;259; : j

-ICcsappa-Odeya'VV: : 'V' : .,.•>"!■ ■•". .

A-D- 1417

A.R. No. 638 lor 1962AVV VV

VAj^ppa-Oi^)®:;'AV’vV " '

A. D. 1418

, S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 261. V VVC

• Timrnanna-Pdcya y '£. . ’.

A. D. 1419

Ibid No. 182."'

; Naganna-Pdeya yrv " y : ,V : G : - :

. A. D. 1420- .

. Ibid Nos. 187 and: 1 92.4-' ; ;<JVv,SVJr;

•/•V v V'Vy aA'i'-; * " • ' ;K <t ‘ : * *■ * • ;

A. D. 1423-

• Gcvaraya-Odcya VVVyV • A V ;

A. D. 1429-

S.I.i. vol. vii, No. ;:i96.:;t^

v? /- ;P* ; v *.

. ;A.D.3430.V :

. Vol. IX, Part II^NA;442;

• ApnapparOdeya . V:v V. V / W

AvD .1431 .’V

V A.R .No. 334 lbiVl931;V.VV

Dcvaraya-Odeya V '• y W ' V yV V>

V-A.D ■ 1433-

S.I.I; Vol. VII, No. 230; V : V ;

: ; fVyVy ; yh {Xr A7 yV 'V Vv V y '■ Vy VA-t'

A- -A .1)4 1437.; -V

V New inscription at PanamburV

v Annappa-Pdeya ;.-v. •'•. y ;V/ 0: i

, A.D.1437A;?

y ^.iV. ;Voh VII, No: 313;V:V- : :

•,’Ac V V~ V- V“- '‘ - y :V \ ’ 'A-yJ' * * -\>-0*y

•••••.A.D:1440:-:V

r . ! ’ Vy ;/ V ? :V ;: 4 Vy fVv ;■■■ % \ V

yGA. ; D'.'l448;p;>

^ASkl No:;4671bf: 1929.

-GyP^^A^Pdeya; (Ganapah na )4y f dy

•V: ’ A.D.. 145V ; : ;; i

V.IV Vol. VII, No VI 97.. : '

Timmanna-dannayaka

^A'.n'..i456.vv

.> 72yd;NpVi : 8 A Vi V V WfeiS 'k IB

50

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Names of Governors

Date

Reference

Vjttaiasa-Ocleya

A D 1465-

Ibid Vol. IX, Part II, No 460

A.D.1478

A.R. No 272 for 1932

Ratnappa-Odeya

A D 1513-
A.D.1516

SI.I. Vol. VII, Nos 228 & 212

Kontjappa

A. D. 1535

A R. No. 487 for 1929.

Sadafivaraya-nayaka

A.D 1557

New inscription discovered at
Kapu.

CHAPTER VI

PERIOD OF KELADI NAYAKAS

(A.D . 1600 - A.D. 1760) ... .

V ; During the closing years of the Vijayanagara imperial power, there
emerged on the borders of the Kanara districts above the Ghats, a Virasaiva
agriculturist family of Keladi which gradually established its rule over a.;
large' region. Chaudappa Gauda (A.D, 1500-A.D. 1504) of this family
was; appointed by the then Vijayanagara king as the chief of that area. :
with bhe title of Nayaka. His successor was Sadasiva Nayaka (A.D.lSfh-
A.D.1565). With the accession of this ruler, the Nayakas of Ikkeri
emerged from a period of comparative obscurity to one of political lime- i
light, Sadasiva Nayaka is said to have ruled over Araga and Barakuru
and Mangaluru (Tulu-rajya). He was a great warrior and rendered f
valuable military service to the Vijayanagara king, Sadasivar^a’.ivOi^^:
of the noted expeditions he led on behalf of the Vijayanagara king /was • £
to the south as far as Kasaragod, where he planted a pillar of victory V
to: commemorate his conquest. Subsequently, he was made the ruler y
of this territory also which he governed efficiently till about A.D.:; 1565 A
The. construction of the Kasaragod fort is, in fact, attributed to this Ikkeri ::
ruler. The rulers of this family continued to be the feudatories of Vijaya-
nagara until V enkatappa Nayaka I became independent about A. D . 161 3. •
Vchkatappa 1 Nayaka I, who ruled from A.D, 1586 to A.D . 1629, was
a very powerful king and he has been described in the epigraphs as
diamond elephant-goad to the lust elephants, the group of the bounding. .
Tufuva-rajas”. • The Tuluva rulers wore none other than the .rulers of .
Gerusoppe, Karakaja . and UlJala. > , /; , A-s A V-G A -A Ah AS AV A A /A ;! ;/
.: • V enkatapp a Nayaka’s interference in the. affairs of Tuluva, was hot A
without good reason. Firstly, the chiefs of Gerusoppe and Bhamk'ala ackA;:
nowledged the overlordship of Aclil Shah of Bijapur and the territory assig- • .

52 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

ncdto his family by Vijayanagara was slipping away from him in this man-
ner; he, therefore, led an attack on Gerusoppe in which the queen was de-
feated and killed. Secondly, he wanted to stem the advance of the Por-
tuguese in Tuluva, who had, by this time, gained considerable territory on
the west coast of India and had, it seems, established, a factory at Mangalore
with the help of Bangaraja. With this end in view, therefore, Venkatappa
Nayaka readily responded when the queen of Ullala, the divorced wife
of Bangaraja, requested him for aid against her husband and the Portu-
guese. It is stated that Venkatappa Nayaka built VIrasaiva niathas at
Barakuru, Bennevalli, Sagara, Boluru, Kodeyala, etc. The construction
of the forts of Barakuru, Kallianapura, Kandaluru and Mallikarjunagiri
is ascribed to him

The letters of Della Valle, an Italian traveller, who visited the west
coast of India about A. D. 1623 and accompanied an embassy which
went from Goa to Ikkeri, throw some interesting light on the condition
of the region in general and the relations between the Ikkeri family and
die minor chiefs of Tuluva in particular. Della Valle mentions that
the object of the embassy was to secure the restoration of the Banghel
(Bahga) chief, an ally of the Portuguese, who, defeated and deposed by
Venkatappa Nayaka, had fled to ‘Cassegode’ (Kasaragod), where there
was another minor but free prince. The mission failed owing to non-
acceptance of terms and the embassy withdrew. Della Valle, who later
visited Ullala, gives an account of the quarrel between tire queen and
her divorced husband, Bangaraja, which ended in the queen calling
in die aid of Venkatappa Nayaka and obtaining decisive victory over
Bangaraja and the Portuguese governor of Mangalore.

On some of the roads of Tuluva, this foreigner travelled alone,
accompanied only by Ills horse-keeper and servant; and he says he did
this fearlessly, as the highways in Venkatappa Nayaka’s dominions were
very secure. Another observation which he makes is that he met the
Queen of Mannel’ who W'as walking out to inspect a new channel she
had dug and that she did not look like a queen. But, he savs she showed
her quality by her speech.

Venkatappa Nayaka was succeeded by his grandson, Vlrabhadra
Nayaka (A. D.1629-A.D. 1645), whose reign was full of political troubles
n i . 1631, the Portuguese concluded a treaty with tills ruler, die

erms o which were more or less of a compromising nature. He changed

renod oj Jxeladi Mdyakas

, 5.

the capital from Ikkeri to Bidanuru in A.D. 1639. The Nay aha, wh<
had no issue, abdicated in favour of his uncle, Siyappa Nayaka. Sivapp;
Nayaka, who ruled from A . D . 1 645 to A . D . 1660, was the most importan
Ikkeri ruler after Venkatappa Nayaka. During Sivappa Nayaka’
reign, the indecisive interference of Venkatappa Nayaka in the affair
of Tuluva gave place to a systematic conquest of the district. He strove
incessantly and strengthened his rule in the southern parts of the regior
where he is known as the builder of a series oi strong forts on the coas'
of Kasaragod. taluk, the most important of them being those of Chandragir
and Bekal. Even before occupying the throne, he had subdued Bhairarasa-
Odeya of Karakala, who was the strongest among the contemporary
local rulers. He continued the same policy after ascending the throne
and extended his dominions as far as Nilesvara. This territory of Nilesvara,
however, was not annexed until A. D. 1737, during the reign of Soma-
sekhara Nayaka II (A.D. 1714-A.D. 1739), when the fort of Iiosadurga
was built and the Raja of Nilesvara was compelled to submit after a
struggle of twelve years in which both the English and the French took
part.

During the reign of Sivappa Nayaka, the relations between Bidanuru
and the Portuguese were again strained mainly owing to the unwise policy
of the latter. There were a series of battles between the two in A.D. 1652
and A.D. 1653, in which the Portuguese lost all their strong holds to
Sivappa Nayaka. The Portuguese were completely crippled and Sivappa
Nayaka became the undisputed master of the coast. He even issued
gold coins bearing the figures of Siva and Parayati on the obverse and
the legend of Sri Sadasiva in Nagari on the reverse.

The Portuguese, however, mustered power again during the reign
of SSmasekhara Nayaka I (A.D . 1663-A.D . 1671), who, wishing to
keep friendly relations with them made new overtures to them. A treaty
was concluded between the two parties in A.D. 1671, according to which
the Portuguese were to be given sites at Honnavara, Mafigaluru and
Barcelore (Basaruru) for building factories with single walls 1 and without
any fortifications or erections of oil mills. Their boats were to be given
free access to the ports of the kingdom. The" Portuguese were, however,,
not to indulge themselves in conversion of the local people. After this
treaty, the relations between Bidanuru and the Portuguese continued
to be cordial. * ' «

54

Studies in Tuluva Htstoiy and Culture

In accordance with the treaty of A. D. 1678 during the reign of
Channammaji (A D.1677-A.D.1697), the widow of SSmasekhara Nayaka,
the Portuguese were inter aha authorised to erect charches at Mtrzeo,
Chandor, Bhatkal and Kalyana.’ As a result of this treaty, the Portuguese
seem to have driven out the Arabs. The latter, who resented this, burnt
Mahgaluru and Basaruru and set sail after gathering a large booty. Im-
mediately after the death of Somasekhara Nayaka, the Tuluva feudatories
seemed to have revolted, but they were soon put down by Channamaji.

During the reign of Basavappa Nayaka I (A. D. 1697— A. D. 1714),
the Bidanuru-Portuguese relations again became strained. The Portu-
guese appear to have been in arrears of payment for the rice taken by them
from Kanara. The Arab-Portuguese trade jealousies rendered the situ-
ation more complicated. There were skirmishes between the Portuguese
and the forces of Bidanuru in A. D. 1704 and A. D. 1707. At last there
took place a regular battle in A. D. 1713-1714, in the course of which, a
squadron sent from Goa, captured the forts at Basaruru and Kallianpura
and destroyed several ships and a good deal of merchandise. They also
battered Mangalore, Kumta, Gokarna and Mizreo and spread terror
in the area. The Nayaka of Bidanuru ultimately came to terms and
entered into a treaty in A D . 1714 under which he promised not to allow
the Arab ships to visit the Kanara ports.

Basavappa Nayaka II ruled from A. D. 1739 to A. D. 1754. The
fort of Dariyabadgad near Malpe and Manohargad at Kapu and those
of Mallaru, Tonse, and Coondapur and the palace at Bennegere are said
to be his constructions. When the queen, Virammaji (A.D. 1757-A.D. 1763),
was looking after the administration of the kingdom, Aliraja of
Cannanore, in alliance with the Marata followers of Ahgria, organised
an expedition to ravage the coast of Kanara. They plundered, amongst
other places, Manjesvara and led the expedition further north to Kolluru

sa *^ t0 bave secured an enormous booty at the temple
of Mukambika. It was at the time of Virammaji that the power of the
rulers of Bidanuru came to its end Haidar Ali, taking advantage of
the internal feuds at Bidanuru annexed its territory in A D. 1763

of Kam° Ut A rm'-I 6 ?’ ° n ' EnglIsh tTavcller > Dr - Fryer, visited the coast
1 « ! W l S StrUCk V * th the number of Christian converts,

versant with tlT devil” The^ u ^ WCTe ma ^ll° US ly con-

• The allusion here, perhaps, is to the bhuta

f worship in the region. He also observes that the people of Kanara had, .

<vnnrl 1 stu?q and nttPVPri thOrri wpli "and that ihdv tra vrllnd . withdnt cmidf>e >:'

:: along broad Toads, not along bye-paths as in Malabar, : In connection"
• t with 'the ipads -in Tultiva, ; the words of Della; Valle may also .be re

here; he says that after reaching the town of Basaruru, he. found ‘a fair;
:/ long, broad and straight street. 5 ■■

V Captain Hamilton, who visited Kanara in A.D. 1718, mentions that
* the Dutch had by that time established a factory at Barcclore (Basarurn)

and that the Portuguese used to send rice from that place to Muscat and. >
: bring back horses, dates and pearls. ' ‘ f ' ■ /'

: /;.‘:: ^he aidhor is,.gratefid to Sri JC.' Abhishankar Ghi^ ;Editor : q^ the ^arnataka.Statc.Gazetieei

CHAPTER Vll

PERIOD OF HAIDAR ALI AND TIPPU SULTAN
(A. D. 1760 — A. D. 1790)

With the advent of Haidar Ali, Tuluva lost its individuality. All
was not well with Bidanuru during the rule of queen Virammaji (A.D.
1756-A.D.1763). Its affairs drifted from bad to worse till A.D. 1763,
when Haidar Ali captured Bidanuru and sacked the city which he renamed
Haidarnagar. Immediately after the capture of Bidanuru, Haidar
turned Iris attention towards this region. He occupied Basavaraja-durga,
Honnavara and Mangaluru and also Ballalaraya-durga where the Bidanuru
queen had taken shelter. Haidar regarded Mangaluru as of great
importance as a naval station and established a dockyard and an arsenal
there. He kept Mangalore, now ‘Courial’ or Port Royal, under the
command of one Latif Ali Baig. Haidar is said to have made a grant
to a temple in Tuluva in 1765. Haider’s political advance was quick
and devastating to the cause of the chiefs of Tuluva.

The English watched with apprehension the seizure of Bidanuru
by Haidar Ah. Mangalore, well fortified and converted into a naval
station, could very well be used by him to intercept English shipping
on the Western or Arabian Sea. Therefore, when war broke out between
the English and Haidar Ali in A.D. 1766, an English expedition was
sent from Bombay under Admiral Watson which arrived at Mangalore
in February, 1768. Latif Ali Baig failed to withstand the onslaught
of the English. They captured the city without much difficulty.

The capture of Mangalore was, perhaps, considered by the British

in T Vr tm r ' “ a VCr ^ Si ^ ficant even t in the history of their expansion
’ l0r thc news ' vas announced to the people by one hundred

" fire<1 rr ° m tta Fort S *- G “ r se”. It, however, tnrned o«

only > temporary victory. On receipt of the news, Tippn made a

57

was im-:

hi Period of Haidar Ali and Tippu Sultan
lightning attack .dh the " portytpy drive

mediately followed by Haidar Ali in person. w It was too • much of a surprised
for, the; Engli sh -army which was routed completely, ty Tippuvhad already^
taken Mangalore before the; arrival of his father on the spot;? : The English ty
left the port and sailed away abandoning 80 Europeans ailing, 180 sepoys \
and all: the guns they had. Mangalore had thus been retaken within f
a; ’week of its seizure by the English who were now ready , to make peace %
with Haidar Ali. The Portuguese who had joined the English fondly A
hoping that the latter would be the masters of Kanara were greatly dis-
appointed at this turn of events.

ritytyHaidar Ali, on coming to know of the Portuguese assistance to the ;
English, is said to have summoned the Portuguese merchants and priests •
and although from the western standards they ought to have been pUtty
to death, he only ordered them to be imprisioned and their proper ties A;
to be confiscated until the treaty with the English ’ was ; rigned^3Sii§.i|^ :
treaty was signed in September, 1770. One of the terms of "this Jttyatyty:
provided for the supply of rice to Bombay from Mangalore and other r ,
yports/ t The following year, Haidar Ali concluded a treaty of friendship -ty
with the Portuguese also, in respect of the latter’s interests at Mangalore- A
and the surrounding areas. He restored to the parish priests their privi- ;;y
. lege to administer justice to the Christians under their care and also
permitted voluntary conversions to Christianity. In A. Dll 776, he, y ;

at the mouth of the river. After taking Mangalore from .the'Ehglishty ; ’
•vdn A.D; 1768. Haidar moved above the Ghats bv the Subrahmanva Pass; /

It Was: he who ceded to the Raja of Coorg, the Pahja and Bellare
yin the Puttur taluk, partly for the aid he had received from him and
— -t — -- -f'— >• But later, in; A. id A

'in

: • jiad been given to Coorg by Somasekhara Nayaka II wbout .forty ycarkyA
pa rlier. , : Thus, the end of the Eirst -M^pre;$^:s^
plete master of the South Kanara region;

ceeded by Tippu Sultan. In January, 1783, closely following the death
of Haidar Ali, General Mathews landed at Coondapur with a force from

58

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Bombay which achieved a remarkable and unexpected success,
considering the large numbers that opposed it. His earhest success ^ as
the capture of the fort of Hosangadi, which guarded the Hosangadi Pass
He marched towards Hosangadi, and reached the fort of the Hosanga
Pass in three days notwithstanding the difficulties of supply and the
transport. The place, situated in the midst of a thick forest, was defen c
by trees felled across the road and there was a breast work of about 4

yards from the fort. ,

The English soldiei s under Colonel Macleod marched iorwar
and the next morning they found the fort abandoned with fifteen guns.
The first barrier on the pass had also been abandoned; but the second
had to be removed. From that point, there was almost a continuous
hne of batteries and breast works and at the top was the fort of Haidargad,
fully defended by about 17,000 men. The different positions were all
carried with a total loss of 50 killed and wounded. General Mathews
then advanced towards Bidantiru, which fell into his hands owing to
the treachery of Iyaz Khan’, who was in charge of Haidamagar. It
is said that I)az Khan, who, in fact, had been a favourite of Haidar
Ali, threw open the gates of the fort on the arrival of the English, as he
had learnt that Tippu had determined to degrade him. But the success
of the English was short-lived and they were forced to capitulate when
Tippu arrived there with a large army at the end of March, 1783.

In the meantime, before the surrender of Bidanuru, Tippu had
sent a large force to appear before Mangalore. But this force was attacked
and defeated about twelve, miles from Mangalore. On receipt of the
news of this reverse, Tippu moved in person with a large army against
Mangalore which was held by Colonel Campbell with a force of 700
Europeans and 2,000 sepoys. A line of minor forts had been built along
the route to Mangalore, the remnants of which can be seen even now
at Madanakapu, Arkula, Adyar and Kannur. After a preliminary
engagement at an outpost on the 23rd of May, in which four officers
and 200 sepoys were lost, Colonel Campbell withdrew from all outposts
and made arrangements to stand a regular siege.

Tippu, on the other hand, sent off his cavalry as the monsoon was
approaching, but it was overtaken by a storm on its way, when more
than, half the number of horses were lost. Afterwards, Tippu made
t ee regular assaults which ended in failure. The fort was not only

3 ' ■■■i0erwd^';Haidflr ~Ali arid Tippu * Sultan \ : fr? v^Q4^ * : ;59

rbo air?' 'A f p^trifiy'ol •nni'n^t* ‘-’ K *rri ci'-'-mTAr i . . •4 -A^'i M-ivi *£■*-* , -ri-f ;4 -

v : 1783-aftcr tlic siege had lasted for more than two months, Tippu agreed to
}ah:arihistice. During the days of the siege the inmates of the fort were put

,:t0 '

armistice.

his residence at Mangalore. But not feeling strong enough to help effect ;
tiyely, relieving Mangalore, he sailed away with his force on 2nd of
•December .1" The condition inside the fort was degenerating day after • •

: day' and by January, 1784, more than two-thirds of the garrison were,

; in hospitals, and deaths were twelve to fifteen a day. A large proportion
yofitiic sepoys /had become blind and the remainder so exhausted, as fre-:
;C;qiieiitly to fall down. In these circumstances, Colonel Campbell consi-
, : dered it useless to hold out any longer and capitualated on the 30th of .
January on the condition of being allowed to go with his garrison ; to ■?
;|Telliclierry4: Tippu was assisted in this siege by the French auxiliaries
who were in- liis employ. But it is said that by the time the English were
'about : to capitulate, the hostilities between the English and the French ,
i^in Europe had come to a close and hence Tippu’s French auxiliaries ;-:
•noW refhsed to fight. -

v ; ;; g; Except in the extreme of the region, Tippu completely suppressed^

oil j j: „„ — — 1 +1-, nm nf oil T-vnf fliAir rirnrnfp lorilrle'.-hv

y r > i

\ Among these chiefs were those of Kumbale, Vittala and Nllesvara..';. ;The
. • Kumb ale-r ajy a was driven from the area and when he returned sOOn
y afterwards and tried to recover his territory, he was captured and hanged.

His younger brother was also executed for. joining the English at the tinie : ;
j hf the first siege of Mangalore. A nephew of his was also put to deaths

^lfl 'I’ 794 " ' ' ^ h« J n 1 v>oo/ 4 tr florl fA TpI li pr*rtr c Am' ofi rh a b

before .4. ’Two of the princes of Nllesvara were hanged in 1787; by tltby;

iv* « f i ' ' D . i ' xL vitEa' O o rvi -4rv fOvm o

■the : British;

CHAPTER VIII

FEUDATORY STATES OF TULU - NADU

In this chapter an. attempt at the reconstruction of the genealogies
of twelve feudatory States is made. From the beginning of the Vijaya-
nagara period uptil the advent of the British, these States maintained
their semi-independent power. This reconstruction of the genealogies
of the feudatories of Tuluva has been useful in dismantling many a tradi-
tional account and in putting their chronology on as reliable lines as
possible. This chapter seeks to throw considerable new light on the
political condition of Tulu-nadu during the medieval times. The Vijaya-
nagara suzerains kept these chieftains in good humour, and employed
their sen ices in the governance of Tulu-nadu which was, broadly, divided
into two provinces, namely, Barakuru and Mangaluru-rajyas. It does
speak of the administrative ability of the Vijayanagara governors that
they were successful in keeping them as their allies, instead of attempting
to root out their political power.

THE BAftGAS OF BASGAVADI
(14th century A D. to 19 century A. D.)

The Bangas of Tulu-nadu had their capital in Bangavadi or Bangadi
in tite Belthangady taluk of the district of South ICanara. Later, they
shifted their capital to Nandavara of the Mangalore taluk of the same
district 1 . They appear to have had a palace in Mahgaluru or Mangala-
pura (Mangalore) also 2 . This ruling family is said to have hailed from
the Mysore area, i.e., Gahgavadi, during the alleged conversion of Hoysala,
ishnuvardliana into Vaishnavism by Sri Ramanujacharyas. It has

t

2

3

SoutkKanara Manual, Vol. I (1894), p. 55.

"Man^al'um. 2 ’ f ° r 1928_29 ' Ko d>y5la mentioned in this epigraph is part of
Aigal's Ihhdsa (pages 263-264)

Feudatory States of Tulu-nadu 61

not;;yeti;bceii>:ppssible' to lociate ;';th'e exact; place, whenaritliey: {hailed^ to
Tulu-nadu. We do hot have definite records of tlicir origin and of tli^
early role tHey played in the Mstory of Tulu-nadu. y. Epigraphs of South' :/
.Kanara start mentioning their ,'namd only in the beginning of the 15th
y century A. D /, although M. Ganapati Rao Aigal in his ItiHasa gives the ;
genealogy of the Bangas from the 1 2th century A.D.* The non-mention
( of this family in the earlier epigraphs, hitherto discovered, may hot neces-:
sarily mean the non-existence of this family before the 15th century A.D,
y, Since we do not have definite records of their early chronology, we are
y unable to pass any authentic remarks about their antiquity.. Should
; we accept tradition and attempt to locate the original place of the Bangas • '

iw "wt kraxe a fan 'cp/gi’h^k/b' 1 .

Gandlahalli of the Kolar taluk, belonging to the time of Iriva Nolarhba,,
'"specifies the tank of BangavadR This inscription belongs to a period ]
earlier than the 10th century A.D • Another epigraph of the] same*
place dated A.D. 950 states that when Srimat Vikramaditya-Tiruyayyaf

was ruling the Gahgavadi-6,000, the bettu and kattu of the Bangavadi:;
tank were remitted?. Another inscription refers to Nagayya, son:-; of
Bangali (Baiiga-halli) Ereyammas. A much worn out epigraph copied ]

Suiekere, Turuvekere sub-taluk, which appears to be dated AiDl .iill^:
mentions Bangavadi, situated in Gangavadi-nadu, Tunivekcru yancD
Nirugunda-nadu 9 . All of these epigraphs may clarify an important.]
' political postulate that the first Bangavadi belonged to the Gangavadh <
nadu and as the tradition of Tulu-nadu has it for us,

■’ migrated to this country and settled at a place in the Bclthangadyytaluk .
of the district of South Kanara, near the Western Ghats, whicly thc^g
found proper to name Bangavadi. It is difficult to tell which rcligiorA
ytiiey professed. Perhaps, they were both Hindus and Jainas at different;;
/times, like most of the royal families in the history of Karnataka;
is difficult to surmise .the actual meaning conveyed by^th^^^^?^;T
It may be possible that the progenitor of the family may have been named 1

fff ibid. P . 263. . ; . ■ . -/ :->A ; Tv -hAhrihAhTIhA

5 Ep. Ind. Yol. VII, page 22 - Bangavadi in M\ilubagal taluk of the. Kolar: district]
iA-Tri of -Karnataka State. Av Tv'-':: ’Ty

■"f'FFp.Ctar. Vol. X, Kolar, No. 198.. ‘ f. ,, ;

[FffEp. Car. Vol: X, Kolar, No. 207.

TS 5? lohf -i

ggA M . A .r . .(191 6):p, 47T "A:; A AA/A ]]:/■{ v S1SISS1S

62 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Banga, atfcr whom the entire family received the cognomen'®. Although
the family is totally rid of any political authority today, the name Banga
still continues in the Jaina families of Tulu-nadu.

M. Ganapathi Rao Aigal in his Ilihasa gives the genealogy of the
Bahgas as follows

Vira-Narasimha Banga-raja (A.D. 1 157 — A.D . 1208) i c —

V 2- I

ChandraSckhara Banga-raja (son) (A.D. 1208 — A.D. 1224)

Pandyappa Banga-raja (brother) (A.D. 1224 - A.D. 1239)

Vittaladevi (sister) (A.D. 1239 -A.D. 1264) __ . _ r,

| \ •i'jL c> o<- Gr

Kamaraya I (son) (A.D. 1264 - A.D. 1274)

Padumaladevi (neice) (A.D. 1274 - A.D. 1287)

1

Havali Banga-raja I (son) (A.D . 1 287 - A.D . 1323)

Sankaradevi (sister) (A.D. 1324 - A.D. 1349)

I

Havali Banga-xaja II (son) (A.D. 1349 - A.D. 1400)

Lakshmappa Banga-raja I (brother) (A.D . 1400''- A.D. 1455)

1

Sankaradevi II (sister) (A.D. 1455 - A.D. 1491)

Kamaraya II (son) (A.D. 1491 - A.D. 1533)

Havali Banga-raja III (brother) (A.D. 1533 - A.D. 1545)

Lakshmappa Banga-raja II (nephew) (A.D. 1545 - A.D. 1556)

Kamaraya III (nephew) (A.D. 1556- A.D. 1612)

Lakshmappa Banga-raja III (nephew) (A.D. 1612 - A.D. 1628)

Havali Banga-raja IV (nephew) (A.D. 1628 - A.D. 1631)

Sankaradevi III (sister) (A.D. 1631 - A.D. 1631)

Sankaradevi III (sister) (A.D. 1631 - A.D. 1633)

1

°n^?' Qru ’-d ate d AD.11 17, belonging to the reign of Vishnuvardhana
Perlnn? .mfn ‘ ansa ’ n:lya ; ka "l connecti °o with the temple of Bankeivaradcva.
vardhana ( "wY l I ) vl i ) ''. ccri - onc °f 'he early chiefs at the service of Vishnu-
n Car 0 vY o1 ' V > BClur, No. 116).

nigat s Itihasa (pp. 263-286).

‘■UYLiSlli hr .hWdFtlh UilOT

y) dydyfieudatory' States of ; Tiitti-mdu; -k;

: Haval i C angar aj a V (son) : (A.D. 1G53 - A.D. 1699)

Lakslimappa Bangm’aja;IV (ncpjiew) (A.D. 1699 A.D. 1767) " • : ,

- t<T oTvmr\‘n / <'»Y>oPo .Tin r»n , '3t , oio T\ «r\T»at»r^ ■( A 1 7A7 ‘ .Aj .■T'V 1 7QQ\’ >"**. ,' •• ■ *

..D. 1767

V ySSyA Lakshiiaappa Bangaraja V (nephew) (A.D.1800 - A.D. 1838): :

: y ■ ;.vlt is ; further stated in the Ilihasa that after Pandyappa Bangaraja
; . (A . D . 1224-A . D . 1239), the succession to the throne was traced through
;; the females in accordance with the system of aliya-santdna' 2 . We do not
^khoiv what authentic original sources were tapped by the author to furnish
; us the ; above genealogy of the Bangas with such accuracy. Pic says that
^angdra-kaifiydttu (consisting of die genealogy of the Bangas) was consulted
.‘f .by him 13 ; , But. unfortunately this genealogy seems to suffer from major
PyhistpricaLrinaccuracies/ An ' examination of some of die inscriptions
' .published hitherto and some that are yet to he published 14 reveals to us
;)major chronological discrepancy in the list given above.

Reconstruction of the Banga Genealogy

«• A

in tracing the begimiing of the political. career of the Bangas' is a Sanskrit;;
work known as die Sringdrarnava-Chandrika of Vijayavarni 15 ,- He seems
:to have lived in the court of. Kamaraya Banga and was patronised by -,
him. We have to fix the date of Kamaraya Banga, now. , : Vijayavarni ;
says that Baiigavaclipura which was noted for its prosperity and glory;;

: was ruled by Vlra-Narasimha Banga and that he has bom in the Kadamba-A
vamsa. f The poet further narrates that Vlra-Narasimha Banga had ; a
hunger brother, called Pandya Banga, whose ’ younger sister was Vitta-y
lainba. Vittalamba’s son was stated to be; Kamaraya ;Bahga 3 y^Vijaya-;(;
varni’s patron.; Epigraphic record 16 : proves, that Vitpaladew . may . liaive! i

ll bl rl nn'rAror 1 frAYW nhnn f tlio flirrrl .rmnufai'' aP 4-U a | j^ y > ^1’’ ^ *'

v.pyAigal’s /a'Mja (pp. 270). ■•s..'. V; a -fN- f V

:-Ibidi : Inirodtictibn ii.,'" A ; ’ ,( • i' 4 " f*f v£d n

14 With -the kind permission of the Chief Epigi-apliist, Government . of India, theji adv
• OotacamuricL, these unpublished epigraphs were examined by me in 1964AA; ;V

15 Extracts from this work are published in the book tld Prasasti-Sangraha edited by
Paixdit .. K; Bhujabali Sastri, Vidya-bhushana (1 942),' pp. ' ,73-78. v - The : 6dlt6r ; - ,

■' 1 P 10 C ‘ -f-f a Ir/ 1 * Ivti! a /v« a* ■ ‘ fh A ; 'A* . '-C it. L. .Ti t” * _Vl! JV.. 4 ' V. ^ *•

succession: He has unnecessarily, brought in one Chandrasekhara Baiura
yS-.i : . /fiVoiWii^o;: 259."; . V : d&yyd; ^

64

Studies in Tultiva History and Culture

ceding the reign of Pandyapparasa alias Banga, Vittaladevi’s son. If
this were granted, based on Vijayavarni’s version, we may presume that
Vittaladcvi’s elder brother was Pandya Banga who may be assigned
to the period between A.D.1350-A.D.1375 and her eldest brother
vas Vira-Narasimha Banga whose reign may have extended over the
period between A.D.1325-A.D.1350. It is not probable that Vittala-
devi had two sons, Pandyapparasa and Kamaraya. That Pandyapparasa
alias Banga, son of Vittaladevi, was ruling between A.D. 141 1-A.D. 1431,
is indisputable, and is proved by epigraphs 17 . Kamaraya who figures
in the two epigraphs, dated A.D. 1469 and A.D. 1 473 18 , whose relation
with Pandyapparasa is not known, may be his younger brother
Vittaladevi’s younger son. It is not possible to say w'hen exactly Kamaraya
Banga’s rule started. If a surmise is possible, we may fix his reign period
roughly between A.D. 1440-A D. 1473.

The work Snngararnava-Chandrika. is important in many respects
First, it helps us in finding out when the Banga family established itself
in power in Bahgavadi. In all probability, it emerged into historical
recognition, not earlier than the beginning of the 14th century A.D.
Hence, it is hardly possible to give historical credence to what Aigal says
in that the exiled prince, Vira-Narasimha Banga, son of one Chandra-
sekhara, related to the Gangas of Gahgavadi, made his escape in the
Malnad area and after Hoysala Vishnuvardhana whose onslaught was
responsible for the death of Chandrasekhara in battle settled in Bangavadi-
And that Hoysala Vishnuvardhana’s son, Narasimha sympathised with
Vira-Narasimha (who w r as just a child) and invested him with regal
authority 19 . The impossibility of such a political event is clearly revealed
by the fact that Vira-Narasimha Banga, the first ruler of tire dynasty,
cannot have lived in the 12th century A.D. as shown above 70 .

Secondly, the Bahgas are stated to have belonged to the Kadamba
family. We are still ignorant to which branch of the Kadamba family
they were connected, but this fact of the Kadamba origin is further,
strengthened by a copper-plate inscription, dated A.D. 1504, which

17 A R. No 344 of 1930-31

A R Nos 478 &. 482 of 1928-’29
” A'gaVs Jtihasa, pp 263-267.

Aat % Man S alore P 56 > Ca^ra Pubhcat.ons, Ankola, opine

and that telS If?,!® founded b V Vira-Narasmha in A DID'

Feudatory States of Tulu-nadu

65

mentions that the Banga chief Lakshin apparas a was of the Kadamba
family 21 /

Thirdly, it is clear from Vijayavarni’s work that the system of
heritance in this family was through aKya-santana .

Fourthly, this work reveals that the Bahgas were ardent Jainas in
faith. The poet describes Pandya Banga as the worshipper of the feet
of Jina, and his patron Kamaraya Banga is eulogised as a bee to the lotus
feet of Jina.

Fifthly, there is no place for Chandrasekhara Banga (the supposed
son of Vira-Narasimha Banga) in the early genealogy as pointed out by
Aigal. The early genealogy of the family may be rearranged as follows:

Vira-Narasimha Banga I (A.D. 1325 - A.D. 1350 ?)

4

Pandyappa Banga (younger brother) (A.D. 1350 - A.D. 1375 ?)

4

Vittaladevi (Vittalamba) (youngei sister) (A.D. 1375 - A.D. 1410 ?)

" 4

Pandyapparasa alias Banga (son) (A.D. 1411 - A.D. 1440)

4

Kamaraya Banga I (younger brother) (A.D. 1440 -A.D. 1473)

(Patron of Vijayavarni)

4 *

The successors of Kamaraya Banga were :

Navasirnha Banga II (nephew) (A.D. 1473 ?- A.D. 1484)

4

Vira-Narasimha Lakshmapparasa Banga I (nephew ?)

(A.D. 1484 ?- A.D. 1504)

Vira-Narasirnha Banga II (nephew ?) (A.D. 1528)

4

Kamaraya Banga II (nephew) (A.D. 1595 and A.D. 1597)

4

Vira-Narasimha Lakshmapparasa Banga II (nephew?)
(A.D. 1611 and A.D. 1623)

4

Kamaraya Banga III (nephew) 22 (A.D. 1653)

21 A. 22. No. 5 of 1940-1941, Appendix A.

22 Dr. S. U. Kamath in his thesis Tuluua in Vijayanagara Times (1965) has given the
genealogy of the Bahgas wherein he has brought in the names of rulers who cannot

be historically traced. For example, Sankaradeva-I (A.D . 1325-A.D. 1350), '■

Hdvali Banga (A.D. 1351-A.D. 1375), Unknown ruler (A.D. 1375-A.D. 1400),
Vira-Narasimha Lakshmapparasa (A.D. 1401-A.D. 1430). He further gives
the name of one ruler Basavanna. We have proved that it cannot be so. Again, > !

in the genealogical table as given by Dr. Kamath there are four ruler's ‘named
after Vira-Narasimha Lakshmapparasa. This cannot be justified. So far we do
not have any epigraphical references to one Sahkaradevi II (A.D. 1630-A.D, 1650).

66

Studies in Tulvva History and Culture

Ha. all Bahga (nephew ?) (A . D . 1 653 or 1 655 ? - A . D . 1 678 or 1 680 ?)

Lakshmana Banga (Vira-Xniasiinha Lakshmapparasa Bahga III)
(A.D.1678or 1680 - A.D 1703 or 1705)

Inter - dynastic Relationships :

The Bahgas were the most powerful and influential of all the chiefs
of the district of South Kanara. By diplomacy, war and matrimonial
alliances they extended their sway over the whole of the present Puttur
taluk and parts of the Mangalore taluk of the district. We have a few
epigraphs that throw some light on the nature of the political relationship
that existed between the Bahgas and the other local chiefs. According
to a copper-plate inscription, Vira-Narasimha Lakshmapparasa Bahga I
who held pcnver between A.D . 1484? — A.D. 1504- assumed the congno-
mcn Bhairarasa- 3 . This phenomenon can be explained by the possible
defeat of the Karakala chief whose family name was Bhairarasa, in a battle
by Lakshmapparasa Bahga. This event must have been followed by
a matrimonial alliance between the Bahgas and the Bhairarasas. The
inscription of Bhairarasa IV (Bhairavendra II), dated A.D. 1586, speci-
fically mentions that he ■was the son of Vira-Narasirhha Bahga by
Gummatambika 34 . Vira-Narasimha Bahga may be taken to be the
nephew of Lakshmapparasa Bahga who assumed the cognomen Bhairarasa.

The Bahga relations with the Chautas of Puttige and Venupura
(Mudabidure) must have been strained and hostile. Because an epigraph
of Vira-Narasimha Bahga, dated A.D. 1528, registers a pact between
Tirumalarasa alias Chauta of Puttige, and his followers alisavira and
bal'isavira on one side, and Vira-Narasimha Bahga of Bahgavadi and his
5,000 follow'ers on the other 35 . This pact defining their respective right,
and privileges was concluded under the arbitration of Vedanta-Odeya
the disciple of K.rishnananda-Odeya and of Tirumalarasa alias heggade
who acted as intermediaries in the settlement 36 .

33 A.R No 5 of 1940-’41, Appendix A.

a 62 °[ 1201 ; E P- Ac/. Vol. VII, pp. 122-138.

“ A.R No 336 for 1930-’31.

5 rnill! luhSsa \ ,P a gc No. 438 mentions an inscription containing a political

Anuinfl" a!o? h T taS r 0f Putti S e and people of Pejavartmagane in
ariPimlVn a 133 r^T ll , refers to a f, S ht between the Mularasa of Nil&Svara
mt™™hL B 7\ 0 ^T da „ V:lra - T . hc Chautas helped the Bahgas in this fight
domain^ to the ru,, ’, C ' ^e Banga chief gave away some of the tenitoiies of his
the governor of the \r C ® ut 'l 115 inscription is not reliable since Vittarasa,
1410 \ctuallv he P r0 '?'? ce * s referred to as ruling in die year A.D.

1474. \a r\J 30^n,fsQ S r\ e co¥ an r IorC P rovlnce from A.D. 1462 to A.D-
Vt.lt. Nos. 30 and 39 of 1901; Ibid 376 of 1928; Ibid 528 of 1930).

id. Feudatory States' of Tiilii-riddu

'.jFFyil-}F-67F

Territorial Extent A:

The following may be accepted as the areas held by the . Bahgas :
Melrbangadi, Kela-barigadi, - BelthiHgadi, , Maya-bayalu, . tJppiiiangadi, ;>
Putturu, Ivlogaru-nadu, Mani-nalkuru, Barya-kajckaru, Bantavala, Kodi-
yala/ Sajipa, Harekala, Varkadi, Mhnjesvara, Bajala-sime, ; Manila-sime,
Mundukuru-sime, Bailu-sime, Vonmmjuru-sime and Ninimarga-sinic^. -U

This territorial extent of the Bahgas can- fairly be taken as historically ; -
true as evidenced by inscriptions. An epigraph of Kukke-Subrahmanya 38 :
(near the Western Ghats) records that the charity in the temple of

temple in Bangam-vadatana (within the territorial jurisdiction of the Bahgas)
Another epigraph^ refers to the destruction of the palace of the -Banga.
chief, Kamirayarasa at Kodiyala (Mangalore near the Arabian Sea) by
Vittarasa-Odeya, the Vijayanagara governor in the year A J) . 1469.
These indicate the extent of the Banga territory from the Western Ghats
.to the Arabian sea. ’

Besides the epigraphical evidence, we have the literary proof to the
territorial extent of the Bahgas up to Mangalore. The prince of Bahghel;.
to whom the Holy-Cross was taken by the fishermen who secured it fro m A
sea in A. D. 1493 was none other than the Banga ruler himselB°y h A y

Conclusion

The Bahgas held power from the beginning of the 14th century 7\.D .
up to the advent of the British, when their political authority was extin-
guished. ™ " T " ■' ,. e 4 .-A

the value of being in friendly terms with them, so that , their assistance
was sought in matters of administration. Although they ; were devoted
to the cause of Jainism, their patronage of Hinduism is worthy of praise.
Lord Somanatha was the State deity of the Bahgas and the name of ;this ;
deity was inscribed' on the signet riiig of the rulers. - OJ A •tytyywCjpv

27

Aigal's lithasd, page 266.

2S M.A;/t. (i94-3):No. mj-'T-TTF "-T- : - : -T
29 A.’R. No. 482 for 1928-29.' AW A.;

. . : .' 30 History qf ihe Dioceseof Mangalore

68

Studies in Ttiluva Histoiy and Culture

CHAUTAS OF PUTTIGE AND MODABIDURE

The cognomen Chauta presents before us certain problems which
can only be analysed hypothetically. This title was borne by the ruling
chiefs of Puttige and Mudabidure in the district of South Kanara, who,
according to tiadition, seem to have had their first seat of royal authority
at Ullala in the Mangalore taluk of the same district. Tradition has
it for us that they shifted their capital to Puttige with the passage of time
and later to Mudabidure, both in the Karkala taluk of South Kanara'

It is said that the Chautas had migrated to South Kanara from outside,
possibly, from die Mysore area. Facts are not adequate enough and
convincing to arrive at any definite conclusion about the exact locality
where these Chautas originated and the circumstances that prevailed
upon them to migrate to South Kanara.

In the genealogy of the Chautas as given by >$ri Lokanatha Sastri,
Tirumalaraya Chauta is said to have been the first ruler of the dynasty
between A D. 1160- A D 1179* Sn Aigal also writes in the same
way in Ills Iiihdsa A But the inscriptional reference to the Chautas comes
much later in their histoiy.

The first reference to the Chautas occurs in the Madikeri inscription
of Vengulu-grama, dated A. D. 1264, which mentions a Mahamandalesvara,
named Vira-Munivaraditya Gokuladevarasa, who is described as the
subduer of Ghaulu ( [Cliautuvibhada ) and supporter of Satyaraya 4 . Apart
from the mere mention of the word Chautu, this epigraph does not enlighten
us further on the history of the Chauta dynasty.

The editor of the harnatak Inscriptions, Vol. I seems to have committed
a mistake in identifying the Chautas of the Kaikani inscriptions, North
Kanara district, dated A. D. 1390, with the Chautas of Puttige, South
Kanaras. These inscriptions state that the General, Mahdpradhana-
danndjaka, taldng an offensive on the Tulu kingdom, camped with an
army at Bidire and having overwhelmed the Chautas, he rushed on,
vmg beliind an order to drive away the men of Mahamandalesvara
asa of Nagirc, Jakkanna-nayaka, son of Bommana-nayaka, the
rajaguru of Na gire joined the Chautas and in the encounter that followed,

‘ Algal’s Itihdsa, p 286

Lokanailia Sastri - Miidabidureya-chantre Paec 51
’ Aigal’s Ililiasa, Page 287 1 1 agC i>1 '

, c 'y r <! Inscriptions No 75

I Vol 1, No,, 35 and 36 of 1939-40

Feudatory Stales of Talu-nddu

69

the hero is said to have broken down by his valour, the resistance of the
aimy of the Mangappa-dannayaka and fallen in fight. The editor, in
his introduction, identifies Bidire with Mudabidure of South Kanara.
But this does not seem correct. Because, the Tulu country mentioned
in these inscriptions was the region comprising Bhatakala, Haduvalli,
Gerusoppe etc., and it was against this territory that Mahapradhana Man-
gappa-dannayaka carried his military operations. Moreover, the place
Bidire mentioned here could be identified with Bidiruru (or Biduru-nadu
or Venupura) of the Sagar taluk, Simoga district 6 . The Chautas referred
to must have been the chiefs of this Bidure and not of Mudabidure of
South Kanara. The point of significance here is that the postulate that
the Chautas had their origin in Bidure of the Sagar taluk and sometimes
in the 12th or the 13th century A.D., either as seekers of fortune or as
victims of political vicisitudes, they migrated to South Kanara and founded
their chieftaincy, seems reasonable 7 .

Various interpretations may be employed to derive the etymology
of the term Chauta. M. Govinda Pai seems to be in favour of connecting
it with Chulu 8 . There is a tendency to derive this term from chaudore who
appears to be an ancient officer of local administration 9 . It may be
suggested that this term Chauta may be the Prakrit form of chaiurtha™.
The term Chanda which occurs very frequently may also be another form
of Chauta. To cite an example, an inscription of Tirthalli, dated
A.D. 1408, records a grant to one Naganna, son of Chaudarasa and to
another Kesavarasa, son of Chautarasa, both Brahmins belonging to the
Bhai advaja-gotra ' 1 .

The 25th chapter of Sri Ai gal’s Itihasa dwells in considerable detail
upon the political history of the dynasty) 2 . The following is the genealogy
as given by Sri Aigal, the examination of which is very significant for us.

Tirumalai aya I (A . D . 1 1 60 - A . D . 1 1 79)

1

Channaraya I (A.D 1179 - A.D. 1219)

1

6 Ep. Car . VoL VIII, Sagar No. 164.

7 According to the tradition prevalent in Miidabiduie, the Chautas are said to have
come from Hosanagar of the Simoga district.

8 Paiichakajjdja, Page 113,

9 A.R. No. 505 of 1915 A.D . 1 106 - Matla ndda-manaiyd 1 nm Chaudoregalum prabhu-
gavundagahm ildu hollar.

10 Praktil Grammar of Iiemachandra 2 — 33 — Chautho ( Chalutlha ).

Ep. Car. VIII, Tirthalli, No. 131.

12 Aigal's Itihasa, pp. 286 - 3J2.

70

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Devaraya (A D 1219 — A D 1245)
Tirumalaraya II (A D 1245 -A D 1283)
Abbakkadcu I (A D 1283 — AD 1316

Bhojaraya I (A D 1316— A D 1335)

Padumaladev 1 1 (A D 1335 —AD 1382)

1

Chennammadevi I (A D 1382 -AD 1403)

I

Chennaray a II (A D 1403- A D 1470)

1

Bhojaraya II (A D 1470 — AD 1510)

Tirumalaraya III (A D 1510 -A D 1544)

Abbakkadcu II (A D 1544- A D 1582)

l

Tirumaladevi II (A D 1582 - A D 1606)

1

Chandrasekhara-Ctukkaraya (A D 1 606 - A D . 1 628)

i

Chennammadevi II (A D 1628 — A D 1630)

i

Bhojaraya III (A D 1630 - A D 1644)

Chennammadevi III (A D 1644 - A D 1687)

1

ChandraSekhara-Chikkaraya II (A D 1687 -A D 1715)

Padumaladevi II (A D 1715 -AD 1726)

Abbakkadeu III (AD 1726 - A D 1749)

ChandraSckhara-Chikkaraya III (A D 1749- AD 1769)

Chennaraya III (A D 1769 -A D 1781)

Chandraltkhara-Chikkaraya IV (A D 1781 - A D 1783)

4

ChandraSckhara-Chikkaraya V 13 (AD 1783 -AD 1822)

Now we may outline the chief events in the history of the Chautas
as given by Sri Aigal

(i) The first ruler of the dynasty was one Tirumalaraya Chatlta
vho had his capital at TJllala, Mangalore taluk. His advent was facilitated
only after the death of Hoisala Vishnuvardhana

' r TSld

7 ' : i Mi Feiidqioiy /Stales^ of : ifulu-7uldu, y yyVJV vy TV:

r 71

military might, s(
his capital to this place. /Vi' yfy/Afv '■ V'- V' VV;V;V-V7V; -Vi vl

V. (iii) Bhojaraya = I (A.D. 1316 - A-v D, 1 335) augmented his power
lay matrimonial alliances with , the Savantas of Mulki. ,y ;/• ;v.y'\K

(iv) The reign of Chehnaraya. XI (A.D. 1403 - A. D. 1470) witnessed

the construction of the Jind-Chaityala , Tribhuvana-Chudamani(A. D . 1429)
and of the Bhairadevd-mantapa (A.D'. 1451). . A'-:-'' 1

(v) Bhojaraya II (A. D. 1470 - A. D. 1510) was the greatest of the

Chauta chiefs. He visited the court of Krishnadevaraya, the Vijaya-
riagara emperor and received royal insignia from him. V >;• V>

: . y(vi) Abbakkadevi II (A.D . 1.544 ~ A.D . 1582) married Lakshina ppa-
rasa .Bahgaraya and after the death of her husband, got embroiled with
Lakshmapparasa’s nephew, Kamiraya. Kamiraya’s hostility with Abbakka-
devi led him to conclude pacts with the Portuguese, who ravaged the terri-
tories of Abbakkadevi several times and imposed tributes on her. •

(vii) The later Chauta chiefs owed, absolute allegiance to the Keladi
.-Nayakas after they established their, political sway over South Kanara
and helped them in administration. It was in the 1 7th century A.D 7
that the Chautas shifted their capital to Mudabidure. • / VfAyVy

(viii) In A.D. 1763, Haidar Ali vanquished the power of the Keladi
Nayakas and took possession of South Kanara.

Mr. H. Sansford Smith in his Motes on Chautar Dynasty hasgiveri.’aV
•brief account of the political history of this family and the writer does
not give any sources for his generalizations. It looks . as though; hOVis jin’'
full agreement with Sri Aigal in everything he said about -the GhautaspA

The chronology and genealogy as given. in the' Itikasa and accepted
by most writers are faulty in many respects. V jV - V
V ;: L In the first, place there has not been any epigrapic evidence so
far to prove that the Raja of Ullala. was imprisoned by Bitti -Vishn u vardan a
in A . D. 1117 as is shown by Mr. H. Sanford Smith V.’ j . . SM. ff*

i bidure informs us thatVikru-Chauta alias Chauta was the ruler in A.D. 1 390 16 .

Vol; Vlf ' NcV229. ; yv7

Society, Vol. XLV I , • July, ;1955, No. • 1 y pp. 69 to 71.

72 Studies in Tnluva History and Culture

Tins epigraph records the grant of some lands as dcvasva of
Sri Chanddgra-Parsvadeva of Gurugala-basti during the reign of Vikru-
Chauta who may be taken to be the first ruler of the dynasty as revealed
through inscriptions.

3. The inscription from Puttur, Puttur taluk, dated A.D.1431' 1 ,
registers a gift of gold by Chauta Santeya. Santeya may be accepted
as the then ruling member of tire Chauta family, in which case, he becomes
the second known ruler of the dynasty. There is no mention of this
chief in the Ilikasa. The inscription of Adduru, Mangalore taluk, registers
a gift of land by the Chauta chief, Jogi-Odeva, to one Jogi-purusha called
Jugadikundala 15 in A. D. 1434. This chief appears to be the third in
tire line. Granting that Vikru-Chauta ruled until A. D. 1410, we may
assign 25 years to the reign of Jogi-Odeya alias Chauta (A. D. 1410-
A.D.1435). Santeya Chauta may be taken to have held power from
A. D. 1435 until A. D. 1455. Sri Aigal is silent about these rulers.

4. In A. D. 1465, tire Chauta ruler, Allappasekha, stated specifically
as ruling from Puttige ( Puttigeja-jananadalu bdluva ) made some grants
to the Polali temple together with his three brothers Devarusekha,
Bimmannasekha and Bommannasekha 10 . This record says that the
management of the lands gifted to the Devi of Polali was entrusted to
Manjannasekha and his sisters. If we assign 20 years to Allappasekha,
we may infer that he ruled between A. D. 1455 and A. D. 1475. 4 here
is no place for this ruler in tire Itihasa.

5. It may not be unreasonable to mention that Allappasekha was
succeeded by his younger brother, Devarusekha (Devaraya) and that
he ruled for about 25 years until A. D. 1500.

6. According to Sri Aigal, Tirumalaraya Chauta III was installed
in power in A. D. 1510, but an epigraph tells us that this ruler made a
grant to the Polali temple in A. D. 1507, from which we can take it for
granted that Tirumalaraya came to power at least in A.D.1507 30 . We
ma} suggest that Tirumalaraya may have ascended the throne in about
A. D. 1500. He must have been a very powerful chief and we have a
number of inscriptions that make mention about him- 1 and of the political

n 5 fj No 3-ri is a.R No 476 of 1923-29

31 iR No v X Ar P fon? ’c r f 50 , 33 A - R ^o 372 of 1928-29.

’.! }> L I ? f w ?<£/.£> \ oL Vm - b'o 228; A R No. 336 of 1930-31;
Ap’/rio: A ptrcio !92!_22 ’ APP^a ■ A Page.9; A R. No 6&7 of 1921-22

f d A | A‘ AAA;.; Addd Feudatoiy. Sla tcs of jTiiliirnadu:- ' ' ; d ;; d; : 73;

Entered: rinto':Ayitli fhis v ■^cig^b^Urii^7' A^u^po^es -j. ■<6f ':
mutual protection. - Perhaps, it was this chief who visited the cornt of ■
the emperor,. Krishnadevaraya. ajld was honoured by him 2,< \ y It may-
be suggested that Tii’umalaraya was in power till A .D. 1525 after which
6 ne T u luvara s a Gliauta ascended the throne’. This cliief figures in an
epigraph "mentioning an agreement between himself arid Tirumalarasa
Kmnika-hcggadc and two other local chieftains 22 . His successor, Tiru-
malarasa Gliauta figures in the Karakala copper-plates of A. D. 3543
which register the compact with his Kalasa-Karakala contemporary,
Pandyappa-Odeya 23 . . • ' . • . A 4*'

V;/ ;; 7. An inscription, dated AT). 1571, gives us the name of Lokadevi
:. ; a\ias : Ghauta as .the Chauta ruler in that year 2 *, whereas in $n Algal’ s
account Abbakkadevi II is mentioned as ruling between A. D. 1544
and A. D. 1582. We do not know whether both of them are identical.

Perhaps, they were sisters. The same inscription speaks of the deceased
sister of Lokadevi, one Paduhialadevi in whose memory a particular ,
area near Mudabidure was granted to Parsvanatha of Gurugala-basti
for the conduct of religious rites. The charity lands were put in charge
d of eight settikaras and four elames of Mudabidure. The name Abbakkadevi,
no doubt, occurs in one of the copper-plate inscriptions which records
an agreement of land at Marakata in Michara-magane, Karakala taluk,
fpr aharadam in the basli at Bidure by Abbakkadevi for the merit of her
d sister Padumaladevi 25 . . Since Padumaladevi occurs, as the sister of both
: Abbakkadevi and Lokadevi, it is evident . that the latter two queens were A
•sisters and that they were weilding authority over two different, territories.' •
Perhaps, Abbakkadevi Was the ruler at U|]ala and Lokadevi at Puttigef
Both of them appear to have ruled simultaneously starling from A. D.1544 2 <>. :
From this period, there seems to have been a division of the principality .

: of the Chautas, with two separate capitals/ one at Ullala and another

ryfPTfcarihot be Bhojaraya II as bpined by Aigal, because TirumalarayaChauA Had';,''.
. dd.; .come to power two years earlier than the accession of Krishnadevaraya ;to the, .

Ad-d'ddthrorie. dA - ••d;AA . ; f v. yA ddA ; d. :-Av~,dd A A A- a AA-AAd

AAAT. 1930-31, No. 336.. A. . A ,-TV 4 Add A A Ad AAyK-A’

23 A:R. No. 4 & 5 of 1921-22 Appendix fa page: 9. d A-Vl ' <; r AA A kv

ff: 24 S.l.i. Vol. Vll, No. 210. A A ;A;A .AAd-dAAAAAAAA dAAAAdAAfAl
.. /; 2S , /i.i? . .No/ 3 of 1940-4 1,. Appendix A. • / AAAAA dA ./ A Ad; A'A A ;AAA:AAA;j

A A T^ySirice tKerie ^ii.no Reliable df PadumT.adeyi ; prerc

y;;. : / ..ruled before Lokadevi is not tcnable-AAr •y,:- AAAA; AA4A ; A A AvAAdA'A''

74

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

at Puttige. The Portuguese records are the primary source of our in-
formation on the Ullala branch 2 ?.

Faria Y. Souza refers to a Portuguese Commander, Don Alvaro dc
Silveyra who was sent from Goa in A.D. 1556 with a war fleet to collect
tributes due from the queen of Ullala. It is stated that Mangalore was
plundered and the queen was forced to sue for peace. The name of the
queen is given as Buca Duvi Chauta, perhaps, meaning Abbakkadevi
Chauta. It is indisputable that she must have been a powerful queen,
for she seems to have fought with tenacity against the Portuguese. She
stopped paying tribute and in A.D. 1567 there ensured another encounter
with the Portuguese, in which, she was defeated and again was coerced
to sue for peace and agreed to pay a heavy additional tribute. The
long reign of 54 years of Abbakkadevi bears testimony to her ability
as a ruler.

The Portuguese sources supply us with further details. It is stated
that the Portuguese were relaxing at Mangalore, the queen’s forces made
a surprise attack on the Portuguese in the night and massacred many
•white soldiers. The next day the city of Mangalore was burnt by the
Portuguese and the queen took to flight. A church was built in
Mangalore and also the town was fortified by the Portuguese.

Further, the same sources make us believe that sometime before
A.D. 1594 the queen of Ullala fortified her capital and garrisoned it in
opposition to that of the Portuguese. And the queen was said to have
been busily engaged in political compacts with the Zamorin of Calicut
<0 fi S ht out Ac Portuguese. It is probable that the last date of Abbakka-
de\i was about A.D. 1598 according to the Portuguese sources.

^ 8. It is fairly certain that after Lskadevi alias Chauta, one Cliikka-

rajarasa succeeded to the throne in the Puttige line, as is evidenced in
two inscriptions dated A.D. 1578.?* According to Sri Aigal, he seemed
to have come to power in A . D . 1606 and ruled up to A . D . 1 628. This

ot historically true. AVe may' assume that Chikkarajarasa may have

ruled upto A.D. 1600 .

” ° a , nVCT ' - Poituquesc m India, Vol. X & II.
S - ! 1 v ol. VII, Nos 226 £. 227.

not;?

his

H; : ? AL; ; y’/V) w -ff- ;i;'0 fffc - ■’ ; :: y fff !W$t!

Ngy /9. i From ’ • another yhiscfif^ A

Chikkaraja - Odeya belonging to : the Chauta fami^ was ruling f
Puttige. :This chief may be the nephew of Chikkarajarasa.h We do

• know who the ruler, was between A.D .1600 - A ; D : 3 64-0. Aigal- in
genealogy places him between A.D .1687 and A.D .1715 which a^

• is not correct. ■" /■ • '/ ' '•■•. 'yVy'v Ay fffvf

;y; We suffer from an acute paucity of source materials ; for ?the7l

history of the Ghautas and therefore, no authentic account of this family;

• could be given. . '. . y y

; Reconstruction of the Chauta Genealogy -

We may now attempt to rearrange the genealogy of the Chauta : .
ydynasty as follows : ■ f y ' ' C

. Lack of reliable evidence prevents us from knowing when exactly
the Chauta family entrenched itself in power in Puttige and we have also ,
scarcely any authenticity for the traditional accounts that this dynasty 7
. had first fixed Ullala as its political centre. An inscription of Mudabidure,

. dated A.D. 1429, speaks about the construction of the ce’ebrated jind-s?
fQhaityalaya , Tribhuvana Chudamani and further states thatCthis. ; ;edifice^l
of supreme grandeur was erected in the area (kshetra) which waS : giftedify
to Abhinava-Charukirtti-panditadeva, with the assistance of SahkemaduTh
V Chauta and six ballalas 30 . Obviously Salike-nadu was the Piittige-sinic
: over which the Chautas exercised their political control. An earlier |
epigraph of the same place, dated A.D . 1341, belonging to the reignyof -
Hoysala king Vira-Ballala III, records a royal decree in the presence^,
of Sri Vira-Ballala-deva (son of Vha-Narasimha) who. is, mehtion.edl ! asi‘^

.V Aluva, the six balldlugak of Salike (Salike), five outsidefsV-.eight-'^/^4^^:
• and four elames of the town Of Biduire 31 . A This important i record c abesi}^
not mention the Chauta chief. Instead,- six ballalas of Salike are parti-" ::
y cularly referred to. This leads us to infer that the Chauta family may ;

29 A.R: No. 421 for 1929-’30. The defect in the chronology given by J§ri Aigal may
: :• further he discovered in reference to : two epigraphs (S./.7. - Vol. VII) Nos. , 226-

- AhH 997V* ' Aicr^l tVi (Snip, TCvt7i/tliaPVn^('7Cm)nrlidP‘\)n\C‘7\fnr/in'irfii/i StZnritib'Xn* v. ,

and 227). Aigal refers to

\ ■ h oanvinc. the Chant as L to'JTulu-riadu during their" rriigf all oh ’ Ini t thi s .n iS TYI P hrrtire >-

3 f yl .i? .No. 43 of 1 907, S. I.I: Vol. VII, No; 2 1 3.\iy Ay H

7 g Studies in Tiduva. History and Culture

not have yet held power over this territory by the time the royal decree
was promulgated (A. D. 1341). We may surmise that about A.D. 1300
the Chauta chiefs gained possession of this principality. Tins surmise
gains strength when we consider that at best a considerable span of time
must have elapsed before Vikm-Chauta, the first known ruler of the
dynasty succeeded to the throne, sometime the last quarter of the 14th
century A.D . That he was securely placed on the throne and was ruling
in A.D. 1390 is revealed by an inscription 32 .

Vikru Chauta 33 (A.D. 1375 ?- A.D. 1410 ?)

1

Santeya Chauta (A.D. 1410 — A.D. 1435)

Jogi-Odeya alias Chauta (A.D. 1435 ? — A.D. 1455 ?)

1

Allappasekha (A.D. 1455 ?- A.D. 1475 ?)

DevaruSekha (Devaraya?) (A.D. 1470 ?- A.D. 1500 ?)

Tirumalaraya Chauta (A.D. 1500 ? - A.D. 1525)

1

Tuluvarasa Chauta (A.D. 1525 - A.D. 1540)
Tirumalarasa Chauta (A.D. 1540 - A.D. 1565)

i '

. ^

Puttige (Branch)

i.

Lokadevi

(A.D. 1565 - A.D. 1575)

1 .

Clukkarajarasa

(A.D. 1575? -A.D. 1600?)

I

Unknown Ruler
1

Chi kkaraj a -O d eya
(A.D. 1640)

Ullala (Branch)

4 , .

Abbakkadevi

(A.D. 1544? -A.D. 1598?)
1 t

Successors unknown

32 A. R. No. 55 or 1909 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 229.

Dr. S. U. Kamath in his Tuhwa in Vijayanagara Times has rearranged the Chauta
chronology in which he brings in one Chennaraya (A . D . 1 4 1 0-A . D . 1 430) a doubt-
" Sure- Dr. Kamath has based his investigation on an inscription edited by Aigal
whose authenticity is already questioned earlier (Bahgas - Footnote 38). Further
he mentions one Padiunaladevi as a probably ruler between A . D . 1 543-A . D . 1 570
Nnoat mi disproved the genuineness of his contention. (Chautas- Footnote
riven t tT'k™?. 6 between the chrono,0 gY given by me and the one

Chcnnarava i* 1 1S . due to tlie P resen cc of these two chiefs, namely,

nennaraya and Padumaladevi in Dr. Kamath’s chronology.

: r ^ ; : "FSu^ui^^Siaies--^ Tulfc ff 77 ■

r n ter-Dynastic Relation ships \ \ Wy : i- Af fi ■ f .'f A vhf fh •; ^V/V^’vv

We may bring in a few ' important - : : epigraphical evidence pointing .
o the ; nature and extent of ihter-dynastic : relationships of the Chautas,
with the other neighbouring families of rulers. That the Chautas were
lostile towards the Bhairarasas of Karakala is evidenced by a lithic record
rf A.D. 1512 -A.D. 1513. It says that the chieftains ■ (dofegaUiy ; of: the
three sthanas Yelluru, Aikala, and Puttige should act in unison in case
of attacks from Bhairarasas of Karakala. This mutual and amicable
agreement enjoins upon each of the chieftains the duty of avoiding internal
feuds and of fighting against the enemy, equipping themselves with all
the necessary armed forces in case of aggression from outside 34 . b..
Av, . The . Suj eru epigraph of Mangalore taluk, dated A.D. 1528, registers
a pact between Tuluvaras ahas Chauta of Puttige and his followers tili- \
savira and baUsavira on the one side-and Vira-Narasimha Banga
of Bangavadi and his 5000 followers on the other, defining their respective ;
rights and privileges under the arbitration of Vedananda-Odeya, disciple
of Krishnananda-Odeya and of Tirumalarasa alieas Kinni ka-heggade
who acted as intermediaries in the settlement. The inscription suggests
that the political relationships between the Baiigas and the Chautas must
have been for sometime marked by hostility and later a rapproachment
between them was effected 35 . ‘ 'y. W

; . Two sets of copper-plates are of special importance from the point y
of view of the political conditions that prevailed between the Chautas •
and the . Bhairarasas of Karakala in the middle of the 16th century 36 .
One such plate registers an agreement given to Keravasi Panclyapparasa
by Tirumalarasa Chautaru by Which both the parties pledged themselves
to permanent alhance to help each other against enemies and to entertah ; ;
traitors from other’s camp. The witness to the transaction was - the ; ;
nadubali V Maramma-lieggade (of Yermala). A similar”, agreement was .
given by Panclyapparasa, son of Chandaladevi to Tirumalarasa ChaUtaru.-;.
The Jaina spiritual teacher Lalitakirti-bhataraka, is mentioned in both .
of these records, which are dated A.D 1543. The inference is that
after acute rivalry the chiefs of Karakala and of Puttige must have, come :
to friendly terms for mutual benefits; YWvf Yyy f f y -tyf f

WW SI.l, of Vol. VII, No. 228.WtV/h‘f rW f A f • hh- ; h: fhf?

W 35 A.R. No. 336 of 1930~’31. - \ 'vVgW Wxfit, J..' ' -l: V t

36 4 - Nosy 4; & 5 of 1 92 1 -’22 Appendix Ay jikge; 9 arid Ibid 6 off 92 I— ’^2 —f, ■ :;f

Appendix- A, pp. ■ S-lOeyf WyVy./v;'"/.;': OVry;', i-'r’ ;;v t

78

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Another copper plate registers an agreement between the Tuluva
king, Tirumalarasa aliens Chauta, and Tirumalarasa alias Kinnika-
hcggade for purposes of mutual defence. The compact was made in the
presence of Srimatu Krishnanada-Odeya. This reveals the friendly
relationship between the Savantas of Mulki and the Chautas of Puttige.

It may not be unreasonable to suppose that the Chautas held a very
respectable posidon amongst the various contemporary chiefs of Tulu-
nadu and that their help was sought by others for political manoeuvrings.

Territorial Extent

The principality of the Chautas, consisted of the gollowing regions.
Ullala-magane, Puttige-sime, Mijara-magane, Arkula-magane, Pejara-
sime Manila-sime, and Mundukuru-sime 37 . These regions constituted
the Salike-nadu (Puttige principality).

Conclusion

The system of inheritance amongst the Chautas was through the
females, that is, aliya-santana.

The Chautas were devout Jainas by faith which is buttressed by the
construction of bastis in large numbers. The town of Mudabidure itself
is a standing monument of a cluster of Jaina temples (18 in number).
That they were tolerant of the Hindu faith is evidenced by their benevolent
gifts and liberal charities to Hindu temples and by their acceptance of
Somanatlia of Puttige as the State divinity 38 .

The most memorable work that was undertaken during the reign
of the Chautas was the construction of the Chaityalaya known as Tribhuvana-
Chudamani in the year A. D. 1429. Thefro ntispiece ( mukha-mantapa ),
popularly known as Bhairadevi-mantapa, was erected in A. D. 1451 with
the co-operation of the sravaka halarus of Bidure and of the people of the
neighbouring country. The year A. D. 1462 witnessed the construction of
the third tower to the basti. The manastambha in front of the basti was
caused to be erected by the chief queen of Bhairava of Nagire, named
Nagaladevi».

a /((aK. Chaptei on the Chautas.

VvT. iTTFculfatoiy^

)$>$*); T u iff®-®'

• :' ; ; y - . V ’ : ••' . : \From the 11th to 19th centuries 'A.D.yh: f fh; yTfhfh;

■ A : . 'Hie To] alias of Sural a, Udipi taluk, were an ; important ruling fami;
in Tulu-nadu. During Vijayanagara times, their principality was include
in the Barakuru-fajya. The editor of the ICarhatak Inscriptions) Volume •
suggests that the original home of the Tolahas could be the - district <
fBelgaum and the family may have migrated from their, home to th
sea-coast and settled there during the period of the Chalukyas of Kalya r

• when the coastal territories were being ruled by viceroys appointed b
them 1 . It is difficult to say in finality which the original home of rh:
family was. But the fact that they may have migrated to Tuluva somctmi

' in the 11th or 12th century A.D. becomes clear with epigraplndaf eyi
' dence. As pointed out in the first chapter, the original form ot- rTolah
must have been Toraha. The earliest known mention of these Tora

has occurs in the S agar inscription belonging to Jagadekamaliadeva
dated A.D. 1042, where it is mentioned as Toraha 2 . Another epigrapi
of Simoga points to Torahara-Kalayya carrying the cows of the village^
g The - title Torahara-mmi was assumed by one Bijjarasa in A.D. 1042*
An epigraph of Nagara, dated A.D. 1294, mentions one Mafargatidai
father of Bommeya who was the kula-tilaka of Tolahara-bali in' a fight*
: This Toraha or Tolapa-kula is mentioned in an earlier epigraph of A.D .114}
belonging to Saundatti taluk, Belgaum district 6 . V

Vjk.V. :• Two inscriptions from Tulu-nadu give us some positive ;clue tha
. they may have come from outside the district of South Kanara, possibh
from the Idngdom of Santalige. The Siriyara inscription of the : time
• of Harihara II (A.D. 1397) records that the sasana was caused to ;b(
: issued in accordance with the wishes and consent of the halaru of the tef
Tens of Barakuru, the hanjamanas, Tolahas of Satalige etc 7 . Here Sataligt
evidently means Santalige. Another epigraph of Barakuru (A.D; 139T
speaking about the mere-kat tales . of Tulu-rajya states that; the following
had assembled in the court — sixteen settikdrds of the ten of Barakurir

; . 1 A"./. Vol. I Introduction, pp. 8 - 9.

Car. Vol VIII, Sagar - 1 19. hyV
K’.d Shimoga.^ 37. -v

4 Ibid.. . " ; Sagar -- 108 & 1 09. -ih

f :/ Ibid... . • •:... pNagar hl2h ^ A.:. A hy

. : C ’. K.I. Vol. I, No. 24- of 1939V 40.-: 'vi •

• . :• .f 7 -A:ll. .No. 303 ofd931-’32. f f

gO Studies in Tuluva History arid Culture

770 members belonging to the elames, the hanjamanas, saguvaligeya Kolaharu,
Mficlilas, Nidamburas, sixty ballalas etc 8 . It may be pointed out here
that the reading saguvaligeya Kolaharu is obviously wrong, for it ought
to be Santaligeya-Tolaharu. These epigraphical evidences may suggest
to us that sometime the Tolahas must have migrated from Santalige,
and settled in Surala of Tulu-nadu.

The Tolahas, on inscnptional basis, first appear in the history of
Tulu-nadu in A . D . 1 140 m an epigraph of Barakuru, Udipi taluk. This
inscription in the Panchalingesvara temple states that the Tolaha of Surala
was the recipient of a gift, for the maintenance of a nivedya-sdle , built
by one Sivananda-yogi m the presence of Sri Markandesvara 9 . Reaso-
nably we may suggest that these Tolahas at least started their political
carrier at Surala from the first quarter of the 12th century A. D. if not
earlier.

Ever since the 12th century A.D., these chieftains of Tulu-nadu
gained a foothold over portions of Coondapur and Udipi taluks, South
Kanara. Perhaps, Surala, Sinyara, Nalvatta-nadu, Kela-nadu, Sankara-
Narayana, Basaruru, Halhgerc and Bainduru (Baiduru)-n>n« were under
their control. And Basaruru and Kokkarani (the former in the Coondapur
and the latter in Udipi taluks) appear to be their ports around which
their maritime activities were centred 10 . That the position of the To]ahas
of Surala was of considerable importance is evidenced by one of the
epigraphs which records a grant during the regime of Annappa-Odeyai
the Vijayanagara governor of Barakiiru-rajya and of Sujanigamba-Tolaha
and also of Bananch who was enjoying the humara-vritti" . In A.D . 1401,
Madadi-Tolaha is stated to have made a grant of a fixed quantity of rice
per day for the service of the god, Sankara-Narayana' 2 .

The Kenjuru epigraph of A.D. 1408 mentions Bommannadi-Tolaha
during whose reign the money income of Cheppalji was granted for feeding
seven Brahmins in the malha |3 . It becomes fairly clear that there was
a system of kumdra-vrith in this family. (The successor being associated
with administration in a systematic manner).

9 ! A ,d n ’5- 4c "U 901 s I 1 Vol. VII, No 350

10 f- fi ,, N r o , 1 76ori901 S I I Vol No 381.
" Algal s Iuhasa, pp 350-51.

’ * R. No 320 of 1931 -’32
- S 1 A Vol. IX, Part II - 425.

Feudatory States of Tulu-nadu 81

It was in A. D. 1414- A. D. 1415 that one Kuvari-Tolaha was
enjoying the kumara-vritti and that a gift of land was made by Kotiyanna
of Harulahalli, nephew of Channabhandari-nayaka for feeding Brahmins
on amavasye and dvadasi days during this period 14 .

During the time of Madadi Tolaha (A. D. 1416 -A.D. 1417) a gift of
land was made by him for feeding Brahmins daily in the temple of
Mahacfeva at Surala. The record was got engraved by Bemmanna-kori
alias Tolaha in the presence of his younger brothers and others and also
during the kumara-vritti of Hosabu- k5ri 15 .

Two other examples may be cited. Bemmananda-Tolaha, brother
of Nagancha-Tojaha was enjoying kumara-vritti from A.D. 1413 - 1452 J6 .
Hosabu-kori was enjoying kumara-vritti under Bemmanna-kori alias Tolaha.
in A.D.1470 17 .

! In the beginning of the 16th century A.D. , we come across Koti-
savanta-Tolaha who made a gift of land to a matha at Kudi, Udipi taluk
in A.D.1522 18 . The decline of the authority of the Tolahas may clearly
be seen towards the last quarter of the 16th century A.D. An inscription;
dated A.D. 1577, says that Harunadu-sime was being administered as
kanachi by Bankayarasa-Honneya-kambali-Odeya alias Ammidevi-amnia,'

, Chennayarasa-Tolaha and the chief of Ikkeri 19 . This decline of the
political authority of the Tolahas may be attributed to the advent of the
Ikkeri rulers. The Tolahas were Jainas by faith and they were the
worshippers of Mahadeva (Mahalihgadeva) of Surala. They were
associated very closely in the work of administration during the period

- of the Vijayanagara governors. The chieftaincy is still retaining its
historical vestiges.

BHAIRARASA- ODEYAS OF KARAKALA
(The Kalasa - Karakala Kingdom)

The Kalasa-Karakala rulers are known to Tuluva history as the
Bhairarasa-Odeyas. The title Bhairarasa may have been derived from
the name Bayya or Bayyu (a commonly found proper name in the people
of the south) which, with the addition of the word arasa must have changed

- into BhairaiasU k This kingdom was an extension below the Ghats into

14 A.R. No. 319 of 1 93 1— s 32. 17 Ibid. Nos. 328 & 330 of 1931— ’32.

,5 Ibid. No. 328 of 1931-^32. 18 Ibid. 322 of 1931— *32.

16 Ibid. 321, 323, 324 & 325 of I931- 5 32. & Ibid. No. 562 of 1929-’30.

3 Bhairava may be taken to be another form of Bair a with Sanskrit influence —

, Panjeyavara-nenapigagi Kritigalu- 2;pp. 12-13.

82 Studies in Tulitva History and Culture

the district of South Kanara of the original Santara kingdom of Pombuch-
cha (Pombulclicha). Kalasa is above the Ghats as about the same
latitude. These rulers claimed to be of the San tar a stock and belonged
to the Ugra-vaiiisa and were devout Jainas by religion 2 .

The first rulers of this dynasty established their sway over the Kalasa
territority above the Ghats. Three of the earliest names of this dynasty
arc mentioned in an inscription of Mudugere, dated A.D.1209 3 . These
were Vira-Balludeva, Malludeva and Marudeva. Vira-Balludeva had
the following titular assumptions :

Sri ICalasesvara-devara dibya-sripada padmaradhaka-parabala-sadhakarum—
appa mandalika-gandara-ddvani Vira-Balladevaru (worshipper of the sacred
feet of god Kalasesvara a cattle-rope to the lords of the mandalikas).

But these chiefs were followed by two queens, Jakala-Mahadevi
(A.D. 1246 -A.D. 1270) and Kalala-Mahadevi (A. 1270 - A.D. 1281>.
It appears that these were powerful queens. They 1 ' happened to be Jainas>
although their grants were made in honour of god Kalasesvara or Kaja-
sanatha. The Jaina and Saiva creeds seem to have curiously mingled
here, for, in an inscription, the grant is said to be made, because it was
the great day of the gods Kalasanatha and Jinesvara, as if they were
in some way associated 5 . The copper-plates of Mudugere furnish us with
the names, Baladeva and Raya-Ballahadeva, ruling in A.D. 1284

and 1285 A.D. respectively 6 . The second confirms the tradition supported

by many other grants that the Kalasa was a thousand-nadu and that
this principality' was administered by three hebbaras or hebbaruvas 1 . If a
surmise is possible, we may just suggest that it was during Raya-Ballaha-
deva s rule that the Kalasa kingdom may have extended to Karakaja

Detailed accounts of the Santaras are given in Ep.Car. Vols. Introduction.

It is difficult to say whether it was Jinadatta himself, the founder of the £antara
dyaiasty at Pombuchcha, who won Kalasa and came down to Karakala. Louis
.Rice m his Mysore and Coorg ( Gazetteer II, p. 353) opines that it was Jinadatta
Himself who undertook the conquest. Although it is doubtful, we cannot altogether
1-ttle out the possibility of such a conquest by him; for an epigraph of Hattiyahgadi,
woondapur taluk, South Kanara (read and recorded by me) speaks of the restoration
ot grants to a bash there by the governor of Barakuru. This grant was stated to
have originally been made by Jinadatta.

Ep.Car. Vol. VI, Mudugere, No. 65.

3 Mi. No V 6°7' VI ’ M5dUgCre ’ Nos ‘ 67 ’ 70 > 71 - 72 > 73 & 7 5-
3 Ibid. No. 75 & 69.

posesdou Q fi f power. mCanS /,!r! >-Aaraca (Brahmana) cannoting particularly the

: ..yy • ; .» ■£ ■ ' t.7 PbudatOI^-^tdieS: of TulUrJlddu - 'SZ"i?U ^ ^ 83^V

belotw the Ghatsiy This inference is based bn anf uridhted ; iiiscription
found at Atradi of the Udipi taluk, which seems to register an agreement
' entered into by Mahamandalesvara Ballamadevarasa, : Naranalva, the
P'ladhikdri, the Mudilas, the three hundred oh the Hakala village (Parkaja;

• village) and twelve mahqjanas of Harika (Herga) regarding the enjoyment
,of certain incomes and the beduhgula. This epigraph may belong to the
: close .of the 13th century 8 A.D. Mahamandalesvara Ba 1 lamadevar asa:
y: could be identified with Raya-Ballahadeva mentioned above, ruling :
yyin. A.D,* 1284 -A.D. 1285. Since no Alupa ruler of this name.is come across.;
in their genealogy during this period or later and since Ballamahadcvi
vivas the Alupa queen holding sovereignty over Alvakheda during this ;;
.period, this Mahamandalesvara Ballamadevarasa cannot be considered y
y as an. Alupa ruler. He may possibly be Raya-Ballahadeva who ruled ■
;. v over the Kalasa-Karakala kingdom from his capital at Kalasa above ..
; y : the , Ghats. This chief must have been subordinate to the Alupa; yqueeh, v
; • Ballamahadcvi .

-Next comes Vira-Pandyadeva who is described as KalaladeH’sySbii 9 ^
One of the inscriptions states that a certain Marakala belonging to Samudra-
y Bandy a’s house came with all his property and vehicles-' .And--demand!edy
the Kandyn-agrahara, whereupon Pandyadeva attacked and slew him,

: : cutting him to pieces and seized all his property and vehicles'9;y- ;This J
y; ruler is also mentioned in another epigraph as Kalaladevi^ son'!/.;, : Andy
another, copper-plate inscription dated A.D. 1297 refers to a grant in y
/ which Vira-Panclya appears to be ruling independently 12 .,/ y yyv AT//./

earliest of the Karakala inscriptions dated A . D . 1 334 to A . D . 1 335>
belongs to the time of Lokanatharasa, who, though only a Mahaimnda- - {
lesvara - who had acquired five great sounds, -* bears royal titles .^ sdinastha-
;; bhuvanasraya Prithvivallabha , Maharajadhiraja. He also calls himself -

■jd- MadhuradhUvar a > the jewel of the great Ugra-vamsa, ' the Lord .of :
Patti-Pombuchchapura and .the pupil of ChdrukirttPPanditadcval 1 3 : These .
titles make Lbkanatharasa decidedly a Santhara chief. The existence
of this record at Hiriyahgadi, Karakala, makes it certain that the .

yyA 8 yl ./?.No. 239 of ]931-’32. '• " ’ rivv/T-
/vy./;; 9 Ep .Car. 'VI, Chikkmagalur, Nos. 35-36. - C / :
/ / y , v ;1 ° Ep . Car . yyi, Chikkmagalur No. 36. yyy. vy y/ ; - /
11 Ep • Car. Yol. VI. Chikkmagalur, Nos. 1 06. ;/:

YplV Pid.-. ;• y '.CvvMu^ugere' No.-; 68 W v /•/ v”"~

vl ,R . No. 71 of 1901 ; .S'././. Vol. VII, 247. y,

84 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

descendents of Jinadatta, the rulers of Kalasa, removed the capital
first to Sisila or Sisukali and then to Karakala, both in South
Kanara 14 .

Now we have to trace the connection between Lokanatharasa and the
Kalasa rulers Lokanatharasa is mentioned as the son of Srimatu Bommi-
devarasa and queen-mother Siddaladevi in the Hiriyangadi inscription
(A. D. 1334 -’35) We have fair grounds to infer that he was the successor
of his father, Bommidevarasa, who, in turn, must havesu cceeded Vira-
Pandyadeva mentioned above. Bommidevarasa must have ruled on
behalf of his queen Siddaladevi, since it is revealed through the inscriptions
that the system of inheritance was through the aUya-santana and not through
the makkala-santana. It may not be unreasonable, again, to suppose that
Vlra-Pandyadeva was the younger brother of Raya-Ballahadeva ( Malta -
mandalesvara Ballamadevarasa?) and not the father of Bommidevarasa,
Lokanatharasa's mother, Siddaladevi, must have been the sister of Vn a-
Pandya. Dr. S. U. Kamath suggests that Vlra-Pandyadeva was the father
of Bommidevarasa -which could not be really so 15 .

The name Vira-Chcnnarasa-Odcya is mentioned in the epigraph
of Miyar, Karkala taluk, dated A.D 1385, who is stated to have assumed
the following titles :

arirayara-gandara-davani, htisivara-sula, saranagata-vajra-pafljara, mare-
hokkavara-kdva

Undoubtedly, this ruler belonged to the Kalasa-Karakala line which
fact can be inferred from the titular assumptions 16 . The mention of
Kalasanatha at the end of this record is clear proof of the fact that Chen-
nai asa-Odcya belonged to the Kalasa family, who by this time have
entrenched themselves strongly in power in Karakala and its neighbouring
regions. The influence of this divinity, Kalasanatha, seemed to have
been felt even in Barakuru, as evidenced by an epigraph dated
A.D. 1431 which mentions the name in the grant 17 . We do not, know

14 Mr Rice’s Mysore Gazetteer, Vol VI, Page 456

' ® W Kamath - Tuluva in Vxjayanagara Times

' ' , 531 of 1928-29 Dr. S U. Kamath categorically asserts that no record

, i Bha J rava -0<Jc>a family is available fiom A.D. 1334 to A D 1408 And
CrC u 4 ln ! ' K 'ir family history. But, it is not true since there is a con-
Iinmty m the political history of this dynasty from the beginning of the 13th century

17 s'u voi vn jfran 8 ° r the mh cenlur >’ A - D -

..... p.-f fPeudatof -States of TuhLriadu v AV’ "Ve.V/85 •

how::;Vlra-Gherinarasa;was:’corLiieGted witli Lokanatharasa 5 but -we may ■ ■
assume that --lie could, be. his nephewf • ■ : v < y-. yf. yy.y

An inscription of Koraga, Karkala taluk, dated A. D. 1408 - A.D. 1409
mentions Keravase as the mahdrqjadhdni and gives us two names of rulers,
^At4 L BnaitavaV aM his son Pandya-bhupala 18 . Most probably tins
^a-iljmirav^i.;- Succeeded Vlra-Ohennarasa-Odeya who fixed his capital ,
at Keravase. also known as Kelavase which continued to be a seat of royal
p,bwen,hiitii;the decline of the Bhairarasa-Odeyas of Karakaja. Perhaps,
Vira-Bhairava was the same as Bhairarasa-Odeya who prominently figures
as ruling at Karakala under the Vijayanagara king, Devaraya II, in
ruler is mentioned in a number of epithets characteristic of
his family, such as the Lord of northern Mathura , the Lord of Patti-Pombuchcha
and the devotee of the goddess , Padmdvali. He is said to have had the
banner of the monkey-god and the insignia of a line, to have belonged
to the Ugra-vanisa and to the family whose progenitor was Jinadatta. The
grant registered in the inscription found at Koraga 20 is said to have
been issued from the capital, Keravase, which is identical with the village
of the same name fifteen miles from Karakala. It records the gift of land
^Mstrnne' ’"by the king at the instance of Vasantakirtti-Raula of the
Baldtkdra-gana Lor offerings to the image of Parsvanatha and for feeding
risis. in the basli at Gholiyakeri in Barakanyapura (Barakuru) built by

hini^/Af'fv f ‘

VA Bhairarasa-Odeya (Vira-Bhairava) was succeeded by V Ir a-Pandya- ; •
deva in wh ose reign the famous monolithic statue of Gummata was erected
in A J D . 1432 22 , The same ruler caused for the erection of the Brahmadevci^ff
stahibha in front of the Gummata statue in 1436 A.D . ^ An important' yj
epigraph of A . D . 1 439 of Vira-Pandya found at Kajasa-grama records.
a gift of land made for the offering of rice, to the god, Kalasesvara, at :
Kalasaii. It begins with the usual verse in .praise of Sarnbhu and ir '
issued during the reign of Vira-pratapa Devaraya at Vijayanagara and

A :r; No. 530 of 1 928- ! 29. A / •• 'y; vA ’ i; : ;

f4^ : A flr -'VI^Mudugefe:Nos. 4-6 & 47. . •' .y •• yp

’ Opp. Cit.’ foot-note 16. y V=-'” ' '.-W" •

vl ./t; of l928-’29 3 page 80; . . ,> • -Wy-V
• /l./f.:,Nos. 63 & 64 of 1901. - .S’././. Vol. VII, Nos. 239 & 240.

■yEp.ind: Voi . . vii, . pp. 1 09-1 H W \ A AAAMA A A

PEp.JndPVoi. VII, pp. 1 11-12. S.I.I Vol. VII, No'. 241 A A :
l , (l934)- ; No. 21 , pp. 1 i0-’ 11 yAyAA'AfA yAyAA'

86

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

during the rule over Kalasa-Karakala kingdom of the chief, Vira-Pandya
Devarasa-Odeya, who possessed the title ariraya-gandara-davani.

Abhinava-Pandyadeva, the next in succession, granted a munificent
donation to Neminatha-basti at Hiriyarigadi 25 . This was made in A.D.
1457. He had in his combined for the first time both the titles of the
Kalasa chiefs and the prominent Santara titles of Lokanatharasa. He
is referred to as the disciple of Srimat Amaladhari Lalitakirtti-bhattaraka,
belonging to the Kundakundanvaya Desigana and Panasoltavalisvara. Further,
he is styled as arirayara gandara-davani, Patti-Pombuchcha-puravaradhisvara,
Padmavatidevi-labdha varaprasadarum, Jinadattaraya = anvaya-vardhivardhakaruP.

Abhinava-Pandya’s successor was Vira-Bhairarsa-Odeya ruling the
Kalasa kingdom under the Vijayanagara king Immadi-Narasingaraya 27 .
This is evidenced by the epigraphs of A.D. 1498 and A.D. 1501. One
Pandyappadevarasa-Odeya is stated to have been the witness to a political
agreement entered into between Kunda-heggade of Yelluru, Udipi taluk
and Marda-heggade of Kapu of the same taluk. This epigraph is dated
A . D . 1 500 !S . Although the exact relation of this chief to Vira-Bhairarasa-
Odeya is not known it may be suggested that he may have been his younger
brother, administering Karakala at the behest of liis elder brother, Vira-
Bhairasa-Odeya who was ruling the Kalasa-Karakala kingdom from
Kalasa”.

In A.D. 1501 came Immadi-Bhairarasa-Odeya to the throne. He
is stated to be the son of Bommaladevi and son-in-law of Hiriya-Bhairarasa-

” No - 70 of 1901. S.l.I. Vol. VII, No. 246.

I he assumption of these combined titles by Abhinava-Pandyadeva is attributed
to the close relationship of inter-marriage with the desetndents of Santara Loka-
natnarasa by Mr. Krishna Sastri who edited the Karbala inscriptions ofBhairavendra
l* f*' n ' P* ^2). But, this need not be so, because we have

J ,V, y suggested that Lokanatharasa may be of the direct line of the Kalasa chiefs
net the assumption °f various titles in this inscription may be an indication of glory,
ir ■ • , Kitmath identifies Abhinava-Pandyadeva with Virapandya his predecessor.

d'’k “ rV.V rca ,ty scem so - Furthcr > U is ulso not true as suggested by
ror w the title anmyagandara-davam occurs for the iirst time in A.D. 1457.

as A D 1385. 7 °"' n * at Vlra-Chennarasa assumed the title as far back

28 E /‘ V? V °V V1 > Mfidugerc Nos 50, 54 and 48.
z> dA ^ of '901» ^ I-l. Vol. VII, No. 273.

* — “ - sub^r” 0t

87

Feudatory Stales of Tulu-nadu

.?

Odeya 30 . He is also said to be ruling over Kalasa-Karakala kingdom
n A. D. 1516 in the same inscription. And the kingdom below and
above the Ghats in another epigraph of the same place 31 . It is tradi-
tionally said that there was no separate royal preceptor at Karakala until
Immadi-Bhairarasa-Odeya’s time. For, Lalitaklrtti-bhattaraka of
Panasoge used to officiate on more important occasions and Charukirttis
of Mudabidure at other times. The king established a branch of the
Panasoge-pllha at Karakala and the successors to the pontificate came to be
styled as Lalithaldrtti-bhattarakas 32 . The inscription of Mudugere,
dated A. D. 1516, contains some interesting details. It says that the
mighty Mahdiaja of Vijayanagara invaded the Tulu country and encamped
near Mangaluru. Bhairarasa-Odeya fled and made a vow that if the
imperial army should retire and if-returned to Ins country in peace, he
would repair the temple of Kalasanatha. And so events came about
and Surappa-senabhova, described as his wise man (buddivanta) and his
Chief-Minister ( Sira-pradhdna ) were entrusted with the work of carrying
out his vow 33 . Another inscription of Koppa tells us that while Bom-
maladevfs son, Bhairarasa, was on the throne of Karakala, his younger
sister, Kalaladevi was governing Baggunji country in her own right 34 .
It is stated in an epigraph (A. D. 1522) found at Varan ga, Karkala taluk
that a village, renamed Bhairavapura (obviously named after Bhairarasa),
was gifted to the god, Adinathasvami, in the Nemi-tlrthesvara Chaitydlaya
of Varanga for the worship of and offerings to this divinity. This epigraph
mentions the king as ruling from Kelavase 35 . Immadi-Bhairarasa-Odeya
is found ruling in A . D . 1 530 36 , according to another inscription. Perhaps,
the last date of his reign was A. D. 1538 as evidenced by a record of the
Hiriyangadi 37 .

Immadi-Bhairarasa was succeeded by Vira-Pandya ' or Pandyappa-
Odeya, son of Chandaladevi and son-in-law of Immadi-Bhairarasa. The
Mudugere epigraph, dated A.D.1542, states that he was ruling the kingdom
above and below the Ghats 38 . In another he is mentioned as ruling

30 Ep~CaFv ol. VI. Mudugere, No 41 dated A. D. 1516

31 Ibid. No. 62.

32 Karkalada-chariti e (D. Puttaswamy), pp. 33-34.

33 Opp, Git. Foot Note 28.

34 Ep.Car. Vol. VI, Koppa No. 47.

35 A. R. No. 529 of 1928- ! 29.

36 Ep.Car. Vol. VI, Koppa, No. 47.

37 A.R. No. 69 of 1909. S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 245. . ' -

38 Ep.Car. VI, Mudugere No. 64. ,

88

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

from Keravese, probably, his capital at the time in A.D. 1552 35 . And
Kalasa was perhaps under the administration of one Bhairarasa-Annaji.
It was during the reign of Pandyappa-Odeya in A. D. 1545 that one
Sivadasayya-Devarasa of Karije made a gift of land to Gommatanatha-
svamin. The king is said to belong to the lunar race and son of Chandala-
devi 40 . A record of Karakala found at Kere-basti informs us that in
A. D. 1545 Sri Vira-Pandyappa-Odeya, son of Chandaladevi who had
the title arirayara-gandara-davani caused to be built Chaturmukha-basti
in Pandya-nagari and made provision for the worship of offerings
to Parisvanatha from out of the siddhaya-tax of the villages, Nalluru and
Ranjala of the same taluk 41 . It is to be noted that this Chaturmukha.
basti is not the one that was erected by Bhairavendra II in A. D. 1586
known as Tribhuvana-tilaka-Jina-Chaitydlaya in the inscription 42 .

It was in the year A . D . 1543 that Pandyapparasa ruling from Keravase
was given an agreement by Tirumalarasa Chautaru, according to which
both the parties pledged themselves to permanent alliance to help each
other against enemies and not to entertain traitors from the enemies’
camp. The witness to the pact was the nddubali Maramma-heggade.
A similar agreement was given by Pandyapparasa to Tirumalarasa,
Chautaru 43 .

Another record of the ruler belongs to A. D. 1548 where he makes a
grant to Kalasanatha described as the king’s family deity. The record
states that there was peace and prosperity in the Tulu country during
the past ten years, thus indicating that the ruler came to the throne earlier
than A. D. 1538 or thereabouts 44 .

Wc next come to the reign of Immadi-Pandyappa-Odeya who was
luling from Keravase in A. D. 1555 and there seems to be tire same,
administrator at Kalasa (Bhairarasa-Annaji) 43 . Little is known about
this ruler.

Perhaps, one of the most illustrious names amongst the Karakala

39 Ibid. No. 40.

as belonging "tcT'oie lunar^ce.™ 5 “ rerercnce t0 the Bhairarasa-Od<

« d'/s xi°k lA °[ 1909 -, sy.l'.v ol. VII, No. 248.

of the lake known Sa ^ S ; t * la . t ^ asl ' 3S not identified so far. It is situated in a con

43 Copper Plate a ^nekcrc, where the inscription is found.

44 il i t Nos - 4 & 5 of 1921— ’22.

45 Fb'ciu v'? 3 ^r P ? ges 102 and 103 -

P ■ Vol. VI, Mudugerc No. 60.

Bhairarasa-Odeyas \vas that of Immacli-BHairavaray^ (or Bhairavcndra Tfji
He (Was the nephew of Hiriva-Bhairava born of Gomatambika. sister of
BhairayaW < The : Chaturmukha-basti . inscription at Karakala, dated
A.D .1586, : also mentions this" ruler as the son of Vira-Narasimha Baiiga;
and Gomatambika 47 . He is also : stated to be the Aprr-in-law (nephew)
of Bhairarasa-Odeya (Hiriya-Bhairaya) in the same inscription' AA record
(A.DG1573) found at Iiariliara above the, Ghats mentions-, him ? as the
overlord of the area 48 .. The epigraph found, at Ammanavara-basti

at tliriyaiigadi at Karakala refers to Bhairavarasa-Odeya (evidently
Bhairavendra II) and states that he was responsible for the management:
of the gift made to the malha of 5,000 sravaka-halaru of KSfalcala for th e:
purpose of sastradana (religious instruction). This is dated A V I) . 1 5 76 49 .
Immadi-Bhairavaraya caused to be erected the fowA called Tribhuvana-iilaka-
■ijind-Chdityalaya in A.D. 1586 (popularly known as Ghatur mukha-basti) v~
perhaps, so named in imitation of the Thousand pillared-basti at Muda-
bidure, which, according to the epigraph of that temple is called Tribhuvanar.
: :GhUdmanirChaityalq)>a-°. Tradition affirms that the. Ananta^ay^adf^'nipie :•
at Karakala was constructed by this same ruler in A.D. 1557 in honour
;bf thu visit of the head of Sri Srmgeri matha but _we • do not ihaye./any.-’eigi^
graphical evidence 51 . Moreover, the structure of the •• Anantasayana
temple clearly indicates that it could safely be assigned to the 13th. century :
A.D. or even a bit earlier, and not to the 16th century,. A :'D 1 ££ >
AdWrPoet Ghandrama gives the following details regarding the family.; .
of the Bhairarasa. Bhairarasa, had a queen called Malliamma. AThey
i had three children, Vlra-Pandya, Chandrasekhara and Immadi-Bhairava- ;
Taya.; The first and third sons succeeded to the throne one after the other 52 ;

yiyy;The last, name of the ruler of this dynasty in the 16 th century was .
Pandyappa-Odeya, son of Vira-Bhairarasa-Odeya wlio is, stated to; be
ruling the country in A.D .1592”. It states that during, his reign. Bermana- •
keUibali, son of Ummanna-Setti, made a gift of charity of 160 varahd- r
■ gadydnas for the sodashabhavanc of Gurugala-bastiG : The rule of Pandyappa-f-

Ibid. Koppa. Nos. 57 & 60. A.D. 1558 & 1598. . Go
A .R. No. 62 of 1901.- Ep.Ind, Vol. VII, Nos. 122 & 138.

. M. A .A (1932), page. 203. G ■' A- • ' GW -GOG-v: / VAG:
A : R . 67 of 1 90 1, .: -S’.. I , /. Vol, VII, No. 43.:(AA: ■$ G;G ; v

,J d'Fdb G Tariff ' ril ; A 7TT • T> 11 D A TCnmlrrl In ' Tn crri’hfiriii nk'UIini Ynrxsi

■ Aft. No: 68 of :l 90 1 v;y. A,/.:;Vol. VII No.f 244 v(GG ,GG

90

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Odeya seems to have been a short-lived one and soon Bhairarasa, the
younger brother of Pandyappa-Odeya was found ruling as mentioned
in two records of A. D. 1610s- 1 . Strangely enough, the ruler mentions
the Vijayanagara emperor Venkatapati ruling from Nellur as his overlord.

After the final disappearance of the Vijayanagara empire, the Karakala
kings managed to eke out a precarious existence till the days of the Ikken
rulers (Kcladi Nayakas) who absorbed their principality into their own
kingdom. Details of this conquest are found in the Keladi-nripa-vijayam.

Reconstruction of the Genealogy

It is unique in the political history of the district of South Kanara
that we have in a large measure an unbroken genealogy marked by definite
chronology relating to the Bhairarasa rulers of Karakala. The following
is the table of the rulers covering a period of 400 years from A. D. 1209
to A. D. 1610 as revealed through the inscriptions. The descent seems
to have been through ahaya-santana.

Balladeva A D.1209 j

Malladeva A D 1209 l -A.D.1240 ?)

MarudCva A D 1209 j

1

Jahala-Mahadevi (A D.1240 ? - A. D. 1270)

Kalala-Mahadcvi (A D. 1270 - A .D. 1281)

Baladeva (A D.1281 J - A.D 1284)

4

Ra> a-Ballahadeva (Mahamandalesvara Ballama-devarasa ? )

(A D 1284- A.D. 1290 ? )

1

Vira-Pandyadeva I (A D.1290 ?- A.D. 1310)

4

Siddaladevi (married to Bommidevarasa) (A.D. 1311 ?-A.D 1330 ? )

y

Lokanatbadee-arasa (A D.1330 ? - A.D. 1355 ?)

4

Vira-Chennarasa-Odcya (A D. 1355 - A.D. 1385 ?)

V

Vira-Bhairava (Bhairarasa)-Odeya I (A.D 1385 ? - A.D. 1419)

Vira-Pandyadeva II (A D.I420 ?- A.D. 1450 ?)

T

Ablimava-Pandyadeva-Odeya (A.D. 1450 ?- A.D. 1475 ?)

Ep.Car Vol. Vg

MudugercNo 63, Ep Ind Vol VIII, p. 127

. . A ^T;rFeudat0- States of , Tutu-?iddu - ' . ty ty A V: ’ ; :ty'i;A9 1'

, ; yira-Bhairarasa-Odcya II (A.D. 1501 - A.D. ]538);A;A -0. : Oty ’

Vira-Pandyappa-Odeya I (A . D . 1 538 - A . D . 1 552)

,f : . : Immacli-Pandyappa-Odeya II (A.D ; 1553 ; ? - A.D . 1560) ) . . A ;

At) A'A-ty'.: V ■$ Imniadi-Bhairavaraya (Bhairavendra II) (A.D. 1560 - A.D. 1590) -'vA
yty '(A'v;;A : Pandyappa-Odeya III (A.D . 1590 ? - A.D. 1600) .

Bhairarasa dll (A.D. 1600 onwards ? ) \ ■ l ' ‘-."A

ty-y V;Aigal^h-';his ilihasa seems to confuse the Alupa rulers with the Bhaira-..
rrasa-Qde^s of Karakala. He points to one Pandyadevarasa or Pandya- .
:|P^2^aykrii.';ruKng in A.D. 1262 as the first ruler of this dynasty. But
i(^his|, ruler ( belonged to the Alupa dynasty 55 . Secondly, he includes,
/yirapandya-devarasa, another Alupa ruler who is stated to be ruling -
.in A.D;. 1396 as the third ruler of the Bhairarasa dynsaty. Again, Iiiriya- .
•. Bhairavadcya referred to by Aigal as the eighth ruler of the dynasty is
none other than the Bhairava, the ruler of the Nagire kingdom (see the;
section on Nagirc chiefs.) • «

-Kamath .in his Tuluva in Vijayanagara Times while dwelling;.' A
inpon the Bhairarasas of Karakala fails to take note of the existence of ;
y. three kings, namely, V Ira- G liennar asa-O deya (A.D. 1355 to A.D. 1385),
yAbhinava-Pandyadeva Odeya (A.D. 1450 to A.D. 1475) and Immadi- .

Pandyappa-Odeya (A.D. 1553 to A.D.. 1560). This has .resulted ,ih a. ;

A considerable amount of chronological discrepancy. Moreover, he seems :

to have identified Bhairarasa with Bhairava and Vira-Pandya. with ...
; Pandyappa-Odeya 56 . ‘ . - v '

■ [■Territorial Extent

|| A : It may provisionally 1
chiefs extended from Baggunji above the) Ghats to Karakala . below the

. v»nats, including between them the. towns of Kelavase and Kaiasa. 1 his

in South Kanara 57 .; vyy .A.'y Aty' A ) : ‘ • v ( •. ' V ; A 7 : ; 7i : 4 A A: 7 :

92

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

THE AJILAS OF P ONJALI YA-RAJYA (ENCRU)

Vcnuru (Enuru or Enuru of the inscriptions) belonging to the Karkala
taluk, South Ivanara, was the capital of the Ajilas, who figured as an
important feudatory of Tulu-nadu. These chieftains assumed the cogno-
men Ajila'. In all probability this term Ajila may have been derived
from Ajua which was one of the important Jaina balls 2 * in Tulu-nadu.

According to tradition, the first ruler of the dynasty was Timmanna
Ajila, who ruled between A. D. 1154- and A. D. 1180. He seemed to
have had two ncices - Chennamma and Madhurakka by name. These
were married to Govindapparaya and Chamundaraya of the upghat
regions. When Timmanna Ajila died, Ills neice did not beget children
who could succeed to the throne. The refusal on the part of the people
to accept w'omen as the ruler resulted in an appeal made to Kamadeva
of Banavasi to intervene. The appeal was heard and Kamadeva
organised a military campaign against the kingdom of Punjalike (as
this kingdom was a synonym to Enuru), and establishing political order,
Kamadeva is stated to have returned to Banavasi. This kingdom of
Punjalike seemed to have constituted 13 rnaganes. In A. D. 1186, the
son of Madhurakkadevi, Rayakumara by name, ascended the throne
and ruled till A. D. 1204. He v'as followed by a number of rulers who
succeeded to the throne and enjoyed power and prosperity. These
chiefs also observed the aliya-sanlana law K M. Govinda Pai also repeats
this traditional account of the Ajilas in his Vcnurina-silasasanagalu 4 .

e have not been able to get any cpigraphical evidence for the
origin of the Ajilas, nor for the early political history of the line. From
the stand-point of inscriptional evidence, we can certainly say that the
kingdom of Punjalike existed from the beginning of the 12th century A.H.
for, one of the Enuru inscriptions, dated A. D. 1 118, refers to the kingdoms
of Pujajike (evidently Punjalke) and Chalulke (perhaps, Salike-nadu
of the Chautas) under the sovereignty' of Mahdmandalesvara Sevyagellarasa 5 .
At present we are unable to determine whether this Sevagellarasa was a
prince of the Ajila family. But he must have been a very powerful chief

2 the form Ajila is also found m epigraphs,

into Ajila Va "' Sa C an ^‘ 111 duc coulse of time Ajtra must have been transformc

< Sn\i S n , '"' , ’ 1 PP 313-325

5 4 II. Vol V ‘ VII, No 258™" S,l5sSsa,m S alu (1928), pp. 20-26.

A93

’ p Feudatory States of Tulu-nadu

.^s^eveal0 . by the assumption'-' of . tile . lit] was

meveAbotm^ t]i^'cUstricfO)f;South'^va9.afa;';;:; f A

; • J The :name ’ 4?^^^ named after some member of the Ajila

family) is come acrossccl in the epigraphs found in the Mahjimatha temple,
Rackc, Mangalore. And tliis tank is stated -to be in Kuluru, five Amies
gtd^e'fsptithVpfMangdlore. The inscription is important in that it gives us
the name yi/7/a, occuring in A.D.l 388, the date of the inscription 5 . . This
Bfeapgens'^to ;.-be : ' 'the- 'first: -reference to Ajila so far. We are informed by
fa jtptlieri; epigraph of Belu ru, Hassan district, dated A. D. 1415, that one
kma^atitta ySbmanatha Birumannarasa alias Ajila made a gift of charity
OfvlOO muds of paddy to Chennakcsvanathadeva . It is very likely that
JvfcKisA chief? belonged- to • ' the Aiila family of Enuru. And the Aluvapura

.mentioned in the epigraph was his chiefdom, whose location is not yet.
feknotyhtfyj ,y

fy|^ri-/The,dnscription found at Kodiyalbail, Mangalore, dated A. D. 1419,

•tee. -a-ii in.- 1 * i JLl -- J - 1L ~ ™ — w -~ in connection

riwitH : ';the Ayork of restoration of charity made to the pal [is (mosques) of the
?jMnjMdnas by ; Baichappa-dannayaka-Odeya, the governor of Barakufuk;
rf, The Ajilas, as the inscription makes us believe, seem to have been associated
’t^ihl.tKe Wqrb -of /administration by the governor. We are ignorant who,
A the: Ajila. chief mentioned in tliis epigraph was. ■ 'A;- A.A -'yA

g% ; ;Ari ; ^eihext. mention of the chief of this family occurs in an inscription
f dated . A . I) . 1479. , Tliis records the gift of land by Ramadevi (most
• ; probably : Kamadcvi ) 5 the mother of a. certain mandalika S omanatha for

the offerings to the temple of Suryanarayana at Niravi (Narari), ■ ' ".This
/■: mandalika, Somanatha could be none other . than the Ajila- chief 9 . For,

. in A . D . 1489 Mahamandalika Somanatha Penamna-Odcya is stated to he
; rruling over the rdjya of Punjab 10 . In tliis epigraph is recorded the grant

marlAT-w TC a w** o rt m nr nf' &Y\ .A/TrfJjfiftf htl/J /ill

-Likewise, - Kamadevi; add Ramadew are also; identical,; oAAAAAa’; -' yAAfnA
A 43: ; The. next Ajila chief could be one' Binnana Ajila who figures in an ;
A inscription .of Mudabidure. This . : record mentions that A Kamiraya,- :

AA .Af \0idMoMMk A : € AlA AAAA v:A; ; -V ,*< A aA AyA ;A: Aa;A A A AAAaAAA|A

-A A / X Ep ,Cark Vol; VII, ; Beluru, No. 55 (New Edition)/.. A \AA AAOA/AA Aw;;A A-A'A.
AAA,vA.A2; Vol: VII, No. ; 182 A WAAWAAvAaAAAA AAA A A- fAl AAAA : A' AAA Ay
cA; 523 oP]928-’29. AriAAAA • oA^AAAAA : riAA A AAA AriA-AA; A, AAA
AVA- /5A/. Nd. ,80 of :1901 ; : S.i.ri No. VII, ,No.-257AA Av -sVWAAA AAAAAANA~... A

94

Studies in Ttduva History and Culture

the son of Binnana Ajila was one of the donors to Gurugala-basti". The
above said inscription is dated A. D. 1515.

The epigraph of A. D. 1537 of Enuru mentions one Salva Pandya-
devarasa alias Ajila as making provision for the worship of 24 Tt) thaiikaras,
whose images were installed in the Chaitydlaya of Santlsvara 12 . One
Adya-devarasa belonging to the Binnani-bali is stated to be the pradhani
of Salva Pandya-devarasa alias Ajila. A portion of Punjalike-rajya,
known as Aruvada-rajya is mentioned as being governed by mandalika
Somanatha, son of Honnamma-devi. It may' be suggested that Honna-
mmadevi could be the sister of Salva Pandya-devarasa alias Ajila and
mandalika Sdmanatha, his nephew 13 .

The epigraph of Enuru, dated A . D . 1 604, connected with the erection
of the Enuru Gomatasvami by' Timmanna Ajila, the ruler, describes
him as the son-in-law (also nephew) of the glorious Rayakuvara, the
predecessor and as the son of the king’s sister, Pandyakka and the younger
brother of Pandya-bhupa 1 *. It is quite probable that the reign of
limmanna Ajila was preceded by those of Rayakuvara and Pandya-bhupa.
immanna Ajila may have ascended the throne by' about 1600 A . D •
!c ast datc of Timmanna Ajila is not known. Perhaps, he was destined
to rule for a short period since he must have been very old when he ascended
the throne. 7

A . n in ^Ption dated, A. D. 1621, speaks of one Madhurakkadcvi
su a as 1 lc ru \ cr Punjalikeya-rajya. It is evident that she

p ■ it, 6 i mmanna Ajila to power 1 '. As suggested by' M. Govinda
nder l ° bc the neice of Timmanna Ajila, the celebrated

last insrri 5” uru !*' n tlle P rescnt state of our knowledge this is the
So sTatef the f ^ name ° f the A j ilas ‘ epigraph

Sankararasa of S Bell- ma , tC 1 ° f dle 9 uecn > one Ramanatharasa, son of
— — • are belonging to the Kabeyara-bali 11 . There may

» hi ’s s iW *\ Yn ’ No 2I2 -

13 It is inter,.,, ; *• No. VII, No. 256.

Of PunjaUya-rijya walVssipnrlf"*® 0 - S5man5th ? "'ho was the heir_to the throne
during the life time of Ma&nnt* 5 P? rtl0n o °f ^ ie kingdom known as Ai uvada-raj)* 1

- am? atssr rj&jr

st 2!0 ' w m -

13 s “ pasc 3h -

such a cou i d he the root of the corn? ^ wi th Beyara-bah and develops a theory
UCh an lu htrence j, lo^S Ba,raiasa But there is no ground for

’ Feudatory States of Tulii~nadu .Aa-A'v . . 95

not be' aiiy doubt that the Ajilas continued as an independent power
even in the 1 7th century A.D:, because an epigraph records the gift of
land by Satavale Ballala of Marovodi-grama in Kclada-magane. a sub-
-division of- Achila-shne; • Acliila-simc is none other than, the chiefship
A>b the Ajilas 18 . AA . 'A\7 ' • . .. • - .y AA.aa

'Reconsfriictiou of the Ajila Chronology : A V ;/A V-a yv-

1388 "the history of Ajilas is obscure. ' , ,

'y, $}■:’ AManqialika Somanatha Birumannarasa alias Ajila I

' ! (A;D: i400 ? - A.D. 1430 ?) " ■ -y . , a’AA ;

Ay^A'^A’A'A' \Kaxhadevi (Ramadevi) ., " ‘ ’’ ’../a •

V; : : (A-D-1430 ? - A.D . 1460 ? ) A. r-;

....... , .. .4 . .

•• • A J •■'i'vMaK'amahdalika ' Somanatha Penamna-Odeya (Mandalika Somanatha'
(A.D. 1460 ?- A.D. 1490 ?) '

' \ : c A Pinnaria Ajila

' A / : v- (A;D:1490 ?- A.D. 1515 ?)

ybA' A, A ; j : Salva Pandyadevarasa alias Ajila

•'fp , '-' ; ASH / '.yA;riAVD.i5V5 - A.D. 1550 ?) . • ; '

Mandalika Somanatha

.A, (A.D. 1540 -A.D. 1560 ?) ' \

l ' .

At- ARayakuvara . .

; > A (A.D; 1560 - A.D. 1585 ?) , ' .^A/j

AA - Pandya-bhupa • :AA.aA

A (A ID. 1585 - A.D.l 600 ?) -.

AA - Timmanna Ajila 'A ' 1 ' ; AA A.:

- (A.D. 1600 - A.D. 1610 ?) \ -y>V:Av-.'^

AMadhurakkadevi alias Ammajila ’ •- '...y v

A (A.D. 1610 -A.D. 1625 ?). ■ . : A ' • ; ; ..

'!'■ -A : Later authentic history of the dynasty is not known so far. ; ,y

n

■(■Conclusion VA — ' : A, . . -A .. . . ’ : a;A;. ; /y A V,A ; A AA \

aA A Inscriptions ^inform us •; that the Punjalikc-rajya was 'administered by y .
A Ajilas with the help of 16. seltikaras and halani belonging to 366 e/tf/wy. 19 ;.
vTheif ministers were selected from the family of the Binnanis. Although.;

: : the Ajilas were Jainas by faith, they were ardent devotees of Hindu divi- A
■A' h' ; i 18 .' t d'iR.’;.iyo:':.12-F6f 1946r-’4l;, Aippendik -AAAaa

; hjos. 79, 80 of 1001 : S.J. I. Vpl. Nos: 256, 257.'\Ay AA}A jAyjAjyy AA-A

96

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

nitics too, especially of Isvara, who is known as Mahalingesvara, whose
name seems to have been engraved on the signet ring.

A remark has to be made concerning the lineage of the Ajilas. Dr.
Iiultzsch in the epigraphical report says: “The image of Bhujabalin or
Gummatast amin was set up at Enuru by Timmaraja in A. D. 1603-
A.D.1604 and that in the same year two queens of his built two baslis
in front of the image. Timmaraja is stated to have belonged to the family
of Chat unda and to have been the pupil of a teacher at Belguja. Hence
it may be concluded that the Venuru image is an imitation of a much
larger statue of Gummata at Sravana Bejgula in Mysore, which had
been set up by Chavundaraya” 20 . But it is difficult to accept this view
point of Dr. Hultzch. In the first place the statue at Enuru is more an
imitation ot the Karakala statue and not of Sravana Belgula. Secondly,
Chavundaraya who had set up the statue at Sravana Belgula was of,
brahmakshatriya lineage, whereas Timmarajajila is stated to belong to the
Somayata-vatrisa - lunar race. And therefore it cannot 'be concluded,
based on the similarity of names that Chavundaraya, Minister of the
Ganga king was the progenitor of the Ajila family. At best we may
infer that one Chavunda by name, perhaps a chief in Gahga-nadu could
be the originator of the family and in later times this family migrated
to the district of South Kanara and settled at Enuru. The opinion of
Sri M. Govinda Pai seems most convincing in this connection 21 .

The promotion of art and architecture under the Ajilas reached
a pomt of excellence. It is worthy of note that although the territory
over , which the Ajilas ruled was not extensive, they were of considerable
po ltical importance and that they were mostly consulted by the
rjayanagara governors of Mangaluru in respect of administration,
ey were uniquely of the rank of Mahatnandalesvara 12 .

20

21

22

No j , 7 62 & 763, 1901, pp 5-6.

* murtna Mlasasanagalu , pp. 23-24.

in Antaranea^ LMutH 1 hi sart icles Venuru and its Colossus , published in V.

origin A* Aulas. But in regard to

which is hardly or Imim-J 1 rul ! n S family, he only echoes the traditional acco
1* says thar^immanna Ah la rC rT^ ,ty - -^° rCOVCT ’ Srl ™ ® act correct wl
consequent on tl,,. Heath r,i i Tmamaraja) ascended the throne in AD 1-

ifs r-Ll ’» 11: V''T dccCssor ’ ttayakumara. (M. Govinda V:
txommata Colossus — An taran era foo i ioaa\

J A.1I1UU

012 the acaui ot his predecc:
article, Vcnu, and its Gommata Co“

, uuvimu*

-Antaranga, Udupi (29-1-1939).

States of Tulu-riadu -' y ,= ' / 97 :

JJy In . the history of Tulu-paclu the chieftains '' of Mulki, Mangalore
taluk. South Kmiara, are known as the (Savantas 1 . They were Jainas
by faith and were said to belong to the family of jinadatta of Pattipombuch-
%M^ddi^th^^sencd;bf 3^ corroborative records it is not possible, at
present, to pass any final verdict about their origin, nor to give a connected ,;
and coherent account of their political career during the period under

study. /•£ • ' ■ ' •' ' - y ' ; ^

,V Sri R. Narasiinliachar seems to doubt the very existence of this
dynasty of the Savantas 3 . But his argument is based on very flimsy ;
grounds,/. Inferring that the names Chennamma and Tirumala come
across in the genealogy of the Savantas, were the names occuring in the
Ghauta family of Puttige and Mudabidure, he seems to deny the separate
existence of this ruling family of Mulki. This is a mistake wliich becomes

'obviously clear when epigraphs are examined. Copper-plate inscriptions:
that are referred to in this chapter show that in the 16th century, this
family had rulers by the name Tirumalarasa and Chennamma. , v;' : ,T

V-Ky, In a work Jinadattaraya Charitre , written by one Padmanabha,
whose date is approximately fixed at A.D. 1700, reference is made to
;Durgana Savanta, who had a sister Devammaji by name, married

d-4- - ’.L P "K T — _ _ Chn Vi f m mil /■» h f 1 rl TPT1 u

ito dMalinganrupati of Venupura. She begot seven children y
Chenniga ; - Saman ta, Tirumalendra, Sankaranrupati, Cheiinambike,
/Tirumalarasa, Ambakadevi and Chikkaraya. It proceeds to state.that.
Diirgana Savanta was succeeded by his nephew, Chenniga Samanta.
And then. Tirumalendra, who, in turn, was followed by his sister, Chcnnam-
; majiv: Tirumalendra, called , himself. Kadamba -,Kidadip^jyypk(

.h.'iPI** . > '•* ■ “h’ 5 * 1* “ 1 1- T • - * * * ' • . T/* ~ _ t .1. _ J «• ■!

.•Treasurer of Tirumalarasa, wrote, the work Jinadattaraya [ChariPrei^yVz
; can, with a degree of confidence, assign; Dugganna Savanta .of this ; work
Ho the middle of the 17th century. = There may not be any doubt that
((the ; Savantas mentioned in the Jinadattaraya Charitre yrcre ; the ruling families

AA! 1 'Etymologically- the term Savanta. means a neighbour, a neighbouring .king, yep

Ti nlsn means leader, areneral. cantain or charrinion

;hoyan hveripr d;

Aigal’s Itihdsa, page. 345.. / V'///’ •• \ yhyi'.;.’;' : v.’-

3 Karnataka Kavicharitu, Part II, page 515. »,

98

Studies in Tuhwa History and Culture

of Mulki and were in no way connected with the Chautas of Puttige
and Mudabidure except by matrimonial alliance 4 .

The following are a few facts relating to this family:

There are found in Mulki twenty memorial tombs in a field called
Bakimaru which are said to be of the Savantas who were installed in power.
Assigning the reign period of 30 years to each chief, we may roughly
calculate that 500 years ago the Savantas established themselves in Mulki.
The possibility of this family being related to that of Pombuchcha, may
be accepted as of historical credence, for epigraphical records refer to
the Savantas in the Nagar area, much earlier than in Tulu-nadu. Two
examples may be cited here. The Hosagunda ruler, Bira-Devarasa is
stated to have marched against Idu Savanta of Bidiruru in A. D. 1254
and plundered all his valuables 5 . It may be suggested thatldu-bidu
near Mudabidure could be taken into account as a settlement of these
Savantas after their migration into Tulu-nadu. Another epigraph of the
Soraba taluk, Simoga district, dated A. D. 1284, mentions Savanta
Jagadala, son of Hiriya Sakunada Belgauda, the nephew of Savanta
Jagadala Kuppe Yekkali-gavunda 6 . That the Savantas were a ruling
family is further evidenced by an epigraph of A. D. 1292 which refers
to the rule of Mahdmandalesvara Tamma Savanta and of another Iruvandur
Maleya Savanta 7 . We are yet ignorant when these Savantas settled
themselves at Mulki.

Simanturu, a village just three miles from Mulki, was the first capital
of this ruling family and later it was shifted to Mulki proper. The temple
°f Janardana at Simanturu used to be the seat where the Savantas were
installed in power. And Sri Janardana was their state deity whose
name was inscribed on their signet ring.

Sri Aigal gives the extent of this chiefdom as follows : 8 Nine mnganes
comprising - Aikala, Atturu, Kudetturu, Panja, Valalanke, Karnadu,
Kuberuru, Bappanadu and Talipadi. This small chiefdom was bounded
h) the Pavanje river, (Palaunja of the inscriptions) in the south, the

?' n- ^ ar ' K ' m l‘‘'yhru‘ - Padmanabha Jinadatlartiya Chanlre - Article published in
s i r A g d na ’ J an - 26 ’ 1954 > PP- 276, 96.

orinA- K?t™! 46 ’o 4 . 8 -f“ r * 929 ’. ,® r - Krishna has identified Bidiruru with Naga»
Sagara talulP ut 1S P 0S5 >ble that this Bidiruru may be its names sake in the

7 l t-f aT - Vo1 - Vni - Soraba, No. 31.
b a- Sagar, No. 97.

•oigal s Itihasa, page 343.

Mulki river in the north , arid the kingdom^ of the Chautas in the east
and the Arabian Sea in the: west.-.AvvAvA.?vVvVAA : -WW^ ;>\C f

. vVA$rI M. Govinda Pai, in one of his articles about Mulki opines that
an inscription of the place in Kotekeri dates A . D, 1378 V and that it
mentions • one Dugganna Samanta, If this is true this becomes the earliest ;

■ epigraphical evidence to this ruling family®. We can assume that this
Dugganna Savanta may have continued in power until A. D. 1400 or ’
thereabouts. The epigraph recording the political agreement reached

f amongst the chieftains at Simanturu, dated A. D. 1411, mentions Kinnika

■ Savailta alias Bacha-heggade and his nephew, Kanta-heggade as one -
mf the parties to the pact 10 . Kinnika Savanta may be said to have suc-
ceeded his uncle, Dugganna Savanta mentioned above. The same ruler

Vis .mentioned in a broken lithic record, dated A. D. 1411, of the Durga
temple in Bappanadu 11 . The mention of Simantura-deva in the impre-
catory portion of the record stated above, corresponding to the Savantas, '

■ indicates that this deity was the presiding divinity of the state. Evidently-

■ Kanta-heggade, nephew of Kinnika Savanta alias Bacha-heggade may

r be taken to be the successor to the throne. » V; - ; } ';

Another epigraph of Simanturu of the 15th century A.D. - records' V
Dhe demarcation of boundaries of the area over which the -brother <6fh i
VKotiyanna-heggade, alias Bacha-setti, Harihara-setti by namef ,was> toyV
Vexercise his control 12 . Kotiyanna-heggade alias Bacha-setti could : be
Vthe- successor of Kanta-heggade. In this record Mulki appears to be a
fairly developed town. . ■ - ;

■V,::V; Two names of the family are mentioned in an inscription dated
A .D .1542 of Padu-Panamburu, Mangalore taluk 13 . It refers to Diiggana
Savanta^ ally a of Kinnika Savanta and records that this chief commenced •
a vrita (religious observance) for the perpetual prosperity at die instance i :

, of SrMatu Abhinava-Charuklrtti Panditadeva and " that his ^sister;;'
Cheimamma-dcvi made a grant of - land to Ananta-tirthesvara V,’

: for the conduct of worship. This ruler Dugganna Savanta has elaborate
epithets like .Binajana-chintdmani, hhavya-Si ramani, fulfiller of . the wishes?.

■V ; Sri M.' Govinda . Pai - Mulkyannu Kurilii article- published in the' Silver- Jhbilee
s.V- - ' 'Special of the Govt. High School, Mulki, 1959C. -■ VVVif V-' VVV’ ! Y l ;'-V -:;?:VtYVrY:

/- V 10 Vl./b No. 341 of 1930-’3l.' v V; r! VV'- :
v-tp. ^ Voh; VII, 259;YV:V:.VV
H': 12 ...-'1 ,/i.vNo. 339 of 1930-13 1 A ;

. P •S./v7 i ;.Vol.;VlI,.NoV262. : V V .

100

Studies in Tttluva History and Culture

of the meek, etc. Certain inferences may be drawn from this epigraph.

(1) Duggana Savanta succeeded Kinnika Savanta to power. And
this Kinnika Savanta must have been the successor of Kotiyanna-heggade
alias Bacha-setti.

(2) Succession to the throne was definitely through the system of
aliya-santana.

(3) The sister of Dugganna Savanta, in whom the real authority
tv as vested, according to the aliya-santana system was a possessor of 3000
alus.

(4) The Savantas were Jainas by faith and were the disciples of
Charukirti-Pandita of Madabidure.

Another epigraph of the same place mentions Kinnika Savanta'*.
Perhaps, he was the same as his namesake in the above epigraph. This
inference is based on the date of the epigraphs. Both of them were
caused to be inscribed on Sunday of the 13th day of Simha-masa belonging
to the Subhakritu year. The personal name of this Kinnika Savanta
must have been Tirumalarasa as evidenced in one of the epigraphs, dated
A. D. 1512, which records a political contract among Kunda-heggade
of Yejluru, Tirumalaraya Chauta of Puttige and Tirumalarasa alias
Kinnika-heggade (probably of Mulki)'*. The Savanta mentioned in a
much damaged epigraph of the same place, dated A. D. 1559, must be
Dugganna Samanta himself making grants for sastradana 16 .

Perhaps this Dugganna Savanta was succeeded by his nephew Kinnika
Savanta. This fact may be inferred from the mention of Kinnigesa at
the end of a five stanza poem that was inscribed on the manastambha
in front of the Anantanatha-basti, Mulki* 7 . Dugganna Savanta, who
is mentioned by Padmanabha in his work Jinadattaraya Charitre may
be ascribed to the first half of the 17th century and taken to be the successor
of Kinnika Savanta (Kinnigesa). According to the same work Dugganna
Savanta was succeeded by the following chiefs : Chenniga Savanta'"
(nephew), Tirumalendra (brother), Chennammaji (sister). Chenniga
Savanta (Chcn naraya) seemed to have had monkey flag (Hanuma-ketand)

“ Vol. VII. No 264

Ibid No. 228

o L Vo1 VII > No 263
is * hls 'j as P ers °naHv read by me.

Chramra W C rT Cd manu , scr ‘P t known as Ramachandra Chunk

to fuwe sorceed’d S’nLm™^ (S ' an2aS H5 ’ !49 ' ,5 ° & ’ 59) ^

it- and assumed, elaborate. birudas. such, as (1) Aikala Puravaradhisvara (2) RipU- .

kula-vana-kiithara, ' : (3) Parthiva-kulavanay Mddhaval i {^Y Vvlalankapachah :y
- etc. He is further referred to as the nephew of matula •Kuhdayyarasa.;'-.-/:

■ This Kundayyarasa was none other than the chief of Yelluruj known as •
Kunda-hcggade 19 . The reign period of this Chennaraya witnessed -
the completion of the composition of the celebrated work Ramachandra , .
Gharite in the year A.D.1751 20 . •>.••. .

Lack of any further information, either by way of cpigraphical records • .,
authentic literature, precludes us from giving any : reliable account
of this family after A. D. 1700. The surname Savanta is still, borne ? by
.the Jainas of this family. ■ -■

JpA-v A branch of the Savantas of Mulki seem to have settled at a- place - - ^
> called Mudaradi in the Karkala taluk. In one of the epigraphs. • of
pHosa-basti, Mudabidure, dated A. D.1462 21 , we have the mention of ;
:Anna Samanta-heggade and his brothers, Ghoki Samanta and TimmaAy
^Samanta. Anna Samanta is stated to be the son of Chennaka Binnaniti: V?
y daughter of Bemmakka Samantiti, who was the grand-daughter of HosabuyT
%$amanta-heggade of Mudaradi belonging to Barakura-sthalayt7 : ;THei* ; M
^importance of this epigraph lies in that it leads us to infer that the; chroiio^ ij^
logy of the Savantas may be traced back to the 14th ' centulyAA.-'Dp
tM/-A Now: the genealogy of the Savantas of Mulki may be reconstructed ;
as follows :

19

. -.20
21

Dugganna Savanta I
(A.D.1378- A.D.I408 ?)

' I , ' •

f - Kinniga Savanta I (nephew)

(A.D.1408 ?- A.D. 1438 ?). . .. ..

; . ' 4 , ./ ' • ..

Kanta-heggade (nephew)

A . (A.D. 1438 ? -A.D. 1468).

■ i ... .. , ;

Kotiyanna-heggade alias Bacha-setti (nephew)
(A.D. 1468 -A.D. 1498). • • ; ■’

Kinnika Samanta II (nephew) , ■ . ... , ,

:.:.y;A V- ■' : ’(A-D . 1498 - A.D .1528): T' : ^ ■A /;

r;t - -.^Dugganna Savanta II (nephew), j y.-^V,

y-.y.-y ; (A.D. 1528 - A.D . 1568) yy

102

Studies in Tuhwa History and Culture

Kinnikd Savanta III (nephew)

(A.D 1568- A D. 1600)

-j-

Dugganna Savanta III (nephew)

(A D 1600 - A D 1640)

1

Chenniga Savanta I (nephew)

(A D. 1640 -A D 1670)

l

Tirumalendra (brothel )

(A D 1670- A.D 1700)

i

Chennammaji (sister)

(A D. 1700 - ?)

i

Chenniga Savanta II (Chennaraya) (son ?)
(A.D. 1751)

THE RULER OF KUMBALE

One of the feudatory kingdoms of Tulu-nadu was that of Kumbale
(Kumbule) in the southern part of the district of South Kanara, belonging
to the Kasargod taluk (now in Kerala) 1 . The territorial jurisdiction
of this kingdom is stated to comprise the region between the rivers, the
Netravati and the Payyasvini - 32 gramas A Sri Aigal in his Jtihdsa gives
the following maganes as constituting Kumbale-rajya — Manjesvara,
Kumbale, Aduru, Perdala, Angadi-mogaru, Kasaragodu, Mogral-maganc
Vomanjuru-maganc 3 . By tradition, the Raja of Kumbale was known
as the possessor of 3000 alus (rnurusaviralaru) of the Kumbale-sime.

The origin of this dynasty is shrouded in obscurity. According
to one tradition, this line of rulers was related to the Kadambas of Banavasi
and according to another, it is presumed to be connected with the Cochin
dynasty. We do not have authentic documentary evidence to prove
either.. The still prevailing practice of the senior member of the family
marrying a woman of the Nayar caste and also the custom of sambandam
with the ladies of the family until very recently testify to the fact that
these Rajas may have been related to the dynasty of Cochin. On the
other hand,, tradition also traces the origin of this family to the Kadambas
of Banavasi a nd this varsion contradicts the former. Very' probably

’ lhZ bat A iS P la ^ lbl >’ said to have been derived from the river Kumba-hoje

, S ot changed into Kumbale.

Madlmpura, page 49.

Ax gal’s Jtihdsa, page 367.

•• the -Kumbalc rulers'" relationship with .the Cochin dynasty must have

• been a a'eccnt one. - A /AAAA AA 'A k A‘ : ••• A A A A- [ A A A A> ; A v A A t

A A Although not exactly* it is possible for us to suggest that this family
had its. independent or semi-independent existence in about the 1 0 tit
, centun' A . D . This inference is based on one of. the epigraphs of ; about
. the 10th century A. D: discovered at Talangere, Kasaragod taluk 4 .' . It
refers to the king, Jayasimha, who is recorded to have made a gift of : a
piece of land situated in the vicinity of Putturu, to Mochabbarasi as
ykanyadaria , that is gift to the damsel. • The land which was barren and
rocky was converted into a fertile field by Mochabbarasi. She constructed
a house, laid a garden and moat round the place.- After the usual im-
precation on those who attempted to destroy the charity, -the. record
. ends with the statement to the effect that the right of succession to . the
^ownership of the land should devolve on the female children in the lineage
A of the excellent Jogawe and not on the male offspring.

.TAA; Commenting on the lineage of the king, the editors of the epigraph
■Asay, that we have no means of ascertaining tire family to which the "chief
jayasimha belonged or the exact period of his rule. The fact. that he does
C;- riot bear any titles indicative of paramountcy would point to the concltti
yAibn that he was a local chief. Further, it is opined that this Jay asimhafasa
^ymight be a scion of the family of another Jayasimharasa whose inscription

• was found at Kariyarigala, Mangalore taluk, ruling in the 1 1th century
A.D. And the editors’ conclusion is . that both, these, rulers may have
belonged to the dynasty of the Alupas. If we were to examine more closely

f we may reasonably say that the Talangere Jayasimha could be taken as
' .. one of the earliest of the Kumbale family, who, at this period/ may' not
A/have : been so powerful as to assume "high sounding titles-.;

A:Afy/$hat during, the time of Sri Madhvacharaya (A.D . 1 238 - -A , D .
A .13.17) we hear about another Jayasiihha-raja . is evidenced byvthe reference
cA: 'iilvthe .. \Sumadkvavijqya\ This ruler may be considered as Jayasimha XI.
The period between Jayasimha I and jayasimha II is virtually blank so
far as the source-material for acquainting with the history of this dynasty
v. is concerned. •. /.• . ■’ •. A,..;. - , , :..Aaa AA'A/AAA

AaaA Ep .Car, Voi. xxix. pp. 203-09. ■ ' - a a; A '• k- a : Af Af : A ;A' - A AA ; k;A

AAA* AAA:Vol. IX, part- 1, -No.- : 399.\A/A: : f : Ak A F A A A Ay; A A AAAAAA;.

• ; A AigaPs 7^M<YZ,page 39 1 . y ; A ; . AAA' .,.A;A :A : /A;:'; AAA Ay A< '• ’Ay

A A' A • Sdadhupura, pages 47; to

'yppC^^'Sumadhvavijaja.pip. 1 3-21. AAAA'AAAyAhAAAAAAAA-A; A'kAA

104

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

One of the undated epigraphs issued in the year Vikrama Sravana
states that the dnekallugalu, the matriha-bali-sile and the images of Vinayaha
and Vishnumurti were the gifts of Gunyapparasa of Kumbale. This
epigraph is found in Aduru, Kasaragod taluk 9 . The only other epigraph
belonging to this riding house is a late one, dated Kollam 1063 in Mala-
yalam (C A.D. 1887) and it states that the door-jamb was the gift of
Parvati, Kottalamma (wife) of Yuvaraja of Mayapadi 10 . This suggests
two important facts, namely, the shifting of the capital from Kumbale
to Mayapadi (which still is the ancestrol home of the surviving family)
and the Cochin connection with the Kumbale rulers.

We cannot altogether dismiss the proposition that the family of the
kingdom of Kumbale belonged to the Kadamba-kula. Although there
may r have been a tendency to name a family as having been related to the
Kadambas of Banavasi, who had attained an imperial stature, for the
sake of prestige and glory, these chiefs of Kumbale may be said to have
belonged to a collateral branch of the main line. This branch could
be the one established at Manjarabad and because of their influence
the name Banavasi must have been given to a region in the tornur Kaduru
district. Hence, the possibility' of one family descending the Ghats and
establishing themselves at Kumbale cannot altogether be ruled out. The
title assumed by' the Kumbale rulers seems to be Surya-vamsodbhava. This
title was never borne by the main branch of the Kadamba family' of
Banavasi. The Gangas were known as belonging to Suiya-vamsa u (Ikshvaku
kula) and from the Gangas, these Kadambas of Manjarabad may have
borrowed the title which, in turn, seemed to have been taken over by' these
Kumbale rulers. The full text of the title is as follows :

Srimat Banavasepuravaradhisvara Suiya-kula-tilaka sdhasada-Sanjdya. Satya-
ralnakara Sarasvalikarnakundaldbharana Sri Madanesvara-padapadmaradhaka Sri
Virapratapa Kumbale Dharma-simhasanada Kavisimharasar u .

We do not know when these titles came to be assumed by the rulers
of the Kumbale family. But this assumption appears in one of the epi-
graphs dated A.D. 1709 edited by Aigalu, belonging to the reign of

9 A R No 110 of 1935-’36

10 Ibid No 109 or 1935-’36

11 C jt. r VIII > Is ' a B ar No 35, Ibid Shimoga Nos 10 & 4.
4 Madhupura, page 49

11 Algal -SthalaPuranagalu-MaHjehara, p. 6, Appendix.

105

.^.Jttisiipport; of the antiquity of the Kumbale rulers, ttie Bantra ins-
cription of the Puttur taluk of the 9 tlx century A . D. may be cited. 14 ;
It seems to record a political agreement entered into among four persons,
namely/ ' Narasinga Dtigaraja, Radlamalla Dugaraja, the Kadamba
ruler, whose name is not given Nrupamallaraja to the effect that they
should discontinue mutual enemity and light 15 . The Kadamba ruler
cotild be the Raja of Kumbale. (Further, detailed- investigation should
be conducted). • “ •

r ../'Another epigraph dated A.D. 1389 belonging to Tiruvail of the
time of Harihara II records a gift of land after purchase from Banki,
Santayya and Kesava Valpiri to the temple of Amritanatha, Vomanjuru
for feeding 12 Brahmanas including the cooks at the chatra of Padumaladcvij
daughter of Kamadeva-arasa of the Kadamba family 16 . This -epigraph
seems to confirm the traditional account that the kingdom of Kumbale
comprised 32 gramas, for it states that tire arccanut garden raised by the
Pacliimaladevi was gifted in addition to 12 lwnnus for the feeding of Brahmins
of the 32 gramas and for daskshine , Hence, accepting the Kadamba origin
of the family, we may venture to draw the inference that this family started
its political, career by about the close of the 9th century A.D. and con-
tinued up to 1900. -• .

Vxff ThC ; following are the names of the rulers whose references are- found
in authentic records : f /-y;;/

> : d ;> ftU ■ Katamba ruler (close of the 9th century A.D.) - V"-’A :.j

\ Jayasimha I (10th century A.D.) , • , ; ' vf ..-v .

Jayasirhha II (13th century A.D.) - •

Kamadeva - arasa

i

Gunyapparasa

(1389 A.D.)

;of ■yilarittali-arasa' and Na.rasirhha Dugaraja and- some pefgades. But actually
-n-iV as Stated above Kadambas’ riarrth 1 r»^f nnrl.U n^Ka'rnstllsi . wae nnf tliCT V

chief, but one oi
iG yl .i?. Ho. 465 c

106

Studies in Ttduva History and Culture
THE HONNEYAKAMBALIS OF HOSAftGADI

The Honneyakambalis represent one of the feudatory states of Tulu-
nadu. It is probable that Honneya-halli of the Coondapur taluk, South
Kanara, may have been the home of these chiefs, who bore the cognomen
Kambali and hence the designation, Honneya-Kambali. The surname
Kambali is still in vogue amongst the Jaina and Bant (Nadava) communities.

Epigraphs reveal that the Honneyakambalis were the chiefs of a
portion of the Coondapur taluk. According to M. Ganapathi Rao
Aigal, this family ruled over Kolluru, Hosangadi, Baggavadi, Mugi-nadu,
Aru-nadu, Kadari, Kabbu-nadu-rfmer of the Coondapur taluk and also
over the Pattaguppe and Chinna-Bidaruru simes above the Ghats'. They
fixed Hosangadi as their capital, which seemed to have commanded a
central position to facilitate them to have effective control over the regions
both above and below the Ghats. It is definitely known that a few villages
in the Simoga district were also under their control in the 16th century
A . D . as evidenced by epigraphs. One of them says 2 that, when Immadi
Saclasivaraya Nayaka was administering the Araga-rajya as magani, with
Ins consent Honneya-Kambali-Odeya alias Ammidevi-Amma Bankiyarasa
was governing the simes of Muhgi-nadu, Kabbu-nadu, etc. above the

hats m A. D. 1566. Two other epigraphs of the same date also confirm
thish

According to an inscription of the 13th century A.D., published
by the Executive office of Sri Kolluru Mukambika Temple, Kolluru,
ou anara , one Venkata Samanta, who was the grandson of Banki-
yar^a aims Honna-Kambali, undertook the reconstruction of the temple
ad-Va1» U1 fx °? ° St0nc and made gift of charity to Paramesvara-

eenuine th‘ ^ ^ Ct wors ^P- If this record were accepted as
Lnrbaffi. ^ d C " Carliest reference to the family of Honna-

' Ai gal’s Ilthasa, p. 357.
f.- Ca r- VIII, Nagar, No. 1.

4 1 P. d %^ os - 2 & 3.

5 j V* S ^ ra holluru - Appendix, pp 16 & 17

clearly Indirate^hcfcanljes ornTm * s S enuine ; because the temple structure,
century A.D. ^ Moreover ^ 15 ‘, h & 16th ccntur Y A.D. and not of the 13th
the record was taken from 'a mlmf 01 ! 3 enquiry, I have been told that the text of
The name Banki-arasa does riot anne ^ I^ose authenticity again is questionable,
g* The first occurcnceorthTfi lJ the 15th century A.D. in epi-

to the 14th century A D whtrpin happens to be in a record belonging

of the signatories to the record C (A!i 2 ? I No^ I 286 1 for"^ 3 b^’ 32 y S me51t! ° ned “ °” e

Peudataty Mates of i utu-nddu

107

- The epigraph, dated A.D. 1482, records a gift of land by Savanta
Banki-arasa Hoima-Ka rnbali for offerings to the temple of Mukambika-
DevR Subject to future discoveries, we may say that this is the first
reference to this royal family in epigraphs. Tn another grant, there is
the mention of Honna-Kambali Panclarideva, who may be taken to be
a member of this family 7 * During the reign of Sadasivaraya of Vijava-
nagara, Keladi Sadasivaraya Navaka was ruling the 18 kampana r of Araga
and with his approval Bahki-arasa and Honneya-Kambali Odeya-Sahkara-
devi-Amma was protecting Muhgi.-n.adu, Kabbu-nadu and Hosa-nadu
and other countries as kanachi s in A. D. 1552, An earlier reference to
Bahki-arasa is had in a record, dated A . D . 1 550, wherein he is stated to
be ruling the same regions as mentioned above' 7 . Mukambika of Kolluru
seemed to have received a grant from the same ruler in A.D . 1560 to .
Another epigraph of A. D. 15 70 11 registers sat vamdnya grant at Holamage
in Halasu-nadu-slme to a certain Sankara-narayana Bhaffa of Basaru.ru
by Bankiyarasa Honneya-Karhbali-Odeya alias Ammidcvi-Amma. A
still another inscription of Hattiyahgacli, dated A.D. 1574, records gifts
of taxes on certain lands belonging to the temples in the villages Gulavadi
and Kudukura in the territory of Haru-nadu-sime by the same chief to
the temple of Lokanathadcva at Hattiyahgacli 12 . And this gift was
ratified by the residents of the whole of Haru-nadu in another inscription 13 .
The epigraph of A.D. 1576 of the same place 14 registers confirmation
by Bankiyarasa Hon ncy a-Kambali-Odcya alias Ammidcvi-Amma, of
the gift of land to the temple of Lokanathadcva, made by the two brothers
,Duggana-kohga and Timmappa-kohga, who had inherited it from
Honnama-seUi to whom her grand-father Hiriya Honneya-Kambali-
Odeya alias Bahki-arasa had granted the lands as kanydddna after
purchasing it from a certain Isvara-adipa. Hiriya Honneya-Kambaji-
Odeya alias Bahki-arasa mentioned in the above epigraph, may be the
same as his namesake, come across in the epigraph of A.D, 1 482 !5 , It

6 A.R. No, 403 for 1927- } 28; SJ.I. Vol. IX, Part II No, 470,

7 Topographical List II, 53, p. 852.

8 Ep.Car. Vol. VIII, Nagar 5.

9 Ep.Car. Vol. VIII, Nagar 5.

10 Topographical List II, 56, p. 852.

11 A.R. No. 564 for 1929-’30

12 Ibid. 558 for 1929-’30-

13 Ibid. 559 for 1929-30.

54 Ibid. 563 for 1929~’30.

,s Opp r Cit. Foot-note 6.

108

Studies in Tuluva History and Cultme

is clear from these epigraphs that the system of inheritance in this family
was through aUja-sanldna, Another inscription registers gift of land
belonging to the palace (called aramane-gadde ) to the temple of Lokanatha-
deva by Banki-arasa alias Honneya-Kambali 16 .

After the downfall of the Vijayanagara empire, these chiefs appear to
have been totally reduced to subjection by the Nayakas of Keladi, who
became the political successors of Vijayanagara over Tulu-nadu.

THE NAGIRE CHIEFS ( RULERS OF GfiRUSOPPE )
( 14th century A.D. — 17th century A.D. )

Introduction

It has already been discussed in Chapter II that Nagire or Gerusoppe
must have been the centre of the original Tulu-nadu and that until the
advent of the Vijayanagara rule, Tulu-nadu may' have comprised the
modern taluks of Honnavara and Bhatkala in the district of North Kanara
and also Bainduru and the northern parts of the district of South Kanara.
The early political history' of this region is wrapped in obscrurity and we
only come to know of the rulers of this line with the definite historical data
in the beginning of the 14 century A.D. The rulers of Nagire are said
to belong to the family of the Saluvas. Epigraphs inform us that the
Saluvas belong to the Soma-vamsa and Kasyapa-g5lra'.

Dr. S.U. Kamath in his Taluvas in Vijayanagara Times, attempts to
connect the royal family of the Saluvas mentioned in the Mahabharata
with the Saluvas of Nagire. Although it is not impossible that they were
inter-related, we can scarcely venture to identify the latter with the former
until we are able to throw more light on the subject. Dr. Kamath further
suggests that the imperial Saluva family of Vijayanagara must have
oriignated from the Saluva line of Nagire and that a branch might have
migrated to the Ghat region in search of fortune, reached the courts of
the Yadavas and the Hoy'salas and accepted Vaishnavism which was
popular in those courts. In the present state of our knowledge, we can
oidy say that this was probable. And before we affirm, more authentic
information is needed 1 .

** A -K - No- 561 for 1929-30.

2 V °J- V ^-’ No 207 > E P Car - VH, Sagar 163.'

Ac same manner, 'pag« 27-32 Poh>tcal Li f e in ^j^anagara. Part I, also opines m

/.:/ -v . pt-uddfoty Slates of yTulu-nadu '' 3 3. 33 .•:/.'// 10£

It deserves to be noted that from the historical emergence of this
amily of the Saluvas, '.they appeared; to have had Nagire or Gerusoppe
is their capital until A.D .1392/ the date of the death of Haiva-bupa
Haivarasa) of Nagire. Haivarasa happened to be the greatest of the
ariy Saluvas, whose kingdom extended over a considerably wide area,
:omprising Haduvalli, Nagire, Honnavara, / Chandavara, Gokarna,
lanavasi etc. After Haivarasa a division of the Nagire kingdom seemed
o have taken place with two distinct capitals, one at Nagire and another
iti Haduvalli (Sangltapura). The rulers of the kingdom of Haduvalli
yere the descendants of Sahgiraya, the son of Haivarasa: There ensured
is; a result of this division, a state of rivalry between them. The; succession
o the throne of Haduvalli was from father to son, while inheritance in
Nagire was through females (son-in-law or nephew). To this may be
iscribed the chief reason for the bitter antagonism and rivalry. dial existed
retween the Haduvalli and Nagire rulers after this political separation
.ook place. Dr. Kamath seems to have erred in not noticing the common
nigin of the Saluvas of Nagire and of Haduvajli and their subsequent
division, with the result that he has failed to identify Haivarasa of Hadu-
;alli with Haivarasa of Nagire and recognized them as separate rulers.

■ A Gerusoppe seemed to have been a very busy centre of political, com-
mercial, literary and religious life in Tulu-nadu. An epigraphs found
above the Ghats describes the city as follows : On the southern petal;
af the great lotus, Jambudvipa is the Bharata country, in which on the
eastern side of the western is the great TulUva country. //In it on the :
south bank of the Ambu river shining like Sri Pundra, is Kshcmapura
like Indra’s city with glittering towers with Jaina chaiiyas,
abodes of yogis, lines of merchants’ houses, with crowds of generous men
devoted to acts of merit, congregations of gurus and- yaiis, bands ; of poets
andischolars and innumerable bhavyas - no city in the world is so celebrated
as Gerusoppe. Another inscription refers to this city of : Gerusoppe as
the vermilion mark : of the lady of the country of Tuluva 4 . -3P333-33.

Political History

//Two inscriptions found, in the Hosa-basti of Mudabidure give us a
detailed/ account of the . genealogy of the Nagire /rulers. One of them

•A 3 Ep.Car:. Vol. Vlt; Sagar. No.' 55. ;/ A | v l\V;l ' - -- /' •' /V V : ;'/// A

// 4 . Vol. VlhNo. 207. VZ : . A;//./ .A/; -A;/ ,/• ///Ay://///:;/

110

Studies in Tiiluva History and Culture

tells us that after many kings who ruled Nagire, Honna-bupa, his ah) a
Kama-nrupa, lus brother Manga, his ahy a Haiva, his alija Manga-iaja,
lus all) a Kesava-raja, his ahya Sangama, his ahya Bhairava succeeded to
the throne of Nagire 5 Bhab ava married Manikadevi, daughter of the
Sangama His relationship with the rulers of Tiluvallipura of Kopana
of Ghandragutti may be explained as follows : Bhauava was the soil
of Lakshmidevi, sister of Sangama She married Kayapparasa
(Tayapparasa) of Chandragutti. Moreover, Nagaladevi, daughter of
Bommarasi, sister of Kavappa was also married to Bhairava Hence
the two dynasties of Nagne and Chandragutti seemed to have been
combined in Bhairava. Another epigraph of the same place gives the
genealogy of the Nagire chief as follows : Narananka, Nagananka, etc
Horma-N arendra - Kama-rupa- Mavarasa (Manga of the above epigraph)
- Haiva-Narendra - Sapta-mahipala (Manga of the above epigraph) -
Keiava-raya - Sangama - Bhairava - Immadi Bhairava - Saluva-Malla 6
This king Salm a-Malla was said to be the brother of Bhairava (Bhairava s
aunt Sankaradevi’s son) 7 . These two epigiaphs help us in the deter-
mination of the antiquity of the rulers of Nagire The terms after man)
rulers came Honna-bhupa and after many kings who followed Narananha and
Nagananka came Honna-bhupa to power are of special significance Because
these give us a clue that at least from the 12th century A.D or the

begjining of the 13th, the Saluvas of Nagire must have strongly entrenched

themselves in power

Some epigraphs of Gerusoppe edited by the Mysore Archaeological
Department give further details regarding the early rulers. Honna was
succeeded by his nephew, Kama, who had married the daughter of Horrna,
Mahyabbe*. Kama was succeeded by Manga and the records of the
next ruler, Haiva, suggest that Manga was the father-in-law of Haiva 9

As pointed out in the introduction, Haiva or Haivarasa was a powerful
ruler and his sovereignty was recognised over a considerably wide terri-
tory. He died in the year A D. 1392io It was during Haiva’s reign
that an epigraph records some grant made by Honna-setti, brother of

5 Ibid No 202

s { I Vol VII, No 207.

ctc ~ ™

io il’j Nos >08-109

Nck 169, MAR 1928, No 169

pages 13 and 14

Feudatory States of Tulu-nadu

111

Nammi-setli. To this family belonged Ramakka, wife of Ramanna-
heggade and mother of Yojana-setti. Ramanna-heggade was the son
of Sananna-dannayaka, an officer under Basavadevarasa, ruler of Banavasi
and Gokarna, whose capital was Chandrapura”. Basavarasa’s overlord
was king Haiva, ruler of the Gerusoppe kingdom. This record is -
dated A.D. 1378 and this happens to be the earliest known inscription of
Haivarasa.

Haivarsa was married to Honnabbe, daughter of Manga and Haiva’s
successor was one named Manga who had married Jakabbe, daughter
of Haiva 12 . This Manga (whom we may call Manga II) had a sister
called Tahgale whose son was Kesava who succeeded Manga II 13 .

A record of A.D. 1417 (of the cyclical year Durmukhi) wrongly
dated Saka 1300 instead of Saha 1339 mentions an invasion of Gerusoppe
by the Vijayanagara commander, Naganna-Odeya of Honnavara u .
The ruler of Nagire, Kesavadeva-Odeya is referred to as Mahamandalesvara
and is credited with the titles kaligala-mukhada-kai (hand to the faces of
the heroes). Again arikataka-surekara (plunderer of hostile forces), Siddha-
simhdsanddhisa (Lord of the throne of the Siddhas). A second Vijayanagara
invasion during the rule of Kesava is mentioned in a vlragal at Kaikani
dated A.D. 1425 IS . Here Mahamandalesvara Banappa-Odeya ruling from
Honnavara is stated to have conducted the offensive. The other record
that mentions Kesava-Odeya is dated A.D.1423 16 . It states that while
Mahamandalesvara Kesavadeva-Odeya of Nagire, grandson of Haivarasa-
Odeya marched against the kingdom of Sarigiraya-Odeya of Haduvalli }
a battle took place between the two forces at AsakeyataHra in which
Tamma-nayaka, son of Chavada-nayaka met with a heroic death in the
battle-field after destroying the enemies 17 .

> 11 Chandrapura can be identified with Chandavura of the Honnavara taluk and

not Chandragutti as suggested in M.A.R. 1928, p. 97.

12 Ibid. No. 111.

13 Kesavadeva is called Momma of Haivarasa in K.I. No. 42 and 44 of 1939— ’40

whereas in No. 45 he is known as the aliya of Haivarasa. No. 46 describes him as
the promotor of the family of Haivarasa. It becomes clear from another inscription
that Kesavadeva was the grand-son of Haivarasa (and aliya of Mahgaraja II) and
not the aliya of Haivarasa (S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 202). *

14 K.I. Vol. I, No. 34 for 1939-’40.

15 K.I. Vol. 1, No. 45 for 1939- 5 40.

16 K.I. Vol. I, No. 42 of 1939-40.

17 There is no reason why Dr. Kamath in his Tuluvas in Vijayanagara Times should
refer to both these inscriptions — K.I. No. 47 and 42 of 193 9- 5 40 as posthumous
to Kes'ava. We can, on reasonable grounds, infer that Kesavadeva-Odeya’s reign ‘
lasted until A.D. 1425 as opposed to A.D. 1420, the date suggested by Dr.Kamath.

112

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Sangiraya was the successor of Kesava and he seemed to have ruled
from A.D. 1425 to A.D . 1438. His period was marked by serious hostility
with the rulers of Haduvalli. Two important events may be recalled
during the reign period of Sangiraya' 8 . When Mahapradhana Timmanna-
Odeya, the Vijayanagara governor ruling from his capital, Honnavara
over Haiva, Tulu and Konkana-rajyas, marched against Ummara-
marakala, the chief of the hanjamana merchants, the latter left Honnavara
and settled at Kasarakodu with his followers. He then sought the assist-
ance of Mahamandalesvara Sangiraya-Odeya of Nagire requesting
him to arbitrate between himself (Ummara-marakala) and Timmanna-
Odeya. Sangiraya deputed in this affair his minister, Sarigava-KotlSvara-
nayaka, together with 1000 soldiers to Kasarakodu. Timmanna-Odeya,
on the other hand, accompanied by the muru-chavadi warriors of Honnavara
is stated to have treacherously attacked Kasarakodu and behaved roughly
with the females of the hafljamana community. Kotlsvara-nayaka
rising to the occasion opposed bravely the governor’s forces and rescued
the males and females of the haiijamanas including Ummara-marakala
conveying them to a safe place by means of ferries. In the fight that
ensued between himself and Timmanna-Odeya, Kotlsvara-nayaka fell
bravely while driving away the warriors of muru-chavadi. This event
took place in the year A . D . 1427. Another inscription, dated A.D. 1430 i5 j
states that Bhairavadeva-Odeya of Asakali, dissociated himself from
Mahamandalesvara Sahgrraya-Odeya of Nagire and joined Sangiraya
of Haduvallipura who however met his enemy along at the boundary of
Kota near Kaikani. In the battle that raged there, one Joga-nayaka
fell fighdng heroically on the side of his master Bhairavadeva-Odeya.
In the 5th section of the same record, Mahapradhana Lakkanna-Odeya
is described as participating with Sangiraya-Odeya of Nagire in a struggle
to capture Haduvalli. In the battle that was fought on the banks of a
tank there, Isara-nayaka fell fighting on the side of his master Bhairavadeva-
Odeya. It may be noted that the first battle was fought at Kaikani,
nght within the kindgom of Nagire, whereas Haduvalli was the scene
of the record. In the latter, the offensive was taken by Sangiraya of
Nagire and Mahapradhana Lakkanna-Odeya, evidently with a view to
avenging the march of Sangiraya of Haduvalli against Kaikani in their
territory on the former occasion.

Vol. I, No. 48 of 1939-40. 15 K.I. Vol. I, No. 50 of 1939-40.

% fyO; 0':V t : ^5$!;!

: i. Sariglraya of Nagire was succeeded bv Bhairava (I). -".The earlies
inscription of Bhairava. is a; hero-stone found at. ICaikani which mention
a fight between him and the Vij ayanagaraf governor of Honnavar;
Ahtappa-Odeya in A.D. 1438 20 . Another hero-stone at Haldipuiy. datcc
A . D . 1 4-54-, mentions another fight of his with Vijayanagara in which th<
warriors of Basavatia-bali are stated to have been hilled 21 . The relation
of Bhairava I with Sangiraya of Nagire have already been explained 2 ?
It was this ruler who performed panchakalyana irithe Hosa-basti of Mud a
bidure and had its. roof covered with copper-plates and made grant:
for the daily services of the deity 23 . It appears that the year A .D;l 46$
was the last date of the monarch, for in that year he, with the consen
of his brother Bhairava II and Ambiraya, made a grant to Chandranat’m
; and Parivanatha of Mudabidure. It is stated that the kings’ ailmen
iiwas fatal and the grant was made for his merit and salvation? 4 .;,

A state of fatricidal war ensued after the death of Bhairava jyfoi
{succession to the throne. Bhairava’s younger brother, Bhairava II
.was Yuvaraja during the reign of his felder • brother 25 . Both ; Bhairava; ]
and Bhairava II were sons of Lakshinldevi, the elder sister of Saiiglraye
of Nagire. He had a younger sister known as Sankaradevi, who; had ?
son called Saluva-Malla or Mallir§ya, also known as Jinadasa.j'M'ht
Mudabidure Hosa-basti inscription which was not later in date ;thar
: A.D .1462 mentions Saluva-Malla as the ruler. It also refers to Bommala-
devi as his queen and Saluvadeva, the son of his sister Mallidevi as his
; /.crown prince. (Yuvaraja). The inscription contains Saluva-Malla ’s epithei
as ariraya-gajaganda-bherunda 26 . ■ ' 1 -. /'r’/YsjsjoYypryjjj?

The civil war that ensued between Bhairava II and Saluva-Mhlla
led to the division of the kingdom of Nagire between two camps. yTlie five
rulers were administering the kingdom from two different political centres
as is evidenced by epigraphs. The Mudabidure Hosa-basti grant ol
’ Saluva-Malla speaks of him as ruling from Suvarnapuri (Honnavara) 2 7;

20 '

21

.•22

23

24

25

26
• 27

/f./. Vol. I, No. 56 of 1939-’40. . "

Descriptive List 1941-1942-62, Page;23.'--' -/;*&•’- ; jj&ii 'J. \‘V j
Opp. CUP Foot-notes ;5: and 6,. W&v.- tK J ’Y - !-v-

•S.l.I; Vol. VII, No. 202. ri YY?

M No. 203. a; r V>

s .1. /.Vol. VII, No. 207:4 yC/rify- Vf V\';Vr -y v-ri ’..VV .

This S aluva-M all a i s als o known- as vMallir §j endra . \ K.I.- Vol. I
ofl939-’40. • • " riAVNri v-yy

I, Nos. 62 & 63

114

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Another record of the same ruler mentions him as ruling over Honnavara-
rajya and this strengthens the view that Saluva-Malla was strongly
entrenched in power 28 On the other hand, Bhairava II is referred
to as ruling from Nagire in A. D. 1462 and elaborate titles are assumed
by him such as the Beloved Lord of Nagirapura, the Lord of Siddha-simhasana,
Nagirapuravm adhisvara and Immadi Bhairavesvara. From an epigraph of
A D . 1 47 1 we can learn that the state of mutual conflict between Bhairava II
and Malliraya (Saluva-Malla) continued in intensity. For, it states
that both of them were ruling from Nagire and Honnavara respectively
and were fighting between them. It further adds that Malliraya had
sought for the help of Mahamandalesvara Indradeva-Odeya of Haduvalli 29 .
Indradeva-Odeya of Haduvalli is stated to have encountered the forces
of Nagire. In the fight that ensued Bomma-nayaka, a trusted servant
of Mahamandalesvara Malliraja-Odeya and sister’s son of Sivadevati-nayaka
is said to have displayed his heroism against the enemies and attained
the heaven. It may be presumed that Malliraya must have come out
victorious in the civil war, which is attested to by the Mudabidure Hosa-
basti inscription^. Bhairava II may have died either in the war of
A D. 1471 or sometime later and Malliraya’s reign must have commenced
there-abouts 31 .

Malliraya (Mallirajendra, Saluva-Malla) was succeeded by his
nephew, Devarasa-Odeya (I). During his reign he had to encounter
the forces of the Sultans of Bidar and the responsibility of protecting his
kingdom from their aggression fell on his shoulders. An epigraph of
A. ^D. 1481^ describes an invasion of Nagire by the followers of pradhdna
csari, liana, the Sultan of Bidar as the administrator of Goa 32 He
was joined by Nizamuddm-maluk and by many ministers who marched
with an army to Midije through Goa. There a terrible battle w r as fought,
m v.inchthc brave warriors of Devarasa-Odeya encountered the Turala
forces (Mushm forces). While they were returning successfully, carrying

,, J .\ L Vol I, No 61 of 1939-’40

* Ibid

“ { Vol VII, No 207

as kmsarfoar™rdlahaima ^7^ ^“ reatc Saluya by name who etiologised Ins patron
also praises SaluvT an ^ Tnbhuvana-kuthdn-lrmqyana He

m P^ r a r 1,ra> o!l s ,. ucccssor > Devarasa I R Narasimhchar

Hut tins dmerannot be iecemL 11, P the date of poet S51uva as A D 1550

Whose reign period falls hertse 3S 3,3 ,c l’ hpnnuse he lived m the court of Malltra>a
Vol INo C2 0 r S 939 j^ C '-' n A D 1471 and ar[a A D 1494

AyA ^iufihpdyf^dies iof; Tuh-Mdii .yv./ Ay 'yyAI "if 1 15

•tlie spoilsyof the cnciiiy,::tliey ; hcarcl the nCWsThat; their masters- Gabhi-
navaka and Deva-navaka were CatStnrerb ilsr-v WrWr tKVrn..

is reasonable to believe that the success attained in thisd eadly encounter
' aga inst ; yhc ' .Mtislims greatly:: enhanced- the prestige of Devarasa. ^This
can '4be inferred from an inscription, dated A.D .1484, which records
high-sounding imperial titles for Devarasa such as the Lord of the three rdjyas,
..hand ' to slap on the face of the. warriors, destroyer of enemy camps, the titled hero
ofMaya, the Overlord of the throne of the enlightened Siddha, the moon increasmg. the
■fcem-qfpjina-samay a, the dagger to the three worlds**. Devarasa. is mentioned,
specifically ; as the subordinate .Mahamaridaleivara 'of the Vijayariagara
vi emperor/, .yirupaksharaya in this inscription. ... The culmination of his;
^pwer^as; reached in the year A.D . 1494 : when he seems to have been
:giyen;; they additional imperial epithets of Maharajadhiraja and.j Rajapafad
'dSiehardf '• which ; .testified to his independent position 34 . It was in this
;>year that Devarasa-Odeya seemed to have taken an offensive with: all
:v]Ii.s forces against Mokadumba, v the viceroy of Surita|a, ruling oven Goaf;
rajy a , who met Dcvarasa-Odcya with his army at Handinona. Bayirana-
nayaka; born at Kaikani, devoted to the house of Nagire is stated to have
marched against the enemies with all the insigni a of battle such as chinnada-
^kfkhdde : and pierced the cavalry. 'and infantry, of Mokadumba and in .thd,
tumultous fight that ensued, Bayirana lost his life. , _ y
'SivAh Salhva DevarSya (Devarasa I) must have been succeeded by One ;
of; his brothers cither Salva-Malla or Bhairavendra. It is not clear from
the epigraph, which furnishes us with this information, who the successor
was-w The epigraph belongs to the time of Devarava (T.) arid gives
"an account of the king’s of liis line and a description of Kshemapura
yor Gerusoppe. V First is mentioned the king, Bhairava (I), whose younger .
y brothers were Bhairava. .. Amba and Salva-Malla, who- though the: last;
y was the greatest. His .sister’s son was Dcvaraya (Devarasa I) 'whose
; guru was Pandita-raya. This king performed the rare and great ceremony
of the •;head-annointing of ' Gummata. . His sister’s sons, who were ins .
Luvardjas, were Salva-Malla arid Bhairava .arid hh;yras\ fiaiinjg; tit^^3miu-|
•Konk^^ and other countries.. His succession was evidently in.

ine according to the aliya-santana. of the West Coast, y.yy yAffy

-the. female line

33 A'./C Vol. lVNo. 64 of 1939-r’40: A ' A-WA - A AAyW' A
67 .of 1939^’40.4.; ;i : W-AA WWA :yy,-yyyiy y ;: :y;

.35

116

Studies in Tirfuva History and Culture

We are yet in the dark when Devarasa-Odeya’s reign ended
and that of his successor as mentioned above began. Immadi Devaraya-
Odeya happened to be the next ruler. The first mention of Immadi
Devaraya is come across in an epigraph, dated A. D. 1516, when he
seemed to have made a grant to a chaityalaya of Anantanatha 36 . He
is referred to as Mahamandalesvara, the Lord of Nagire-rajya and of Haiva,
Tulu and Konkana and other rajyas. We can definitely mark A. D. 1516
as the date ol the commencement of his reign.

Two other records of Immadi Devaraya, dated A. D. 1522, mention
an invasion of Goa and war at Madgova”. The first states that Immadi
Devaraya set out with his army against the captain of Paranga at Goa
and that Hariranayoranavaru (of Goa) engaged him in a battle. The
second also speaks of a military expedition of the same ruler against the
captain of Goa, followed by an engagement with the army of Kapitanidhara
in a battle at Madgova. The indication is that the Portuguese in Goa
were made to feel the heavy arms of Immadi Devaraya. In tire present
state of our knowledge, we can say that about circa A. D. 1523, the rule
of Immadi Devaraya must have come to an end, which inference is
buttressed by an inscription of A. D. 1523. This epigraph informs us
that Immadi Devaraya made a grant to a chaityalaya of Lakshmisvara

above the Ghats 38 . This is the last known record of Immadi Devaraya 33 .

Krisnadeva-arasa, the nephew of Immadi Devaraya succeeded to
the throne of Nagire by about A. D. 1525. The first mention of this
ruler is had in an inscription of A. D. 1530. This praises him as the
Lord of A agirepura, kaligala-mukhada-kai , Saluvara-vibhadha, Ripukulaka-
surekara, Immadi Saluva Krishnadeva-arasa. This ruler is stated to have
engaged Mahamandalesvara Gururaya-Odeya, the ruler of Haduvalji in a
battle near Nagire. In this battle, Krishnadeva-arasa is mentioned
as having overwhelmed the enemy’s forces and Gururaya-Odeya losing
his ground and seeking shelter under one Tsaradeva-nayaka. In another
epigraph of A. D. 1538, Krisnadeva-arasa is mentioned as the son of

“ A /’ Vo1 n b Part I, No 72 of 1939-’40.

Ibid. Vo 1 1, Nos. 68 & 69 of 1939-’40

38 M.A R. 1916, page 69.

Perhaps, he was hts'brother was related to Devarasa I, his predecessor.

80 K.I. Vol III, p an x> No of 1939 _, 40 _

. . .... : : ' ^ :y 'y-iFcudatoiy States o/7, V ^ : r . . . . 11'

Padmambika, sister of Devaraya (II) arid Sahgtraya*.k y The inscriptich
further states that during his reign. Narasanna-adhikari.of ^c^i-iw/?’, soi
of. Sanni-nayara installed the image of Suparisva-tirthesvara : at th
chaityalaya constructed by him at KamitndbaUra >, ^ y ?y:y';C'-

' Two other epigraphs of this ruler are important in knowing his regha.
period. The epigraph, dated A. D. 1542, found at Dharcsvara tempi
and another of A.D . 1545 found at Javalli speak of Krisnadeva-arasa
Odeya as the Lord of Nagire-Tulu-Konkana and other rajyas-n. y Th<
religious proclivities of this ruler are amply testified to by inscriptions 43
It. was during his reign that the storeyed structure of the Nandi-mantapj
in the temple of Murudesvara was constructed in A.D. 1542 by the scvei
yannis of .Vayivani-nadu. Again in the same year profuse grants - Web
made for the conduct of religious rites and rituals in the basti of Kaikaiii 44
In the year A . D . 1 54-7, he is stated to have been ruling over Nagire-rajya
Haiva, Tulu and Konkana-rajyas from his capital at Gerusoppe in th<
Tulu- country 4 *. In the existing state of our knowledge, the last dat<
:bf yMahamandalesvara Saluva Krisnadeva-arasa is A.D. 1553^.'Vy;yN<
other epigraph of this ruler has been found hitherto bearing a Jater date 47

p'M A 'new chapter in the history of Nagire may be said to have openec
on the accesion of Chennabhairadevi to the throne. The importance
of her rule is two-fold. First, she combined in her the dual ruling authority
of HaduValli and Nagire. She is stated to belong to the family ;,of :tli(
Saluvas. And to have succeeded to the throne after Saluva Krishnadeva-
afdsa, whose neice (sose) was Gheimabhairadevi 48 .' The; "hs^hnigtipt
of the title Mahamandalcsvara by her clearly reveals that she was a full-

41

./ 42

43

44

45
> 46

47

Ibid. No. 72 of 1 939-’40. The editor of the Kamafak Inscriptions has committed a-mis:
take in referring to Krishnadeva-arasa as the husband ofPadinambika (^'i/-.^ r 6]; ; I
Intro. Page XVIII and Ibid. Vol. Ill, Part No. 72 of .1 939-40). It is specifipalh
mentioned in Ep.Car. Vol. VIII, NagaiyNo. 46 thar.-Rrishnadeya-arasa was tht
son of Padmarnbika and nephew of Devaraya (II) and not the hushahdw;'fHlN'fpfr
A.R. Nos. 340 and 355 of 1932-33. : ,y'.v a. >/;

K.I. Vol. Ill, Part I, No. 173 of 1939~’40. V yT
Ibid. No. 74 of 1939-’ 40. - . \V-> T y. yyftpyyyppyyi.

Ibid. No. 79. of 1939— *40. ■ • '•/[

dvi?. No.' 113 of 1939—40, Appendix E. Gokarha, North Kanara.' y : y
' The/. ' - • ’ ’ ’ *”* -TT- ^ r- - -■>.

cou

.48

Kannada work the Kavyasara.. . He is stated to have defeated many, a scltolai
and; theologian in religious discourses at various courts of contemporary rulers
(A/p.Gar. Vol. VIII, Nagar.. Nb;:.46) Rv:.Narasiinhachar, Karnataka Kamchtintre
Part II, pp. 227-28. C ■ ':y i-i , )y yyc y p % '?£

IC.E Vol. Ill, Part I,. No. 80 of4939^40> y yyy:;.:; ;

118

Studies in Tuluva Histoiy and Culture

fledged ruler. She is referred to in inscriptions as the queen of Nagire-
Haiv a-T ul u-Konkana-rajyas 49 She appears to have succeeded to the

throne of Nagire after A D. 1553 after the death of her uncle and father-
in-law, Krishnadeva-arasa 50 . She had her capital at Sangitapura
(Haduvalh) unlike her predecessors who had their capital at Gerusoppe 51 .
This changed phenomenon can be explained in that she was, prior to her
accession to throne of Nagire, the ruler of the Haduvalli kingdom as eviden-
ced by epigraphs 52 . Two inscriptions of Bainduru, South Kanara, speak
of her catholicity m making grants to the Senesvara temple and providing
for the feeding of Brahmanas in matha s} . The famous Jaina-basti, dedicated
to Santi-tTrthankara at Gerusoppe was caused to be constructed by this
queen 54 The Vijayanagara rulers sought her aid and earned her good-
will for the purpose of importing horses through the two important ports
of Bhatakala and Honnavara, both under her jurisdiction. Second,
amongst the women rulers of Tulu-nadu, Chennabhairadevi has an
imperishable name And perhaps, we have in her the last flicker of the
Nagire chiefs in virtual independence 55 . The reign of Ghennabhaira-
devi happened to be the longest and the most eventful and glorious in the
history of the Nagire chiefs. A record of A D.1573 mentions that she
had a fight with Narasappa-Odeya of Biligi who encroached upon her
territory 56 The last record of Chennabhairadevi which particularly
mentions her as the ruler of Nagire is dated A . D . 1 598 52 . The inscription

records the construction of Tiruvengala-matha temple in the name of the
queen at Gerusoppe by Odeya Tammappa-senabliSva and the gift of
some vnttis of land for sendee in the temple. Thus, the reign of Chenna-
bhairadevi extends over a period of fortyfive years

49 F d’ Gar Vo1 VIII, Sagar, No 57, AD 1362
A r R No 1,3 of 1939-10 Appendix E Gokarna

52 n j Par ‘ If N ° 80 of I939 - >4 °. A R Nos 540 &_ 542 for 1929-’30

54 Ibid No 80

53 A R Nos 540 & 542 for 1929-’30

35 S' k"v o COnS '? erCd t0 bC 0ne ofthc best in ,he group of Gerusoppe structur.

Dr Ramcshomn«inU^f b | lai u 5de T I P ubl,shed m the BhanyaiSm in May, 196
1562 But this does ‘ r lc c 1 ,at tbe * ast date Chennabhairadevi was A I

v Her tide £ A D ra lToT® FOr ' ^raph.cal evidence

Vj Dacnplwt List 67 or 1941_’42
37 M A R 1928, No 112

. ;A; '• ; : 3 F.etidMofy' States. : gfi ''FMu-iiaM /;: 119

The following may be accepted as the genealogy of the Nagire chiefs I

; ;-Y; . ■ ; . •: \ dSaluya Narana^a, NaganaAka (folldwed by, many kings) . : ( ; ; .

K: v ? ? -‘t' ( 1 2th or 1 3th century A . D . ) Xj-y ’> ';U.hY : .;

Honua ... . _ •’ v^’v

Ahvf-.y 'it v •’■‘.'Kama (nephew)- -'T'w

'v/viy Manga- 1 (Mavarasa, brother) . . -. VrV -

Haivarsa (nephew) - ■ >. • . , ■. ' )■

Manga II (Sapta-mahipala, nephew) i

1 • Kesavadeva-arasa (nephew) • , , v .

t Sangama (Sanglraya) (nephew) >•; If

fvv. 7 Hiria Bhairava (Bhairava I) (nephew)

;:V' . Immadi Bliairva (Bhairava II) (brother) ’i

Saluva-Malla I (Malli-raya, Mallirajendra) (nephew) ..

■ v---’ ■■■ ; Saluva Devaraya (Devarasa I) (nephew) , ■ IJ.i-V'.v.,

Salva-Malla II or Bhairavendra III (nephew) ; , ■;

K--> Immadi Devaraya (Devarasa II) (nephew ?) ' .v'-.V \j V

. Saluva Krishnadevarasa-Odeya (nephew) .

Ghennabhairadevi (neice) . .. ■ . „ tvCi'rHr?

: (A.D.1533 - A.D.1598) , , ......

' > Dr. S. U. Kamath, opines in His Tuluva in Vijayanagar Times that
the relations between Ghennabhairadevi and Krishnadeva-arasa are /,
not hhown. -;i- Further, he states that Ghennabhairadevi was the Haduvajli
ruler who annexed the territory of Gerusoppe. But in the light of the
above discussion, we can safely assume that she had legitimate rights of
succession to the throne of Nagire, she being the neice of Krishnadeva-
arasa-Odeya, . : 1 1 ..

: ; () y: /•; yi i- THE, RULERS OF SA]S T GlTAPURA (H ADUVALLI) ; /. V';ty.v • i V; y ' ; £ 'l' it

^facluvalli (Paduyalfi) belonging to the district of North Kanara,-,;
just sixteen miles to the north i of. the nqrtliem-most boundary of South

120

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Kanara was a place of historical importance. As already mentioned,
under ‘Nagire Chiefs’, the rulers of Haduvalli may be said to be a collateral
branch of the Nagire family. They were known as the Saluvas belonging
to Soma-vamsa (lunar race) and Kasyapa-gotra. This can be known from
the first of the hiherto discovered dated inscriptions of this chiefsliip
(A. D. 1408) which states that Sangama-bhupa was ruling as the Maha-
mandalesvara under the name Sangiraya. He was said to be the son
of Haivarasa of Nagire by Sankamma'. This is confirmed by another
epigraph of the same date which mentions Mahamandalesvara Sangiraya
of Haduvalli as the son of Haiva-bhupa and Bhairadevi 2 . Further,
another epigraph, dated A. D. 1423, informs us that Sanga-bhupa, the
lord of Haduvalli, was the son of Haiva-bhupa of Nagire by Bhairalaram
of Venupura 3 . Still another epigraph refers to Sanglraya-Odeya as the
son of Haivarasa-Odeya of Nagire 4 . This record, dated A. D. 1415,
describes Sangiraya with the epithets kaligala mukhada kai, kataka-surekara )
husivara-siila, kaditaleya-malla, vairi-mandalikara-ganda, ekanga-vira. These
titles reveal the fact of virtual political independence of the ruler.

The state of perpetual conflict that existed between the Nagire and
Haduvalli chiefs can best be explained as born out of the historic fact
that the Nagire chiefsliip, by virtue of its predominance, desired to be
recognised as sovereign demanding the subordination of Haduvalli as a
feudatory. Moreover, there seems to be another cultural reason for
such a conflict. The succession in Nagire family was through the system
of aliya-santana and in the Haduvalli family, it was through makkala-santana
(through sons). Now, the cause of the attack of Haduvalli by Maha-
mandalesvara Kesavadeva-Odeya of Nagire in A . D . 1422 and in A . D . 1423
and by Sangiraya in A.D. 1430 can easily be understood 5 . Mahamanda-
lesvara Kesavadeva-Odeya, the ruler of Nagire, happened to be the nephew
of Sangiraya of Haduvalli and as the lord of Nagire he must have felt
that he had reasons to incorporate Haduvalli in his kingdom. The
same policy marked by hostility appears to have been followed by Sahgl-

‘ Vol I, No 38 of 1939-’40.

hiemical ^ * S most P r °bable that Sankamma and Bhairadevi must have been

ahLc 0 ,* 9 ' ^j TC ’ Veyupura may be identified with Bidaruru of the Sagar taluk
course of thi’s 3 "^ n0t Wt * 1 ^nqlabidurc of South Kanara as will be proved in the

50 of 1939-’40.

y V o/* AiAyAAT ; 121

. faya of ; Nagire \vhen he ; succeeded. Adahdmandalesvaia Kesavadeva-Odeya

to the 7 x- ^ J. ^ y^- : -^v; ^ ; V >- : V

; /%v y ;vTb e . relations between the Vij ay ana gara governors at Honnavara
and the Nagire chiefs being cordial in the beginning, they sought the
assistance of the lord of Nagire in their battle against the rulers ofHaduvaI]i-
.piis: can be inferred from one of the epigraphs 6 which mentions an
•encounter between Lakkanna-Odeya, the Vijayanagara commander who
was the governor at Honnavara and who had invaded Haduvalli with
forces, and Saiigiraya-Odeya, the lord of Nagire, offered his assist.ah.ee
to the Vijayanagara governor. • v

|r^^ah'gifaya',; 6f 'Haduvalli appears to have ruled between A . D. 1408
tand A. D . 1449. This long reign is a testimony to his ability as a ruler

d the power that he wielded. He could not have successfully challenged
the authority of the Vijayanagara governor at Honnavara in hostile
circumstances but for this power and prowess. The elaborate titles
assumed by him also testify to his power*.

v^iVilncidentally; we may refer to Dr. S. U. Kamath’s opinion put forward
^^’X^is^Tuluva'in ■ Vijayanagara Times that an elder brother of SangA
raya, Malliraya by name must have preceded Sangiraya. In proof
. of this, he quotes the inscription, dated A.D.1408 8 , saying that the parti-
cular inscription refers to the death of Malliraya, the elder brother of
■Sangirayaand the latter’s accession to the throne. But this is not so.
•yThe inscription clearly informs us that Malliraya was the younger brother
{anuja) of Sangiraya, and it does not mention anything about the succession
of Sangiraya to the throne after the death of Malliraya.. A : . 'AAA

a son and successor of Sangiraya, Indagarasa, is first mentioned:
/ in an epigraph of A . D . 1449 making a grant to the basti of Parsvanatha?, .:
We do not know, anything about this ruler. AAoA-Wyy:

Jr 6;

ibid. No. so of i939-’40. : Vy • A'

The Kannada pofet Koteivara, the' writer of the Jwandhara-Shatpadi \\ , a.'i patronised
by Sangiraya./, He calls himself the son. of the commander of Baiduiy Thammanna--
setti and the nephew of Kamanna-setti, a noble in the; coxift-of Sahgama.XyHis;’
master is -referred toi at Sangama ' of, Sahgitapnra and- - the son of Haiva-nrupa. X

1 bin TT si si f s\ tl-sl ' TTsrvii s*fi rtri ft'/* ' • T.T ' 1 fivAf ,'fb ft n tn rif ' i-U ft:' 1

122

Studies in Tuhwa History and Culture

This kmg, Indagarasa, must have been succeeded by his son, Sangi-
raya, (whom we may call Sanglraya II) We do not have direct epigra-
phical evidence for a possible son of Indagarasa, Sanglraya by name,
to have been in power But an inscription, dated A D.1491, found at
Sagar suggests this postulate 10 . It states that in the Taulava-desa, in
the celebrated Sangita-pattna, shines the king Saluvendra, son of Sangl-
raya, who was the son of the great king Indra of the ICasyapa-gotra and
Sdma-kula. Here, Indra could be identified with Indagarasa (I) His
son Sanglraya may be taken to be Sanglraya II. How long Sanglraya II
ruled is not clear. But, it may be surmised that his rule must have come
to an end by A D 1471, for in that year his son, Indradeva-Odeya is
stated to be ruling Haduvahya-rajya 11 . This Indradeva (whom wc
consider as Indagarasa II or Saluvendra II or Indra II) seems to have
been a powerful ruler as indicated by his considerably long reign from
A.D 1471 to A.D 1507. The inscription, dated A. D. 1507, refers to
the rule of Indagarasa-Odeya (II), son of Sangiraya-Odeya (II) over
Haduvalli-rajya 12 .

The editor of Ep. Car Vol VIII confuses between Indra (Indagarasa)
and Saluvendra (II) and says that they were the two sons of Indagarasa I,
ruling from different places, namely, Haduvalli and Venupura above
the Ghats respectively 13 But this is not correct From the epigraphs
wc learn that Indagarasa and Saluvendra are one and the same person
and lie is the son of Sanglraya II who does not figure in the genealogy
given by the editor. The Sagar inscription, dated A.D 1488, mentions
Saluvendra as the king of Sangltapura 14 Another inscription of the
same place, dated A D 1489, states that Sangiraya-Odcya’s son was
Indagarasa and he was in the royal city Sangltapura protecting the
Haduvalli and all other kingdoms 13 A third inscription 16 of Sagai,
dated A D 1491, specifies king Saluvendra, son of Sangiraya who was

the son of the great king, Indra, as the celebrated ruler of Sanglta-pattana

In the 1 aulavadesa, in the celebrated Sangitapattana, shines the king,

a uvendr a, son of Sanglraya, who was the son of the great king, Indra

!° {'t F a J. Yyl VIII Sagar No 164

:>f the ; Kasj’dpa-gotra ; arid iSpjnd-kulai, a moori ; to the -waters of the • occa n,
lie wonnlvof Satdcaramba and flic \w>rs hi t^nor of Tina :''Takincr-h^ Wifnrw-'t: .

as witnesses

tlie'riflaitiei^bf: ;hisvifl^o]uir^hieIi itf-3 c . . A., the king Immadi Saluvendra
won the goddess.:.;. > . . . . The dark sword- of the famous king, Immadi

Saluvendra was like ; tlie moon born river (the Narmada). L V.

His two : feet tinted with the .rays ; of the gems, in the crowns of the immortals ;
like a bed of lotuses 3 newly awakened by the sun, the ruler of Venupura,
the:; - blessed Vardhamana-Jina, may be protect the king.: Immadi
Saluveridraj the crest jewel of kings when adorned with . these and' many,
other ;titles, Sang!raya-Odeya’s : son, a pure jewel of perfection the Maha-
mahdalesvara Indagarasa-Odeya, was in the royal city, Sangitapura,
protecting Bidiru-nadu and all the other kingdoms”. In the .same ins-
cription : is ; mentioned Venupura (Biduru-nadu) as. the part and parcel
of the ) Haduvalli-rajya, jwhose sovereign was Saluvendra (II) 17 . ; For
Clarity we may reconstruct the early genealogy of the Haduvallirulers;
MVfbllo^S'-'ilrf • \ ... - * . : V ' ' W',;.h;:VV.V

V4

v 1 '• w

;K!^;'^h^i^yf;-p<.-;.vSangIraja-Odeya I (son)

'TndagarasaX (son) .

W>> i‘ ' . .

.Sanglraya II (son) . - •• -... 7. ; W' -V?.

j »-*; w).?. y r ',y u .■ '• . • ■ - •. \ . '• v „ • y y \ ^ ^ L V)

II (Iridagarasa II or Iirdra II) (son) 18

;:yy ! ; Indagarasa II;- seems to have been succeeded by his son or brother,^
■M ahamandalesvara Dcvarasa-Odeya who is stated to be governing Baiduruy
and ) other kingdoms from his capital Sangitapura. This is. testified tov;
by hn epigraph dated A.D. 1523 19 . Little is known about This ruler, j)
Devarasa-Odeya was succeeded by Gururaya-Odeya who: : was y ruling i
Bhatakala and other districts from his capital Sangitapura 20 . ;.'; Gururaya-;
Qdeya is mentioned as the son of Sangiraya-Odeya (II) in this inscription :;

Kainath endorses the opinion.' of' the editor of: the Ep. CarJ^ol. yill mid.

' Ucncc Hc has also erred in the same manner, a.uu ac ’.

124

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

of A. D. 1527. The record of A. D. 1530 mentions Mahamandalesvara
Gururaya-Odeya as the feudatory of Achyuta-raya, the Vijayanagara
emperor and as the king of Haduvalli 21 . This record further states
that Gururaya-Odeya invaded the Nagire-rajya which was governed
by Immadi Saluva Krishnadeva-Arasa-Odeya. And the two forces
of Nagire and Haduvalli met each other near Nagirc. In the battle
that followed Krishnadeva-arasa is stated to have overcome the enemy’s
forces. Gururaya-Odeya lost his ground and sought shelter under one
Isaradeva-Nayaka. We may assume that Gururaya-Odeya ruled between
A. D. 1527 and A. D. 1533, the last date of the reign period being
A.D.1533 22 .

Gururaya-Odeya’s successor was Devaraya (Devarasa-Odeya II).
No record directly connected with the rule of Devaraya is available. An
inscription of his successor (Chennadevi) alludes to his rule and calls
him Mahamandalesvara Sangilapuravaradhisa Devarasa-Odeya: 23 Likewise,
another inscription of the same place memtions Mahamandalesvara Devarasa-
Odeya being the uncle of Chennammadevi 24 . Perhaps, it may not be
unreasonable to date the reign of this ruler between A. D. 1533 and
A. D. 1542. We do not know how Devarasa-Odeya is connected with
Gururaya-Odeya.

Chennadevi (Chennammadevi), the ncice of Devarasa-Odeya (II)
is found ruling in A. D. 1542 according to the two inscriptions stated
above . This queen is introduced to us in one of the inscriptions, dated
A.D.1545, as the queen of the Vijayanagara emperor, SadaSiva-maharaya 26 -
Herein, we have, perhaps, the first record of the connections of the Hadu-
valli rulers with the imperial crown of Vijayanagara. Chennadevi
may have died at an early age, perhaps in A. D. 1546. The long span

22 ^\ V ° l m ’ Part 1 No - 71 ° r 1939-’40

of Gurue5y-’°Oqle^~ ^ This epigraph mentions VIradevi-amma as the queen

23 Ibid. No. 75 of 1939-’40.

* 4 Ibid No. 76

25 Tf ' H K ,?,i, •' °1. h °" th = ne i ce of Devarasa-Odeya (II) succeeded to the throne

this m ' no i ma y followed the system of makkala-santam arises To

Dewarasa^LTnn smcc th ? hlIsband °f Chennadevi (possibly the son of

the throne as ment ‘ onc d in a Portuguese record, the only heir to

page 252). M b ° Cheiulam madcvi (Gaspar Correa, Three Voyages of Gama, IV,

MahSn^'ddii’rn ^ °fl939— ’4-0. The Editor of K.I. erred in mentioning

page 40). Chennabhairadevi instead of Chennadevi (K.I. Vol. Ill, Part I,

. !;V , . .. ... oj; l.ulu-nadu 125 ;•

of rule (more than 50 years) enjoyed by her successor : (ChenriabHairadevi)

Krishnadevarasa-Odeya of ; Nagirc 27 . .! It may. be presumed that she
was the queen of Haduvalli until A. D . 1 553 an d the lord ; of Haduvalli
.and- N agire after A . D . 1 553, consequent upon the death of her uncle,
K rishnadevarasa-Odeya. , It has already been mentioned under the
Nagire chiefs that she had combined in her the two crowns of Haduvalli '
/and Nagire; ; •. ' ‘

^5/: We may now reconstruct the genealogy of the rulers of Haduvalli.

•d 'kavvara.s.a-Od^ oCNagvce (Ruler oCHa&xvalli aud/N&glre) ('

' - Sanglraya I (son) ;

Indagarasa I (son.)

:/'■ Sanglraya II (son)

Sajuvendra II (Indagarasa II or Indra II) (son)

- - -'ii . . .

Devarasa-Odeya I (son?)

,(r - Gururaya-Odeya (uncle?)

: v" V- i -■ =

: = Devaraya-Odeya II (son)

,

, . - VIra Chennamma (sose, neice)

. Ghenriabhairadevi (sister?)

No; 80 of1i939-’40.

126

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

GENEALOGY OF NAGIRE-HADUVALLI RULERS

1

Naraniinka, Nagananka etc followed by many rulers

•i

Honna

4

Kama (nephew)

4

Manga I (Mavarasa) (brother)

4

Haivarasa (nephew)

4

Naglre Rulers

4

Manga II (Sapta-mahipala) (nephew)

Ktiavadeva-arasa (nephew)

4

Sangama (Sanglraya) (nephew)

4

Hiriya Bhairava ((Bhauava I) (nephew)

Immadi Bhairava (brothei)

4

Saluva-Malla (Malhraya, Malhrajendra)
(nephew)

4

Saluva DCvaraya (Dcvarasa I) (nephew)

4

Salva-Malla II or Bhairavendra II (nephew)
Immadi Deva-raya (Dcvarasa II) (brother 7 )

4

Saluva Knshnadevarasa-Odeya (nephew)

(ncicc)

sister)

4

4

Haiuvalh Rulers

.4

Sangiraya I (son)

4

Indagarasa I (son)

4

Sanglraya II (son)

4

Saluvendra II .

(Indagarasa II, Indra II) (son)

Dcvarasa-Odey a I (Son ) 7

4

Gururaya-Odeya (uncle 7 )

Devarasa-Odeya II (son)

4

VIra-Chennamma (neice)

Chennabhairadevi

THE KADAMBAS OF CHANDAVARA

In the existing state of our knowledge, we may say that Chandavara
(. handavura), belonging to the Honnavara taluk of North Kanara,
came to be known in epigraphs as Ghandrapuri, perhaps, for the first

V : V%- : ; 7 Ay.' yi} IHudaipjy. Hiates oj 'IxiliiHuidw 'A.,, 7 . . Ay 7'VVA T27 : :

time; in about vA. D VI 030b a This town is, stated to ; lie ' situated by the;

.*• A. A ,V. V V’-i V- A’-, *■'*' -At r a 1 /■* At ■ <r , tt >*■ V-'4\ =•’ a :■» ■ * . A - VvA •:* * 7 - A - 1 :'Vy-: '

nagara. In one of the records, this family is referred to as the descendants
of the Kadamba kings of Sisukali in Konkana 2 . / VAvJ 'Hi

. A Kamadevarasa, -who styled himself as Kadamba-Ghakravarti ^ and
the lord of Ponnavura (Honnavara) was perhaps the earliest ruler known
to records. The first mention of this ruler occurs in an cpigrapg dated

A.D. 1079, discovered at the Ghandresvara temple, Haldipur 3 . A
number of viragals bear the name of this ruler 4 and one record specifically
halls him Mahamandalesvara Kadamba-Chakravarti KamadevarasaA. The
insihg power of this ruler is also indicated by the assumption of . the title
fimehamahasabdha, as evidenced by another epigraph 6 . ... A-A-Ayy |
”3.-h;'.:K.amadeva .must have been succeeded by one MalHdeva. andvit iisV
the earliest of his records dated A.D. 1142, that calls him the descendant
of the Kadamba rulers of Sisukali in Konkana 7 , Mallideva could 7be
.considered as a powerful ruler, whose territorial jurisdiction seemed to
have extended over Haive-500, Konkana-900, Banavasi-1200. and
fS'antalige-1000y as evidenced by the epigraph of A.D. 1143®A Yet^;it.V
is difficult to say indisputably, whether the range of actual political control
ofiMallideva was so extensive. We do not know the exact regnal years :
'l^f-fhisVruler. Perhaps, he may have ruled until A.D. 1160 for reasons .fi
shown below.

AAVy jiie next name, we come across in this dynasty, is that of Jagadevarasa A;
/ The only epigraph that enlightens us regarding Jagadevarasa comes
yfrorn the Sagar taluk of the Simoga district 9 . This inscription is found
•On. a viragal , . which describes the exploits of a hero named Holeyamma
of Nelivadi in a battle against, the king, Jagadevarasa 10 . Assigning a
period of 30 years, we may suppose that Jagadevarasa ruled upto A.D.J190
:^He seemed to have been succeeded by one Blradeva, who according tb

yVV h^V-CVr. Vol. IX Nelamarigala No, 1 Dr. B. A. Saletore’s attempt to identify this
A h>^A.Chahdrapuri , with U^upi. is purely conjectural. .. * (The Kanphatar jogis/in k\
y}fi s \.i-:;j‘-fyyiherh History — The Poona Orientialist Vol. I, p-16 (l 936^*3 7).,, . . ' AVA V
Vf 'V descriptive List; 25 of 1941- 42. p. 18. 3 Ibid. 20 of 1941-42, p. 17. ' • V

T V Hid 23, 26, 31 etc. of 1941A42. A 5 Ibid 24: of 1941-’42.y YV AyAV; AA-A'A
AAA 7^^.25:’(Vf l94l-42.VV;-7a//,''7' 7 7 ■ .7 . , 7 , Opp. Git. l?optAio*e;‘$kAA'\AVAy7VA;.AA :

• : />7. n descriptive- List, 3& of 4941-42. :' ; 7V jV/; ; 9 . M.A.R. (1930) No. 67 , p. 223, ; ; 7' y ^ •
A A . e inscription reads ~ Ghatpula Kelagana -ahwasii. Jagadcvarasana-olagagi-aixd it

AV 7 : 7^ lm ply ineans including Jagadjcvarasa, . who was the ruler (dlvarasu) below:the Ghats. 7

VAyJt may ;npt mean, that- Jagadevarasa- yv* as , the Alupa7rulcr.e J. .. r-VV;.’.-. ';;.>V7;V ; vV i y>

128

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

one of the epigraphs was ruling from Chandavara in A. ID. 1215"
Biradeva, in one of the last records of his reign, assumed the biruias-
Mahamandalesvara Kadamba-Chakravarti Tribhuvanamalla pratapa Vira ( Blra )-
devarasa and is stated to be ruling from Chandrikapuri (Chandavara)".
Excepting that he is mentioned in a couple of other records and that the
assumption of the elaborate titles could prompt to us that he was fairly
secure in regal authority, nothing else is known about him.

The next ruler in the line happens to be Kavadeva, who may be
referred to as Kamadeva II. Two records, one discovered above the
Ghats and the other below, make mention of the rule of this king between
A.D. 1219 and A.D. 1231 13 . It may be suggested that Vira-Jagadevarasa
who is mentioned in one of the Barakuru epigraphs 14 , could be the
Kadamba ruler of Chandavara and he may be the successor of Kamadeva,
Kamadeva II. This ruler assumes all the titles characteristic of the
Santara chiefs. The period from the close of the 13th century A.D.
until the establishment of the Vijayanagara rule, is virtually wrapt in
obscurity in so far as the political activities of these chiefs Were concerned.
In A.D. 1347, we hear of the defeat of the Kadamba chief of Chandavara
in the hands of Marappa, the younger brother of Harihara I, just prior
to his visit to Gokarna 15 .

An inscription of Gerusoppe, dated A.D. 1378, furnishes ns with
t ic name of another king of this dynasty, called Basavadevarasa 16 . It
states that Ramanna-hegde was the son of Somaha-dannayaka, an officer
Cr ,i asavac ^ varasa > rnlcr of Banavasi and Gokarna, whose capital was
an rapura (Chandavara). Basavadevarasa’s, overlord was king Haiva,
er o e Gerusoppe kingdom. In all probability, this was the last
known king of the kingdom of Chandavara. It is not possible to link
Kamadevarasa, come across in an inscription of Omanjuru of the
^S^orctaluk, with the Kadamba dynasty of Chandavara 17 .

; 254 “ d 269
A.R. No 465 for 1929.

or'cfa in^he1, a X?rMakk 0 Kar UCn ,V UP r 0n -‘, he defcat of the Kadamba ruIcl '

A.D. 1310 (Kadamh„ l„i? m ^, a I ur ’ A* 5 fa m.ly settled down in Chandavara m
evident, vA,£ZT~ ‘ P , P 21 9~ 3 ? 1 )- The erroneousness of snch a view is
least goes back to the 12th century'A^D ^ tilC dynast y ° r Chandavara, which at

129

Feudatory States of Tidu-nadu
DOMBA-HEGGADE OF VITTALA

An important chieftaincy of Tulu-nadu, yet very little known authen-
tically, is that of the Domba-heggade of Vittala. According to tradition
and folklore, the Vittala Rajas ruled almost independently for many
centuries. Their territory was divided into 19 mdgnes , namely," Mudnuru,
Vittala, Padnuru, Bayaru, Chipparu, Ermbu, Alake, Peruvaje, Manila,
Punacha, Kepu, Kanyana, Karopadi, Kuda-markala, Saleturu, Kula,
Vakketturu, Paivalike and Kelanadu. These maganes were provided
with 18 temples which are still under the control of the present political
descendant. The presiding deity of this state has been Panchalingesvara
i>f Vittala and this deity has also been the household god whose name
las been engraved on the signet ring of the Raja. The succession to
he throne is still governed by the matriarchal or aliya-santana system.
\t present, the state of the household of the Raja is far from satisfactory.

The origin of this family is still shrouded in obscurity. Reliance
>n tradition and mystic folk-lore may not help us much in unfolding
he real past of this dynasty characterized by certain peculiarities. A
ittle of surmise may give us a think thread of linking this family to consi-
lerable antiquity. The official title of this family is Jjomba-heggade, . The
lame Jjomba may be the short form of Kadamba. It may be recalled
a this connection that an epigraph from Bantra ascribable to the 8th-9th
enturies A.D . 1 makes mention of a Kadamba ruler. Although there
i nothing to prove that this Kadamba ruler could belong to the fiomba-
eggade family, the surmise is not totally ruled out. It may be possible
aat Kadaba may have been the capital of this Kadamba family (There
re still seen the ruins of the old palace and fort at Kadaba. The name
.adaba may be the corrupt form of Kadamba). The Domba-heggades
i -tlie course of historical vicissitudes may have shifted to Vittala.

> The name Vittala is interesting. Prima facie, it looks as though it
dates to god' Vittala. But, 'the derivation must be ascribed to Isktaka,
kind of Vedic sacrifice which seemed to have been performed for curing
ie disease that afflicted the member of "the Domba-heggade family,
s the result of the performance of this yajna or yaga, the place acquired
lc name Ishtakdpura A In due- course of time, this name got corrupt
to Vittala.

i

■A.R, No. 351 for 1930-’31.

2 A.R. No. 18 for 1930-’3r. -

$

.r t

130

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

The earliest epigraph that makes mention of the member of this
ruling family is dated A. D. 1436k It states that a golden pinnacle was
set up over the temple of Panchalingadeva at Ishtakapura by Mundi
Siddasekha, ally a of Eyena-svami, son of Kunchanna-sekha alias Domba-
heggade on behalf of Mani-maiduna, ally a of Kinyanna-kava alias Domba-
vergade for curing the disease afflicting the latter. The next epigraph,
dated A. D. 1571, states that Kumnidevarasa alias Domba-heggade of
Vittala set the water-trough for cows to secure merit. It is almost clear
from this epigraph that by A. D. 1581 the name Ishtakapura got trans-
formed into Vittala.

The inscription on the copper-plate containing the finial belonging
to the Delanta-bettu Vishnumtirti temple 3 4 mentions that Narasimha
Knshnapparasa alias Dombi-heggade, ally a of Parthampadi Narasimharasa
alias Dombi-heggade caused the renovation of the temple followed by
the purificatory' ceremony {samprokshane) and set up the kalasa (finial)
in A D.1734. The same epigraph contains the information that the
golden finial was offered to the Delanta-bettu-deva by' Kinyanna-kava
alias jPoia-heggade. It also contains Saka year 1798 (A.D. 1876).

Another epigraph from the Panchalingesvara temple, Vittala of the
year Pramoduta, Vrischika 1, Sunday states that the balipitha in the temple
was the gift of Manjana-setti of Kukke 5 .

It is clear from these inscriptions that the sy'stem of inheritance in
this line has been through aliya-santana and that the name Domba-heggade
relates to the official title. Perhaps, in the 18th century, A.D. jQoniba
became jpombi giving room for the interpretation that the Vittala ruling
house was at the head of the rebels.

Vittala came under the Ikkeri Nayakas, as can be seen from the fact
that a Heggade of Vittala concluded a peace in 1608 A.D. with the Ikker 1
Nayaka, Vehkatappa Nayaka, fixing the actual amount of tribute to be
paid to him 6 . When Vehkatappa died on the 10th of November, 1629,
he was succeeded by his grandson, Virabhadra Navaka, a dissipated youth
of 20, it was under this new' king that South Kanara revolted against
Ikkeri and Vittala too was one of the rebels. Authorities are not lacking
to prove this. Two documents contained in the Portuguese Government
Archives at Panjirn are of special importance in this respect. The first

3 Ibid.

Read and copied by me.

5 A R No 4 for I945-’46

6 Aigal’s Ilihdsa, p 303

,'yK> IFeiidaioy ' States: 'of'^ : : yyV' 7/- ; , y . ; 13 1

that “as this V enkatapanaique had in his life time captured many land?
belonging to other neighbouring kings, after , his death all these petty
chiefs have risen against the 'kingdom of this: V enkatapanaique 7 .” The
next document, being a letter of L.de Souza de Menezcs from Barcellof,
dated the 16th of January, 1630, goes further and gives a list of all the
rebels against V enkatappa Nayaka; among the names of the different
ballajas and kings and queens of Kanara comes that of “the balala of
Vittala.” > “All the aforementioned kings, queens and balalas have cons-

pired and formed an alliance against the said Virabadar Naique .and all
harass him with war, that each one of them might recover and keep what
was once his own and which had been unjustly wrested from them by
iK^gv-Venkatappa, Naique .... King Virabadar Naique is no; longer
master of anything below the Ghats 8 .” This recovery of independence
by . Vittala does not seem to liavc been a permanent one, for there are
qmtmices of the suzerainty of : Ikkeri over Vittala. .. . ; t ;

7777:Thcstateof Vittala under the domination of the Ikkeri Nayakas
(who hater on became Bediiorc kings) does not seem to have been very
happy. : “Most of the petty chiefs had long since been deprived of al]
authority and confounded with the mass of the people, and that even
the three more ; important polygars or Rajahs of Kumbla, Vittal, and
Nileshwar had been under the Bednore government, mere hereditary
managers of the districts 9 .” In an inscription of A. D. 1719 it is stated
; that the Iieggadc of Vittala was taken in chains to the Ikkeri palace for
: noh-payrnent of tribute ; that he was released by the financial aid of one
: ;Nirvana-setti and that this favour was gratefully; remunerated by the
[Heggade with, the grant of lands m Chandappadi, Kadu-matha and
yNarkala 1 ” • y/- . ' 7 V; : '• ■ , • - ;i ; ' ; v ••

. : There is another. inscription recently discovered in theBayaru temple,
which is. ' dated ; A . D . 1721 n , ''-and Which . reads : ' Svati Sri . Jayabyudaya
Z.&alivahana Sdkd varusha : 1 643 neyd vartamdnakke saluva 1 73 Vde. phasali ' Plata
nama samv'atsarada Kumbha y mdsadalli 18 hoddu Gutuvard divasa Viifdada

...: ■ -: ? Panjrn ■■Archives, Moneoes Do Reino No. 1 2. ; Folios 448-449 translated by Rev.
W - Fr, Herds ih tHe^^Expahsioii of y^at^ppalNayaltaCbf

lf74S2^xbid-: V- -* Cr fc ^ ' X ^

-Mpnge’sRefiphllS^S-X^^t qx f IT

Aigal’s Ilihasq p.362.V . {•; - U : Read and copied by me. A pppp % .y74:;77. : f 7

132 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Srimaladeviyara putrarada Narasimha-arasardda fiombi-heggadejara aliya Chen-
namma-deviyara putrarada Pandyapparasarada Dombi-heggadeyuaru Bdyd.ru Pan-
chalingadevara devasthana jirnodhara madisi tamma mavajiyavara hesaralli madisida
kalasa ( kalasa ?). It gives the name of the Heggade as Pandyapparasa
alias Dombi-heggade who renovated the temple in the name of his uncle.
From the literary point of view, the language of the inscription is high-

flown and metaphoric.

In A. D. 1727 a beautiful silver vessel was presented to the temple of
Vittala hy an heir-apparent Nandappa, and it is still extant 12 . On it
is inscribed Svali Sri Salivahana Saka varusha 1649 ne vartamdnakkc salva Plavanga

ndma samvalsarada Maga suddha 7 Bhdnuvdradallu Vittalada Sri Panchalinga
devara divya sri-charanaravindakke Parthampadi simhasanastharada .Narasimhama-
rada J)ombi-heggadeyara aliya Nandapparasara bhakti srL We can gather

from the above that the Heggades were r

egular rulers with a throne at

Parthampadi.

More important than this is the stone inscription of A. D. 1730,
written on the occasion of the visit of the Vidhyadhiraja of Udupi
Srimal Panchalingesvara Parvati- Vinayaka devara bhakti yuktarada Chautara
paksha dordanda vidakaya Hanumadvajankita Saiva-Vaishnava sadarana deva-
Brahmana bhaktiyuktarada Parthampadi simhasanastharada sale-baliya Vittalada
devarasara paulrarada Rangandlharasara putrarada Jiarasimha-arasara alijanada
Narasimha Sri Krishnapparasara anujarada Narasiriiha-arasaradd £)omba-heggade-

yavaru barasi kotta bhusvasti dana-patte.

It tells us that the Heggades belonged to a family known by the
name of sale {ball) that they were the strong allies of the Chautas, that
the insignia on their State flag was the monkey-god, Hanuman, that
they were equally favourable to both the religious sects, the Saivitcs and
the Vaishnavites, and that they were great devotees of Brahmins, d’hc
conclusion which we can finally draw from this historical record is that
the Heggades of Vittala were actual Rajas with all the regal signs. This
theory can be supported by the fact that some of the customs observed
by the Rajas nowadays look like the remnants of royal ceremonies, such
as the worship of arms on Sivaratri day, and the carrying of the Heggade
in a palanquin with other honours of royalty on the day of the local car-
festival; when a new Heggade takes charge of his possessions, the unique
ceremony of coronation is also observed in the Vitla Mudnur temple.

Read and copied by me

13 Read and copied by me.

AttA The inscription of A ' D > 1 744 14 was put up ■ during the repairs of the A
temple that are said to have been conducted under the influence of Bcdnore
kings . Sri Jaybbyudaya nripa Sdlivdhana Saka varuslm 'I666tieya Rudirodgari
; sa mvalsarada - iKa rtika Sukravara :• 10 neya Chandravaradalli sri Panchalingesvara
Parvali-Vinayaka devara bhakiiyuktarada Chauiara-pakshd dordanda mra-samyd-l:
pratdpa Hanumadhajankita Saiva- Vaishnava sdddrana, deva-Brahmane chancjiala :
; f bKaktiyuktardda Parthampadi simhasanasthardda sale-valiya Viltaldda Rdngdtiqtkq-
arasara bhagineyarada Narasiihharasara aliyandarada Panday apparasaru Kurtiarara- ;
sam i Krishnapparasaru Kasi-yatre madida Sankarasara anujarada Narasunhararasa-
: rada Domba-heggadcyaru Sri Panchalingesvara-devara sannidhiyalli nandi-mantapada
krtmndam loha-mantapavu nirmisi dhvajamarakke silapanchaiiga katlisi Panchina.

‘. pltka tamrada kolave muchisi mile Basdvesvarana Pralishthe mddisi bhaktiyindd’.
■ vappisida sevc. , ;A ■: v \

•:r?r : s",-;This epigraph states that the metallic mantapq in front of the ■ nahdi -, ;
inanlapa was erected in the presence of Sri Pahchalingesvara-deva By
Pandyapparasa, nephew of Narasimharasa who was the nephew of
Ranganatha-arasa of Vittala, beloging to the sdle-bali and was the
} occupant of the throne of Parthampadi, Kamarasa, Krishn apparhsa
rand Narasimharasa alias, Domba-hcggade, brother of Sahkarasa ■ who 0
Ah ad. conducted a pilgrimage to Banaras (Kasi). It further records that ;
Aafter the construction of the mantapa , the flag-mast of the temple received
a stone pedestal and metallic covering (copper-plate) and that a nattdi
A^as installed on its top. The importance of this epigraph is many fold; First, :

it tells us that the ruler • of Vittala belonged to the sdle-bali and the f
:J .inheritance is through ally a- santana. Secondly, the practice of covering the 3
flag-mast with copper-plates is vindicated in this epigraph. Thirdly, the
y Raja of Vittala is stated to be honouring both Saivism and Vaishnavisrii;

• also said to belong to the political party of the Chautas. - : A A.’ V;

It VViAll tHesei inscriptions suggest that the ruling Heggq.de was always.

' Narasimha-arasu. . ' A •. .A.,. y\h.'}yy:p

• . ; :r The closing decades of the eighteenth century mark a definite turn
i ;.in the. history of Vittala ; here ends the first period,., the : period which A
has nothing else than . as its authority, besides, the series of inscriptions ,
A; quoted above. These , include practically all the “sources., of history’ 5
/ • that are available .; in Vittala. . .... For the” sake of completeness, we ' may

•• quote here another record, lately discovered, winch is available for , us :

A 14 Read, and copied by me. t •• •

134

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

on the stone parapet of the steps of the Kepu temple 15 . It bean the
signature of one Krishnappa-arasu, but does not contribute anything
else towards history' ; anyhow it is apparent that he claimed very' high-
sounding titles, like “the descendant of Visvamitra, the destroyer of the
enemies”, etc.

With the beginning of the nineteenth century', we land on a nev
stage in the history of Vittala. It is for the first time that the Heggadu
come in contact with the Mohamadan rulers of Mysore and with the
East India Company. “A collection of Treaties, Engagements of import-
ance relating to the British Affairs in Madras”, edited by W. Logan,
and the ‘Tours” of Buchanan, serve as the chief sources for this period
The new period is a period of wars.

The Rajas of Vittala continued to be the heriditary proteges of the
Bednore government, till Hyder Ali carried his victorious arms even
to this secluded comer of South Kanara; he dispossessed the family of the
rulers, but soon after, restored them when the Heggade, Mariappa-arasu,
consented to embrace Islam. In A. D. 1765 Hyder increased the rent,
which the Heggades had been paying to the Ikkeri rulers, by 50 per cent
and had it transferred to himself. This nominal settlement only served
as a prelude to the renewal of hostilities in A.D. 1768; when Hyder Ali
drove Achutha-heggade from Vittala for assisting the English. The
fugitive king took shelter under the English at Tellicherry, as a pensioner
of the Company, and drew a yearly grant of a 1 00 rupees. “Vittal Heggade
joined the fortunes of the English in the wars with Mysore in 1768 and
m 1 780 A . D . was admitted to pensions by the Company. Being left out
0 lc ^ CSS |^ of Malabar the Bombay Government settled on him a pension
s. 00 . Though continuing as a refugee under the English^ he made
occasiona incursions into his hereditary provinces. On one such occasion
' )> Tippu, who had succeeded Hyder, captured him in Vittala

and beheaded him, to the great terror of the other members of the House
w io took refuge in their palace at Ermbu. Tippu then cruelly set fire
to the mam palace of the Rajas at Vittala. Tradition has it that the
palace which was thus cruelly destroyed, had been an ancient stnicturc,
, none can flx the exact date when it was built; perhaps, it was

- lose early years when Vittala was colonized by' the Rajas. The

w vfTi d > an ^ C0 P‘ cd b Y me.

“a ar Joint Commissioner’s Report, 11-10-1 793, p 146.

135

Feudatory States of Tulu-mdu

\ palace with its courtyard occupied a space not less than a furlong square,
a considerable portion of the area being taken up by the courtyard itself.
The ruins of the edifice are still visible near the present house of the Raja,
but are very meagre. A stone doorway with its massive slabs, a huge
stone-cut trough, the carved steps leading up to the courtyard, and an
hexagonal bulwark - are the only visible signs of the old palace. A very
, special feature of the ruins is the existence of a number of wells which
are still in good order; for such wells arc on the very foundations of the
< mansion. But for these scanty remains, the location of the palace would
, be very difficult for a stranger: so complete was its destruction.

Though Achutha-hcggade was beheaded, his heirs continued to be
Under the protection of the Company in Tellicherry. In the diary of the
Telli cherry factory wc read a note signed by Robert Taylor and Co.,
which gives the circumstances of increase of the Heggade" s pension in
A. D. 1792 - “Whereas the Raja of Vittal Heggade, having for many
years past been attached to the interests of the Honourable Company,
and received a pension from them of 100 rupees per month, having exerted
himself in the late war with Tippoo Sultan, and whereas Major-General
" Abercromby having thought proper to increase the pension of Kumbla
Raja to 200 rupees per month, the General’s proceeding to Bombay at a

t

a time when the Raja Vittala Heggade was absent on his own concerns,
which prevented his representing to General Abercromby his claim to
an equal indulgence, but which he has since represented to us, the chief
and the factors of Tellicherry, and we being convinced of justness thereof,
and willing to give him every assistance in our power, laid the same before
W. G. Farmer Esq. and Major Alexander Dow, who were well-pleased

- to permit of our putting the Raja of Vittal Heggade on the same foodng
as Kumbla Raja. In consequence whereof we do hereby declare that

, the Raja of Vittal Heggade is to be paid 200 rupees monthly by the,
Honourable Company to commence from the 1st May 1792 17 .”

In grateful recognition of their protection, the Rajas of Vittala gave
active assistance to the English during the final wars with Tippu, as a
matter of fact, there is still a tradition in the House that some of the regular
, troops of the English in the First and Second Mysore wars were the direct
contributions of the Vittala Heggade. s In return for this help, safety of

- person and property was secured to the Raja by the English as a result

17 Logan, pp. 150-151.

136

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

of the 8 tli article of the Treaty of Srirangapatam, which reads: “The
Polygars and Zamindars of this country, who, in the course of the present
war, have attached themselves and been serviceable to the allies, shall
not on that account, in any shape or manner, be molested or injured
by Tippoo Sultan 18 .”

It was in one of these years of chaos that the famous looting of the
Manjesvara temple by the Heggade took place. The cause of this is
variously surmised. According to the English, it is the love of ‘plunder’
(as Sturroch calls it) 19 on the part of the Heggade. But a more thorough
examination into the actual relations between the temple and the Raja
may give us the real cause. From very early times the temple had been
paying tribute to the Domba-heggade. There are still some documents
extant, dating A.D 1653, A. D. 1655, and A. D. 1677, which record
the purchase of several of the leaselands of the Heggade, by the temple,
thus undertaking to pay the dues entailed. During the wars of Hyder
and Tippu, the priests of Manjesvara ceased to make these payments,
being at a loss to know to which of the two-the English or Tippu - would
the lands finally pass. It was to recover these pending dues, and also
to add up to his half-famished purse that the Heggade marched from
Tellichcrry to Manjesvara at the head of his men in A.D . 1 799. Having
secured the riches and ornaments of the temple, he walked off to Tellicherry
During the looting, it is said that there was much of improper desecration
on the part of hrs retinue.

Naturally, this sacrilegious plunder aroused the indignation of the
inhabitants, who complained to Captain Munro, the Collector of the
District. On being called to account for the plunder of the Manjesvara
temple, after he had been informed that all hostilities with Mysore had
ceased, the Heggade fled from Tellicherry on the 15th of December 1799,
and joined his nephew at Vittala with a party of about 150 armed followers
which he proceeded to strengthen with as many recruits as he could raise
Captain Munro considered that one of his objects was to induce the
Government to make over to him the management of Vittala and as his
success in such an attempt would at once have led to the revival of a
number of similar long extinguished claims in every part of Kanara, he
considered it necessary' to call on Colonel Hart, the Officer commanding
tie Province, to proceed against him without delay as a rebel, stating

18 Ibid pp 142-146 1 9 Ibxd p 80

Feudatory States of Tulu-nadu

137

at the same time that as the inhabitants of the district \yere mainly peaceful
Brahmins and Bants who had no attachment for the Heggade, a small
force would be sufficient to deal with him 20 . 55 Thus runs Sturrock’s
narration of the circumstances which led to the hostility between the
Heggade and the government, and it amounts to a frank confession of
the oral motives of the latter in picking a quarrel with the former. It
is doubtful whether the claim put forward by the Heggade was really
“long-extinguished. 55 Anyhow, it was not merely a sympathy with
the aggrieved at Manjesvara, that prompted the activities of the English.
It was because Captain Munro “considered that one of his ( Heggade' s )
objects was to induce the government to make over to him the manage-
ment of Vittala” or in other words, because the Captain was unwilling
to recognize the rights of the Heggade to his heritage, and because this
precedent would lead to the revival of similar claims all over Kanara,
that he directed his efforts to the removal of this thorn in the side of the
English, this Heggade , we can confidently say that the land-grabbing
policy of the government was at the root of the whole matter. Hence
the procedure against the Heggade “as a rebel.”

In the meantime the Vittala Raja “had for almost a year been able
to skulk about. . . . well-equipped with 80 muskets from Mouse 21 .” The
actual struggle can best be narrated in the words of Sturrock himself.
“On the 7th of May Subba Rao, (The rebel of Coimbatore) who had
by this time allied himself with the Vittal Heggade, attacked the temple
at Uppinangadi, in which the Tahasildar of Kadaba was holding his
office. The Tahasildar escaped by crossing the river in the dark, and
several Potails, who were there at the time, also got away. Subba Rao
then marched on Bantwal, winch he plundered and afterwards took up
his quarters at Puttur and began to collect the revenue. By this time
Captain Munro had raised a body of 200 armed peons and placed them
under the orders of Kumara Heggade of Dharmasthala, one of the Potails
of Bantwal. Kumara Heggade marched against Subba Rao and defeated
Mm on the 11th, but himself was shot through the arm. The Tahasildar
of Kadaba then took charge of the peons and pursued the rebels towards
the Sisila Ghats, where he dispersed them on the 1 7th with the loss of 40
or 50 men. In the beginning of July, the Tahasildar defeated the Vittal

r v

2t * SoutH Kanara Manual, pp. 80-81.

, 21 Buchanan , p. 46,

138 Studies in Tuhiia History and Culture

Heggade at Vittal, and made prisoners of nine members of bis family
includirg his nephew. "With this event the country settled peacefully^.' 1
It is a fact of great local importance that two of the prisoners, one
of whom -vs as the ruling Heggade Bhadrayya, were hanged. The rest
of the prisoners were kept m confinement at Telli cherry. The first pen-
sioner Ramavarma-arasu was imprisioned in the St. Edward Island on a
maintenance of Rs 200. He w as, however, released in his old age. and
was, along with his nephew Narasimha-raja, brought back to Vittala 23 .

The setdement of the land after the rebellion, was a very easy task
for the English. All the estates of the House W’ere WTested from the clai-
mants, leaving only their private property 7 in their hands, the pension
of Rs. 200 which had been bestow’ed on the political prisoner was increased
in 1804 to Rs. 501-9-5 per mensem, w’hich amount u T as 20 per cent of the
net revenue of the previous possessions of the House.

An exquisite portrait of the second Pensioner Narasimha-raja II,
who died in 1856-’57, is still among the relics of the House. He w'as suc-
ceeded by his sister Doddamma-arasu who died in 1896. It is of great
interest to see a certificate of merit of Queen Victoria to her “in recognition
of the fidelity and loyalty' of her family 7 to Government.”

At present Vittala bears the quiet demeanour of a peaceful country
town. The Raja Ravivarma-Narasimha-arasu, die present pensioner,
is a respectable gendeman, He has earned a name for “his charity 7 ,
his uprightness, and his zeal in promoting the spread of education in
South Kanara.”

OTHER MINOR CHIEFSHIPS
The Binnanis of Marpadi

Marpadi is a village near Mudabidure. Alaru in Tulu means an
extensive field; perhaps, a setdement around this extensive field came
to be called Marpadi. Although we are not able to gather much infor-
mation about the Binnani ruling family of this region, we have a fen'
epigraphs that relate to them and their role under the service of the Ajdas
of Enuru.

“ South Kanara Manual, pp 80-8!
13 Aigal's Ihhaia, p 365

: t” ; .: ; v::C* i X*' ' 1 : !ir« ; - - V ve.'

f The Afar da \Madda) - heggade of Kapu ■ Y % v/d. / ; h pjy . i.dd iA: ; T' ; dy/df; p-C

Kapu was one of the seals of mcdievah chieftaincy and the . chief of
ftliis kingdom whs known as Marda-heggade^. We do not know when
this chieftaincy emerged into semi-independent power, but thc : fact that
it enjoyed a certain degree of political power is borne by a few epigraphs.

Kapu is referred to as stana in an epigraph found near the tank of
y$ri Krishna temple, Udipi dated A.D.1475 2 . Stana or sthana' could
i/mean capital or kingdom. This epigraph is record of a political contract
of mutual defence and assistance amongst the chieftains of four nadus
'• (kingdoms), namely, Kunda-heggade of Yelluru, Kinnika-heggade of
Yelihje,. Mardda heggade, of Kapu and the Chautas of Ycradu-nadu.
d Another epigraph of A. D. 1500 from Kapu 3 records a similar political
f agreement between Kunda-heggade of Y elluru sthana and Tirumalarasa alias
Mada (Obviously Marda)-hegga de of Kapu sthana. A third inscription from
the same place 4 relates to the reign of the sukha-rajya (prosperous kingdom)
of Tirumalarasa alias Mada heggade. This epigraph is of Dundubhi-
rjsamodt assignable to A. D. 1503. Another member of the royal; family
is mentioned in another epigraph from Kapu 5 which relates to the pros-
perous rule {sukha-rajya) of Ganapana Savanta alias Madda-heggade
j durihg Vihari-samvat which is assignable to the year A.D . 1541. ; A copper-,
y plate inscription which is secured by me anew 6 is most informative in
regard to the history of this kingdom (rdjya). It is dated Saha 1479
■’(•(expired) \Nala-samval, corresponding to the year A.D. 1558 and refers
dtp the kingdom as Kdpina-rajya ruled over by Ganapana Savanta. There
/ is also the mention of Tirumalarasa alias Madda-heggade, who, perhaps,:
was the uncle . of Ganapana Savanta alias Madda-heggade and who must
• have transferred all ruling authority to his nephew owing to old age.

/ This copper-plate record gives us the unique titles assumed by the chief
"/.of ' Kdpina-rdjya -.y Tulunddiriaikamini mukha-kdmala tilakeya-mdnanda sidda,
y prasiddar kdpi simhdsanddayachaldhkarana taruna Iverana prakdsdrum akasaruin
-d .many a raj any a sahasaganadarya vlrya: sanryadudurya gambMrya nayavinaya satya

; ; , 1 The place name Kapu occurs in epigraphs as far back as the 8th century A.D.
•/• ; {S.I.lv Voi. VII No. 279). • : / : d d /"•• d : r.-.y -fY -\rr. d dW'y/, ; y C

';/r Vol. VII No. 304'. >. '• -d ' //•• •' • '•''dd : \;d s^vA-V-v-v/ -d- ''Wwdi

:•; / 3 ibid. No. 273. ' ./• . -K> d-d" .>•/•;;/ : ■/■/■v s ./ :: ,, y,*:-.. : r •. /w ■

;’•/•;■;•/ 4 Bii No. 275.:. d:d x; d" . W i /id; d •//•;• -/Wd'd'd d-v.'/O'/ W-> ;.a4v / v

:d / ; 5 S$j: Yol:/yil No. 276. ' ■/ ve >' vdd d d/ddd'y.:./: Ayy/Ydd

py Vy y 6 A detailed description of this copper-plate record is given under . pA Mote; on Primary;

140

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

rdj)dnanla gum gam nulena ratnabharana gana kiranadyativa bhavatadi sahala
surana purusharumappa Tirumalarasarada Madda-heggadeyavaru avara nalinavam
Ganapana Saiantaru Kdphia-rdj) avani pralipalisulirdda kaladallu. These titles
clearly signify the decline of the Vijayanagara control over the feudatories
of Tuluva and the increasing independence of the feudatory chiefs. The
chief Ganapana Savanta alias Madda-hcggde is refered to as the tilaka
of the lotus-like face of the lady of Tuju-nadu, and he is said to occupy
the thronc-fsmhdsana) of Kapu -rajya with all the meritorious attributes
of a sovericgn. We do not have a regular record of the extent of this
kingdom; but tradition has it that this kingdom comprised seven grama t.

The Maramma-heggade of Terurnala

Yerumala, belonging to the present Udipi Taluk, was a centre of
considerable political activity. The chief of Yerumala -rajya was popu-
larly known as Maramma-heggade. Perhaps, his kingdom was the smallest
comprising only' two gramas ( Bada and Tonka), but this chief commanded
considerable respect and exercised reasonable influence on the chiefs
of his neighbouring territories. An epigraph from the Janardana temple,
Yermala, dated A.D. 1402 7 , speaks of the grant made to the temple with
the consent of Maramma-vcrgade of Yerumala and others. One Tiru-
malarasa alias Madamba (Maramma)-heggade is referred to in other
epigraph of the same place 8 .

There arc instances of this chief being the witness to political agree-
ment of mutual defence and help concluded by other chiefs 7 . This
chief must have come to power during the Vijayanagara times.

The. chief ^ clluru was called Kunda-heggade. We come to know
of this chiefin the 15th century A.D. His kingdom was known as Yclluru-
sime or mdgane. Lord Visvanatha was his state diety. The name of Kunda-
eggade is come across in a number of epigraphs 10 either as one of the
signatories to political compacts or as witness to such agreements. He

was a local chieftain of considerable influence in the history of the present
Udipi taluk.

Nandahke enjoyed a respectable position in Tulu-nadu because
o the import ance of the Siri daivagalu (two of the most popular female

I s ,, 1 ; 1 Vo >- VII No. 270.

* Ibid No 269.

.o ffj vVvttm 21 ^ 2 -, 215 9 ’ appendix A
s 1.1. Vol VII Not 273 & 304. A. JR. N<

No 3 J 9 for 1927-28

Feudatory Sidles of Tulu-nadu 141:.

‘rlpAils’ known as These hrercome Across in cpi-' J

graphs as Nandatike DaivagalidK - : KFit0kku~pergade /of . tliis ^chieftaincy A
seemed to have been of the sa .c status as of Yclluru or Kapu. We obtain
meagre information of his activities. d.'' v ''Y : / : A vf'A A^AAA'AAf ; A ; AAA:
;V;4’- Mudaradi of the \Karkala taluk witnessed during the . Vijayanagara 4
period the rise of an Jieggade chieftancy known as the Savantas. y TheyA-
seemed to have been related to the Chautas of Mudabidure;/ (Puttige) A
It was one Amnna Savanta-heggade who made giftsto Chandraprablia-svami A
of Tribhuvana-Chudamani of Mudabidure in A . D .4461 12 . A' AAAAAJAA

Estmale of the Feudatorj Stoics _ . aAAAAA-'AAAA

.■ AA- As already explained, the various feudatory states, that made up
■the Tulu country had a continuous flow of political existence from about ...
the 12th century A.D. until the advent of the British. These 'states ; :'
twere very often mutually repellent and warring against one ; anptherp A.
hut not to such an extent as to put the position of the adversary to geopajdy . A:
i-This; phenomenon may be explained as the direct result of thedltippsitiont-V
of imperial authority by the Vijayanagara emperors through the govemors .- 4;
of B&rakuru and Mahgaluru. The continued hold of these chiefs over.A'
; their respective chiefdoms for centuries facilitated ease of political orga-
nisation which led to political and social stability. The spread of Jaina
culture throughout Tulu-nadu was in no small measure due to these
^various ruling families, which were devoted to Jainism. But we unm&tbkaAA
blv find a compromise between Jainism and Hinduism, but we; unnusta- ;;4
kabjy find a compromise between Jainism and Hinduism, both of which .h
seemed to have flourished side by side without religious fanaticism; and Ay
; rancour. ‘ - * ' A . . : . ' A

4 Vol. VII No- 273.

CHAPTER IX

[

ADMINISTRATION

Introduction

In general principles, the pattern of administration set up in Tulu-
nadu by the Alupas, later expanded and strengthened by the governors
of Barakuru and Mangaluru-rajyas, does not very much differ from that
of the rest of Karnataka. As already stated in the earlier chapters, the
Karnataka suzerains - the Chalukyas of Badami, the Rashtrakutas and
the Chalukyas of Kalyani - who claimed paramountcy over Tulu-nadu,
never attempted to superimpose their administration, over the existing
one in Tuluva with the result that in local administration, custom ( Katlalc ),
social and historical precedence played a vital role. The outstanding
mark of local administration, perhaps, reflected the veracity of Tuluva
polity. The chief political phenomenon was the continued prevalence
of centrifugal forces leading naturally to regionalism.

Tulu-nadu was a conglomeration of several mutually independent
and quite often, repellent political units (states) from the earliest times
of its recorded history. Even though the Alupas had an unbroken political
record of about 700 years, very often, they had to be content with their
overlordship nominally recognised by the various feudatories of Tuluva,
who established theii direct and effective control over their respective
jurisdictions. Each of the principalities had its own traditions, which
it preserved and developed. Each had its own emblem and insigma

A systematic study of the administrative and economic institutions,
during the period under purview, is a desideratum in the history of Tulu-
nadu. From the epigraphical material available to us we may coordinate
the information under four heads, namely :

(1) Administrative divisions of Tulu-nadu.

(2) Administrative machinery under the Alupas and duiing
Vijayanagara times.

Adminishation . 1 [3

: ^(3);^CiOGa;l ■' Sdir^

% ! 0jf ;Law'A Justice /ancbTolideV

divisions 5 of tulu - nadu:' -A A A®
yUnderthe Alupas (A . D . 600 - A . D . 1336) - . -

In. the present state of our knowledge, it is rather difficult to decide
in. .finality what the administrative divisions were during the early period,
the ; Alupas.: Three terms were used in the epigraphs, perhaps,' delating
! |>.it^darger xaivisipiis - rqjya, vishaya and nattu (nadu). An inscription of
.Waddarse? of the Udipi taluk, South Kanara, of about the 7th centui'y
: A .-D . speaks of the administration (mudtime) of nattu of one Gundanna,' a
^trusted servant; of Kandavarma in the kingdom (rajya) of Srimatu Aluvarasaf:
j/The same epigraph mentions Paduvaliya-nadu and the nattu mudime of
.-^PaduvaH; v- On Of the Udayavara inscriptions 2 of the 8th century A . D .
Ainehtioris the mudime of Boygavarma during the reign of the Alupa
|v^ng, .®rithyi-sagara. The inscription of Barakuru 3 , South Kanara,

: belonging to the reign of Bankiyalupendra, dated about A . D . 1050,
prefers tp: Tulu-vishaya, whose identification is made elsewhere. Evidently..
itM%^¥ : connptes:.the meaning ‘a territory, a district or a territorial division.;

analogous to a nadu*. An epigraph, dated A. D. 1281, of the time of
c^ira.Ballala III speaks of a grant made with the consent of eradu kola balis,
kynadu and nakhara 5 . Mention may be made of Kulayi-nadu 6 , that occurs
“ ; in the epigraph of the 15th century A JD., which stands in confirmation
^of%; ;^stem '.'of -nadu during -the period of the Alupa rule. Vira-KulasekharA
y Alupehdra entrusted the kingdom of Mogaru-nadu to his ally a (nephew)

; > Bafikideva 7 . A The injunction that the dharma should be maintained by
the arasu-(kmg)-:nddu (the people of a nadu) and nakhara (merchant guil d)

AA.® .4. it No. 296 for 1931-32. • This is the earliest datable epigraph of the whole
AAfv of Tuju-nadu and oh palaeographical grounds, it is assigned to the 7th century A. D.

Kandavarma, mentioned in this epigraph, may be thc_ same_ as
V : A : his namesake, come across in the Koppa inscription of about A. D .675, in which
:^A:;?:;>.h:hisvshcbhd- rham6. is mentioned. Aluvarasat Gunasagara dvitiyanamadheyhh ;

Ep^Car: Vol. VI, Koppa 38. . ' A A v ‘ V A. A-A AAVA'A AA- V

^■: : ^yZp-lnd. V6[.IK p. 21. - AA1A;A<

AA® *5' A/v Voi. vit No.; 314. A. A.-.- aA-A AAAAa AAA- A AAAaaAA

'.B. A. Saletore - h'oczhf a??rf Po/hzV«/ Life of Vijajanagara Empire y Yol. II ph466;Vc\G. A

;i : ; •• ; y|s^^ ;; ;yoi > : . 213 ; A- A : AA ; A:.- ; • A .A*v-g;A AA' ' AA. A A- AA v : AfA

A .^hffNo. Vy--v V;::;: M ANAA "• y * -w : -; AG; AAAA ; A A.' G

7 Ibid. No. 185.

144

Studies in Tuluva Histoiy and Culture

almost conclusively proves that nadu , as an administrative division, did
exist during the Alupa times 8 . Epigraphically, therefore, the terms -
rajya, vishaya and nadu represent the larger political (administrative) units,
in which the first seems wider in jurisdiction than the other one.

The extent of a rajya was not fixed Sometimes, it stood for a smaller
sub-division but almost independent, which is evidenced by a few epi-
graphs. The inscription near the Gommata statue in the village 9 of
Enuru, dated A D.1118, bears the name Sevyagellaru and perhaps Ills
rajya known as Punjalike (Pujalke) indicates an example of early smaller
and subordinate kingdom under the headmanship of chieftains. An
undated epigraph of Talkod 10 , Honnavara of North Kanara, records
the rule of one Bankiyanna-arasa (a scion of the Alupas) as the admini-
stering division of Nurumbada (a group of hundred villages constituting a
rajya). The epigraph of Vaddarse”, Udipi taluk, South Kanara, dated
A D.1296, records the reign of Oddamaraya Piidiivf-vallabha over
Oddarase-rajya. This rajya was undoubtedly a small subdivision of
Tulu-nadu, comprising some villages.

Grama and uru were the basic units of administration. It may reason-
ably be argued that the country was divided into nadus and the nadus ,
in turn, subdivided into grama and uru 12 . That the gramas and urns
were important and that they held considerable power in local administra-
tion arc corroborated by a number of epigraphs.

Under the Vijayanagara Rule (A . D . 1 336 - A . D . 1 600)

During the Vijayanagara times, administration in Tuju-nadu appears
to have been perfected and the machinery enlarged. The administrative
divisions that are referred to in the inscriptions are : desa, rajya, mandate,
sthala, sthala-nadu, sime, nadu, magane, grama, uru, chdvadi and gullu. Very
o ten the terms desa, rajya, mandala, sthala and nadu are employed in the
same sense. It is, therefore, necessary to examine the context in which
they are used. A few instances may be cited here.

8 Ibid No 314, Circa A D. 1070

9 S I I Vol VII No 258

10 K.I Vol III No 43.

11 A R. No 295 for 1931— ’32

2 Indw hv f Un v lns hamlcts <° constitute bigger units (villages, gramas ) ma> be
Pannirnam , "f m “ a8 . Mururu-grama, Nalkuru, A.duru, Pannirpal]. etc
un on £tweirr?T d T an *" 8Cn Pt>on of Barakuru, dated A D. 1155, could be
No 3 76 T Th f ' a “ let ? Th,s vllla S e is known as HanchaU, S.I I Vol. VII
rule lh systcm became more rvidely marked under the Vijayanagara

Administration

145

The whole of the Tulu country is variously mentioned as Tulu-desa,
Tulu-rajya, Tulu-mandala or Tulu-nadu. But a small sub-division of
the Tulu country, inhabited by a section of the populace, was also called
desa, as in the case of Mudilara-desa, in the Udipi taluk, South Kanara 13 .
An inscription of Hemmadi' 4 , Goondapur taluk, South Kanara, states
that the consent of the people of urn desa had been obtained for the record.
Here desa signifies an area just wider than uru or grama. Another epigraph 15
< records the grant made with the entire consent of Belampali uru desa in
the Udipi taluk. Bailuru, part of the North Kanara district, not bigger
than a nadu, is mentioned as Bailuru-desa 16 .

For the convenience of administration, the Tulu country was divided
into provinces called rdjyas , the most important of which were Barakuru
and Mangaluru-rajyas, each put in charge of a governor, invariably
called Odeya. Sometimes both the provinces were kept in charge of one
governor who had his capital either at Barakuru or Maiigaluru 17 . Another
variation is also found in inscriptions. The Barakuru-rajya used to be
called Tulu-rajya sometimes - Barakura-Tulu-rajya 18 . This suggests the
importance of Barakuru as the centrifugal force of Tuluva. An inscription
ofKukke Subramanya of the Puttur taluk, South Kanara, dated A. D. 1387
refers to the whole country as Tulu-mandala’?. The general term nadu
which stands for a sub-division of a country (comprising a number of
gramas ) is also employed to name the country as a whole Tulu-nadu.

A province iydjya) is simultaneously referred to as sthala. Here
sthala does not simply signify a locality not the capital. It seems to repre-
sent a province. Bachappa-Odeya was ruling over Mangaluru-sthala
in 1407 A.D . 20 Likewise, is mentioned Mangaluru-sthala in an epigraph
of Hosa-basti, Mudabidure, South Kanara 21 . Another inscription of
the same place, dated A.D. 1472, designates Barakuru province as the
Baraku ru-sthala 22 . But a sthala could also be a smaller sub-division

“ ~sTJ. Vol. VII No. 209.

14 A.R. No. 356 for 1930-’31.

| 5 Ibid. No. 590 for 1929-’30.

’ 6 K.L Part I No. 53.

17 A.R. 334 for 1930-’31; 349 for 1930- 5 31 ; 346 for 1930-’31.

T I. Vol. VII Nos. 194, 318 etc.

18 S.I I. Vol. VII Nos. 309, 311, 342, 344, 351, 355/ A R No. 508 for 1928- , 29;
A.R. No.^ 406 for 1928; A. R. No. 263 for 1931 -’32; S I 1. Vol. IX P?rt II No. 459.

’ 9 M.A.R. for 1943 No. 46.
f S.I. I. Vol. VII No. 211.

” Ibid. Nos. 196 and 198.

‘ 2 Ibid Ho. 198.

146

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

of a rajya (province) as indicated in an epigraph” which mentions Bidi-
reya-sthala belonging to Mangaluru-rajya In an inscription of Puttige
of the Karkala taluk, South Kanara, dated 1390 A.D. 24 , reference
is made to Bidircya-sthala, which was administered by Manjanna-adhikari,
when Mangarasa-Odeya was governing Mangaluru-rajya. The same
sense seems to be conveyed by the name Karakala-stha]a-nadu 2S , come
across in the Manipura inscription of the Udipi taluk, South Kanara,
dated A. D. 1407. That the slhala stood for a sub-division of a province
is also attested to by another inscription 26 of A.D 1406, which refers to
Kukke-grama, belonging to the Kadaba-sthala of Mangaluru-rajya.
Sometimes, a guttu (sub-division of a grama ) is also mentioned as slhala 21
(grant of lands in the sthala of Marakata, a guttu of Mijaru magane). A
copper-plate inscription, dated A D.1559, records the grant of land
called Kalukeliya-sthaja with village of Gadehalli, as brahmasva-devasva
village to one Kesava Bhatta 2 ®. Here sthala simply means a place, a
portion of a village. Therefore, the interpretation given by Dr. B A.
Saletore and Dr. T. V. Mahalingam in connection with the term sthala
does not appear to be wholly correct 29 .

Perhaps, it was in the division called nadu that the greatest integrating
factors of local administration, could be seen. A nadu was a sub-division
of a province {rajya) and in its capacity as a self-governing unit of admini-
stration, it was a rajya by itself, as suggested by the names — Mugarunadma-
rajya 30 ; Kadaba-nadu, Kadaba-nyya 13 ; Bayiduru-nadu, Bayiduru-
rajya 11 etc. An inscription of Enuru, dated A.D. 1537, speaks of Aruvada-
rajya (obviously a nadu) ruled by Mahamandalika Sdmanatha, son of Honam-
madevi 33 . Such was Punjalikeya-rajya of Enuru belonging to the
Karkala talu k, South Kanara 34 . It is in no way clear from the epigraphs

23 Ibid No 229
M S I I. Vol VII No 229
25 A.R. No 339 for 1931-’32

- 6 M. A R for 1943, No 47 p 147
21 S I I. Vol VII No 210
” A.R. No 20 for 1940— *41 Appendix A

- BA Saletore - S FIVE Vol lip 459 Sthala - a spot, site or place, a portion
ot land comprising several fields

T V Mahalingam - A S L. V P p. 182. Next to sime came the slhala which
made up of a few villages
30 5 / / Vo! VII No 185

n XT° ctn r° r 1 929— ’30 ; A.R No 346 for 1930-31
, A.R No 540 for 1929-’30
” S JJ Vol. VII No 256
Ibid Nos 255 and 257.

xiuituiusiruuun

Ml

what exactly was the extent of a nadu and We may surmise that it comprised
villages, ranging between a few gramas and a revenue division almost
co-extensive with the modern taluk, as evidenced by Karakala sthala-nadu,
Banga-nadu etc.

The most important of the nadus that occur in epigraphs arc given
below 35 .

Mugaru-nadu, Kulai-nadu, Koda-nadu, Khande-nadu, Salike-nadu,
Chikkamalige-nadu, Nandalikeya-nadu, Karakala-nadu-sthala, Kantarada
nadu, Udayangala-nadu, Bandampali-nadu, Nalvattu-nadu, Bahga-nadu,
Tifugadi-nadu, Kadaba-nadu, Halasu-nadu, Bayidura-nadu, UppU-
gundada-nadu, Kela-nadu, Padukone-nadu, Haru-nadu, Mungi-nadu
from the district of South Kanara.

Nagire, Haduvali, Kayikani, l Manki, Bhatlkala (Bhattakala) and
Sirali - nadus of the district of North Kanara.

The administrative division vishaya is rarely come across in Tulu-nadu.
Two hero stones in Barakuru, assignable to the 11th century A.D., refer
to Tulu-vishaya which signifies the meaning Tulu country 36 . The other
reference to it is in the epigraph of Kaikani, North Kanara district, dated
A.D. 141 7 37 . It states that the vishaya of Kaikani, which was rich in
natural scenery and noted for Jaina population {bhavyas) belonged to the
Tu}u country ( desa ). Here vishaya may be taken into account as a nadu ,
as another epigraph refers to the same place as Kaikani nadu 3 *.

Nadu and sime could be treated as synonymous in the extent and
description of political boundaries. Halasu-vzafifo is mentioned as a sime
and likewise Barakuru-rfrae 39 . Keravase of the Karkala taluk, South
Kanara, is mentioned as a sime, meaning a nadu , virtually a rajya where
the Bhairarasa-Odeyas sometimes ruled 40 . The nadu or rajya of the
Bahgas is referred to as the sime of the Bahgas 41 . Puttige-dAe of the
Karkala taluk 42 and the simes of Yelluru and Yermala of the Udipi taluk

35

36

37

38

39

40

41

42

The list is prepared based on the following sources ;

5.1.1. Vol. VII & JX parts I & II; K.I. Vols. I and III Part I; and the un-
published inscriptions in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Mysore.

5.1.1. Vol. VII Nos. 327 and 328.

£•/. Vol. I No. 41.

Ibid. No. 48.

A.R. No. 564 for 1929- ! 30; S.I.I. Vol. VII No. 364.
f -A No. 529 for 1928-’29. A.D . 1522.
ibid No. 529.

ATI. Vol. VII No 228

148

Studies m Tuluva History and Culture

arc very often mentioned in epigraphs 43 . Elaturu-rime 44 belonged to
the Mangalore taluk, South Kanara. Broadly, we may accept the defi-
nition that a union of a number of gramas constituted a sime. It looks
as though the term sfhdna is simultaneously used to denote a sime as in the
case of Puttig c-rim c, Puttige-r/Zia/ia; Yelluru-rime, Yelluru-r/fiana; Aikala-
sime, Aikala-slhana etc 45 . Kapu, a sime, is mentioned as a st liana in another
epigraph 46 of the Udipi taluk, recording a political contract.

The exact jurisdiction of a magane is not precisely known. Most
probably it was part of a nadu or sime. We come across this division as
an administrative unit, rather late in the Vijayanagara period, as is,
evidenced by the Enuru and Mudabidure inscriptions, which mention
Punjala and Mijaru-roagonw 47 . The village Gunavanti was in the Manki-
magane ,s . But in the inscription of Balpa of the Puttur taluk, South Kanara,
dated A. D. 1562, gives a wider meaning to this term magani 49 . It states
that Sadasharaya received Mahgaluru-nyj a as magani from Mahamanda-
lesiara Alija Ramaraya. It looks as though in this special context die
term magani represents the meaning that is analogous to a gift. But it
becomes fairly certain drat it is not in tiiis sense the term magane is used
in the sub-division of a nadu. That a magane was a sub-division of a sime
{nadu) is borne by another epigraph which records the gift of land b)
Satavale Ballala of Maravodi-grdma in Kelada-mo^ane, a sub-division of
Achila-mne 50 .

We next come across the term chavadi in epigraphs. The term
literally means a hall, a court or an office 51 . But it appears that a chavadi
symbolised in it the significance of the entire province or nadu , whcie die
assembly of the province met. Hence, the importance of Barakuru-
chasadi 52 . The Kaikani inscription, dated A. D. 1427, mentions the

43 Ibid .Vo 324.

S.I.I. Vol. IX Part II, No. 408 A. D. 1364.

45 S.I.r : Vol. VII No. 228.

* N '°' 273^ These stkdnas may be said to be analogous to the pilkat.as or throne 5
that occur ICannada epigraphy.

47 Ibid Nos. 252 & 210.

48 K.I Vol I No. 59 of 1940-’41 T. V. Mahalingam - A. S. Lire under

Vijayanagara p. 182.

" 4. R. No 343 for 1930-’31.

ft jW * 2 for 1940- 41 Appendix A. It is difficult to agree with Dr. S. U-
wamath, who in his thesis Tuluva in Vijqyaragara Tunes concludes that the mgan'

„ , c * unit as the sime or the nadu.

Xittcl p. 604.

- A.R, No 284 for 1936-’37; S./.I. Vol. VIII No 315.

Administration

149

three phavadis of Honnaura 53 . The chavadi assembly generally met to
xesolve disputes that could not be settled on the gmrna level. The term
vichatada-chavadi appears to be known.

Grama and ufu have been the age-old basic units of administration
and Tulu-radu is no exception to it. An Urn in the first instance, must
have been the habitat of a number of families ( okkalus and hulas) and a
few of them put together comprised a grama. But regarding the size of a
grama , there is no definite infori ation and it can only be said that it varied
in accordance with circumstances. Sivalli-gram of the Udipi taluk,
South Kanara, is stated to be a union of a number of urns namely - Nidum-
bura, Mudila, Banninja, Kodavuru, Chaguri, Bayiluru etc 54 . Ghitrapadi
is said to belong to Kota -grama and similarly, Nalkuru belonged to the
Kanyana -grama, part of Rajadi 55 , It is obvious that a grama was composed
of a certain number of hamlets (unis) and it may not be merely a hamlet
as Dr. Saletore opines 56 . The exact relation between sime, grama , uru
and kula is discernible clearly in one of the epigraphs which says that the
gift was made from out of the honnu paid by the kula of the Ghitrapayi uru
of the Kota-grama belonging to the Barakuru-hme 57 .

It may be proper to turn our attention to another sub-division, which
though in the strictest sense, could better be regarded an economic unit,
has something significant to do with political administration. It is called
the guttu. The epigraphical reference to gullus comes rather late. A
village or grama seemed to have had one to four guttus 5S . M. Ganapathi
Rao Algal in his Ilihasa has mentioned the important guttus in many of
the gramas®. A guttu may be defined as a manor-house with properties
surrounding it and certain privileges enjoyed by it. We may venture
to connect the guttu of Tulu-nadu with the guttage of the Kannada inscript-
ions 66 . The guttcdar being the holder of the manor was the person res-
ponsible for the payment of revenue to the royal treasury, as fixed in acor-

33 K.I. Vol. I No. 48.

54 S.I.l. Vol. VII No. 299.

55 Ibid No. 364; A.R. No. 359 for 1930-’31.

56 B. A. Saletore - S. P. L. V.E. Vol. II, p. 438.

37 S.I.l. Vol. VII No. 364.

58 Traditionally, guttus are normally four in number in a grama and are known as
giama-guttus. Exceptionally they may be as many as eight in number.

59 Aigal’s Ilibdsa pp. 382 to 423.

’ B. A. Saletore - S. P. L. V. E. Vol. II p. 438 - Guile, guttige, gullti, guttigai K. Tam,

150 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

accordance with the lease or system of farming out the revenue. This
may be taken as symbolic of the medieval feudal system, although the
practice of sub-infeudation was never involved in it. The gulledar was
also expected to raise a lev}' of men at times of war for his leigelord.
Biliyanturu-g«//M, Bagilarasara-gu/fi/, Marakata-g«i/», Kuntada-g«//«,
Ananta - bhandari-gut/u, Mulakantu-ga/tu etc., are some of the references
that occur in epigraphs 61 . Another name is Vaseya-bettina-guda re-
ferred to in A.D . 1545 62 .

A grama seemed to have been divided into a peculiar kind of admini-
strative unit called adhivasa , which perhaps was important from the point
of view of both administration and religion. Its explanation and role
will be given presently.

The system of reserving crown-lands whose revenue in its entirety
was appropriated to the royal treasury appears to have been in vogue
during the Vijayanagara times. This land was known as the bhandara-
sthala. The following are a few examples :

(1) Kandavura belonging to the bhandara-sthala of the aramane 63 .

(2) Hattiyakuduru-grawa referred to as bhandara-sthala M .

(3) Hiriuru, the bhandara-sthala of Barakuru-ratya 65 .

(4) Uppugunda-grama, the aramane bhandara-sthala 66 .

(5) Udayangala-nada referred to as bhandara-sthala'’ 7 .

An inscription of Vira-Kulasekhara, dated A.D.1388 68 , registers
a gift to the temple of Durga-Bhagavati by the residents of the village
and the temple servants. Prince Pratapa Bukka-raya was said to be
governing Niruvara (Nilavara of the Udipi taluk) pahehami. We do not
know what the status of pahehami was in the administrative divisions. It
may be suggested that Niruvara-jta/irAami could be a group of five villages
making up Niruvara. An epigraph of Peraduru, Udipi taluk, South
Kanara, dated A.D. 1406 registers a gift, derived from the village Belanji
in the venleya of Kanyana of Barakuru-nadu, made by the king 69 . We

61 Ep.Ind. Vot VIIII ; S.I.J. Vol. VII No 210; A. It. No. 74 for 1939-MO.

61 S 1. 1. Vol. No 248

63 A R No 423 for 1928. A.D. 1506.

64 Ibid No. 422.

63 Ibid No. 503 for 1928-’29. A D. 1519

66 Ibid No 487. A.D. 1536.

67 7WKo. 501. A.D. 1519,

6 * Ibid No 497.

69 Ibid No 283 for 1936-’37

Administration y# v 151

'who equates yi«/fe with vishaya axid and with kottam™. It could

simply mean The general meaning ‘town’ ' (venthe-pete). <:;■ ;i A 5'

--'A 'Raiva " Desa — Manrlalii - — \ T\i 5 rl n i *\'j

Mandala

. , . , j-- —

Rajya-Sthala

i

Rajya-Na^u-Slme-Vishaya-Sthana

_

Magan-Deesa

~ i .

Grama-uru

Guttu

1

1

Okkalu, Kula Adhivasa

Bhandara-sthala (crown-land)

U.V^yV'/ THE MACHINERY OF ADMINISTRATION. ; .ivy'

Under the A [upas '

jSyliyTlie. Ahipa inscriptions furnish us with the names of the following
;officialsy who for all intents and purposes, constituted the bureaucracy'.; ;
(hO central administration. Regarding the precise nature of the duties y ;
performed by these officials, there may be differences of opinion. For it '
is difficult to say that there was a clear cut demarcation of powers of these :
officials. There are indications of powers, overlapping one another, which
was, perhaps, common until the advent of modern times. / .

'The king, the Mahapradhana, the Pradhana , the Dandanayakap the
Samaiithd; Pradhanas, the Adhikaris, the Heggades , the Purdhitas and the
’i^haftora-niyogis .' comprised the central machinery of administration. . Much i
; explanation does not seem, necessary to dilate upon, the nature of their fun-
yctions, for all these officials had a similar role to play in the pattern of
: South Indian administration, with varying degrees of emphasis indifferent
• : r egioris. i The king 'stood at the apex of the bureaucratic . pyramid and he •.

was undoubtedly assisted by the Pradhanas (ministers), amongst whom
l; was & Addhapradhama .(as the title, would show, he must be the chief ;

~(A & S. Life of Vijqyamgara, p. 1 82^

152

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

of tlic council of the Pradhanas). The assembly of the king was known as
Oddolaga or olaga P. The court which was known as Mogasdle of the
Bhuvanasraya had councillors from all over the state, who were called the
Sdmaniha-Pradhdnas and Nada-Samastv-Piadhanas. The Samanta - Pradhanas
■were, perhaps, none other than the chieftains themselves, representing
their rdjyas in the court of the Alupas. {Samanta originally meant a neigh-
bour, later came to mean a subordinate ruler). The Ndda-Samasta-
Pradhdnas were - Heggades ( Pergades ), Ballalas, Adhikdris, Madhyastas, Sena-
boim etc. The court of Vira-Pandyadevalpendra comprised aliya Bariki-
deva, maiduna Oddamadeva, Ballavergade, ministers and purohitas 12 .
Another epigraph describes the court of Soyidevalupendra as comprising:
Bankidevarasa of a particular (Dattalvara?) bali, Samanta-Pradhanas,
destptirushas, eradu Kola-balis, bahattara-niyogis and others 73 . The court
assembly of Ballamaliadevi consisted of the following important personages:
Dattalvara -b a\iya Baiikideva, Udupara (Uduvara?) - baliya Narasimha-
heggade, Mahapradhana Somanna-senabhova, Bammu-senabhova, Kumara
Bijjamna-arasa, Mahapradhana Peruna-senabhova, desipurttshas etc 74 .

Next to the king, was the office of the Mahapradhana, who held a
very venerable position in the court. A number of epigraphs focus atten-
tion on this office. Mahapradhana Narasimha-heggade is mentioned in
the Kuttupadi inscription of Bankideva-Alupa 75 . Another epigraph
of the 12th century A.D. 76 , found at Beluvai of the Karkala taluk, South
Kanara, records a grant of gift to the Kantesvarada-deva by the Maha-
pradhana Arasti-heggade, along with others, during the reign of Pandya
Chakravarti Pandya deva. The Mahapradhana of Chikkayi-Tayi was
of the rank of a Dannayaka (Vaijappa-dannayaka) 77 . While normally
admitting that the Mahapradhana was the head of the council of ministers,
it may not be wrong to infer that the title Mahapradhana was of the highest
rank in the state bureaucracy and it need not necessarily connote chief
ministership. In proof of this inference, we may take notice of the epigraph

71 S I 1. Vo! VII Nos. 177, 185, 274, 345 et<
name of the king’s palace

72 -4 t{ No. 480 for 1928-’29 A D.1255.

73 S.I.I Vol. VII No. 354.

74 A R No 336 for 1931— ’32.

75 Ibid No 569 for 1929-’30

76 S 1. 1 Vol. VII No 237.

BhuvanrVraja was (he celebrated

Administration

153

of BaUamahadevi, dated A.D. 1 28 1 78 , which mentions two Mahapradhanas
in the court - Mahapradhana Somanna-senabhova and Mahapradhana
Peruna-scnabhova. Another inscription 79 seems to separate the roles
of the chief minister and of the Mahapradhana.

Epigraphical records give an insight into the council of ministers,
who helped the king in the governance of the kingdom. All these are
together referred to as the Pradhanas in records. It is difficult to say how
many ministers composed the council of ministers. “Though the Mini-
sterial Council had a continuous existence in South India during the period
under study, it is difficult to form any idea about its numerical strength,
equally difficult is it to get any correct knowledge about the exact function
of a minister in the administration, whether his duties were deliberative
and directive only or they included executive functions also and whether
besides holding the portfolio of a particular department as Minister, he
was in the administrative charge or control of one or more other depart-
ments 80 .” One epigraph of the time of Ballamahadevi 81 speaks of the
Pahcha-pradhanas. It records the approval by the queen of a gift of a
garden and a house by Nidamburaya to Sankara Bhatta to enable the
latter to provide five hdnes of rice for offerings to god Markaridesvara
on the occasion of masa-sankramatias. It states that while giving audience
to her palace at Barahakanyapura, the five Piadhanas were also present.
We may suppose that the queen’s council of ministers was constituted
by five Pradhanas. The Sirali inscription of Soyidevarasa 82 dated
A.D. 1331 refers to the ministry of Vaijapa-Sahani and the administration
of Ajanna. Another record 83 mentions the ministry of Ajanna-Sahani
in A.D. 1334. These instances prove the existence of a regular system
of ministerial rule for the entire kingdom and also the important role
played by the Mahapradhana and the official called the adhikari.

The most popular and widely employed official was the adhikari ,
whose function was to be in charge of a department or section of admini-
stration. The Alupa epigraphs frequently make mention of the two
important bodies, which adorned the royal court. These were the two

— - f t

78 A.R. No. 336 for 1931-’32.

79 S.l.I. Vol. VII No. 312

.so V. Mahalingam — South Indian Polity, p. 108.

81 A.R. No. 257 for 1931— *32. A .p. 1288.

82 K.J. Vol. Ill, Part I, No. 44 - Vaijapa Sahaniya pradhanikeyallu Ajanna adhikdradalu.

83 S.l.I. Vol. VII, No. 312 - Srimanu-mahapradhanam Vaijappa-dannayakani Ajjamna
Sahaniyara pradhdhikeyalli.

1 51 -

Sludics in Tuluva History and Culture

kola-baits ( eradu kola-bali) u and the seventy two niyogis (bahattara-niyogigalu) K
A detailed explanation of the term - eradu-kola-bali - is given under the
chapter - Society and Social Structure and suffice it to say, that the two
kola-balis represented the two divisions of the armed forces. It looks as
though the chief weapon with which they fought tvas the stick, in the
use of which they attained amazing skill. The bahattara - niyogis were,
perhaps, the seventy two classes of attendants on the king. W e do not
know whether this figure used in the epigraphs of Tulu-nadu only as a
conventional term or the seventy two attendants were actually in sendee
(These bdhattara- niyogis arc referred to quite frequently in Karnataka
inscriptions also). Anyway, the possibilities are not remote. In the
Dharmanatha Parana of Bahubali 86 , we arc given tire correct meaning
conveyed by this term - bahattara - niyogis. When the king’s daughter,
the story nanates, w'as sent along with her husband, the bahattara-niyogis
consisting of wavers of fans, carriers of betel-chest, holders of mirror etc.
were appointed and given to her as baluvali. The grandeur of the Alupa
court is evidenced by the presence of these officials, who were supposed
to be always in service.

The role of the Dandanayaka {Dannayaka) in the heirarchy of officials
becomes more marked wdth. the contact of the Alupas and the Hoysalas i.e.,
towards the close of the 13th century A . D . An epigraph of Vira-Pandya-
devalpendra 87 mentions a Dandanayaka whose name is lost. The Danda-
nayaka is evidently the commander of the army. The other mention
is Mahapradhana Vaijappa-dannayaka, who was in service of the queen,
Chikkayi-Tayi 88 . We are not able to say who used to be at the head
of the army earlier than this period, for epigraphs do not enlighten us
in any way. Although records are scanty in referring to other officials, it
may not be unreasonable to tliink that there must have been the account-
ants; the store-keepers; the door-keepers; officers-in-charge of the house
hold etc. {Senabovas, Kotharis, Praliharis, Manevergades etc.)

84 S.l.l Vol VII. Nos. 185, 218, 274 & 354.

85 Ibid Nos 274 & 354.

86 Dhaimandtha Pttrana of Bahubali, Ch. 12-composed in A, D . 1352 - Balui altydgi
tanna magalappa Sringiiravalidevi podasopantu kunchada - adapada - da<.akinii - hannadya-
bSnada - pariyanada - padigada - pmugeya palaiumterada. Bahaltara-mjoma, kamtmnha-
mam rmamisi.

87 .1 R. No. 325 for !952-’53.

Administration

155

B. Under the' Vijayanagara Rule

The importance of Tulu-nadu under tire Vijayanagara kings is seen
not only from the fact that it formed one of the most well known provinces
of the entire empire, but also from the fact that sometimes it included
Hayiga and Konkana 89 . Tiiis permanent interest of the Vijayanagara
sovereigns in Tuluva was both for the purposes of defence and trade and
commerce. Tuluva provided to them the best opportunity to have
trading contacts with the West. It was for this reason that the best men
were appointed as governors for the two provinces into which Tuluva
was normally divided. These governors were invariably high dignitories
of the empire. They were either of the rank of Mahapradhanas or of Maha-
dandanayakas, or of Dannayakas. They seemed to have enjoyed salutory
powers in regard to the safety and tranquility of the country; but their
rule could hardly be arbitrary in view of the fact that the local admini-
stration had the tradition of long-standing existence.

The governor had his court and assembly at the capital - Barakuru,
Mahgaluru or Honnavara. And was assisted by the Pradhanas, the Adhi-
haris, the bahattara-niyogis , the halaru (perhaps a body of municipal
councillors), the nakhara and the nadu, in various aspects of administration.
Apart from the above bodies and officials, three more had the privilege
of being present in the court. They were the kdla-balis , the ballalus and
the yelames , Reference to a few epigraphs may be given to have a correct
appraisal of the court and assembly of the governor in sitting. One of
the Barakuru inscriptions 90 , dated A. D. 1399, of the regime of Mahapra-
dhdna Nagarasa-Odeya seems to fix the boundaries and regulations {mere
matin katlale) of Tulu-rajya in consultation with the following : The sixteen
settikaras of the ten keris of Barakuru, the 770 e lames, the hanjamana halaru,
the Tolahas, the Mudilas and the Nidamburas, the sixty ballalus, four
gramas, four nadus, the ndyakas and all those who belonged to the samasta-
kattales. The Kodiyalbail epigraph of Mangalore 91 adduces importance
to the samasta-kaltaleyavaru under Baichedannayaka-Odeya as well as to

89 S.I.I. Vol. VII Nos. 351 & 342. The Tulu-maharajya which was ruled by the
governor, Singanna-Odeya, in A. D. 1392 must have included Haivc (Hayiga)
and Konkana-rajyas - Ibid No. 244.

90 S.I.I. Vol. VII No. 350.

91 Ibid No. 182 - The Bangas, the Cha^us and Ajilas weie the feudatory chiefs and
their co-operation must have been sought by the governor, in general administra-
tion. The kaUahyavam were those who represented the various communities, that
preserved their own regulations.

156

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

the Bangas, Chautas and Ajilas during the administration of Tammarma-
Odeya, who was the governor of Mangaluru-rajya. Likewise, during
the reign of Vitharasa-Odeya, who was the governor of both Mahgaluru
and Barakuru-rajyas, the association of the Bahgas and the Chautas and
the hattaleyavaru in administration is clearly seen 92 .

It is superfluous to state that there "were senabovas and karanikas to
maintain accounts; bhanddris in charge of the Treasury; kolharis to supervise
stores and tolaras for defence. Collection of tolls was in charge of an
official who was called sunkada-odeya (sunkadarheggade). He could be a
hereditary ruler of a nadu as well 93 . The messenger who was to carry
the royal orders and messages to different places was called volekbra 94 .
An inscription of Putturu of South Kanara, dated A. D. 1431, mentions
one Devarasa of Mulivura, the buddhivanta manushya of Annappa, the
governor of Mangaluru-rajya 93 . We may suggest that the personal
secretary of the governor was known as buddhivanta.

Let us examine the role of the adhikdri in the administrative set up.
A few epigraphs throw some light on the nature of the function and the
status enjoyed by the adhikaris. An adhikdri may be a village official or
a high dignitary. He could as well be a religious superintendent. An
epigraph of Putturu, South Kanara, specially states that the adhikdri
is a possessor of definite administrative authority. It is clear that adhikaris ,
holding authority of executive funedon, were appointed for different
purposes, in different spheres and that they were largely responsible for
the day-to-day administradon of the jurisdiction and departments
entrusted to their charge.

LOCAL ADMINISTRATION

Local administration may be studied under three broad heads:
(1) Administradon of a J\ r ddu, (2) Village Administradon and (3) Municipal
Administradon.

92 Ibid No 194

93 S 1. 1.. Vol VII No 194.

91 Ibid No 384

95 -I R No 344 for 1930-’31.

Administration

157

idmmistration of a Nadu* 6

A nddu as stated earlier, would comprise villages, the number varying
3etween two and thirty two. The nddu or rdjya of Maramma-heggade
)f Yerumala, Udipi taluk, Soutli Kanara, perhaps had only two gramas .
rhis sub-division, nadu, was administered by a chief who was variously
mown as arasu, dore , balldla or pergade ( heggade ) and he enjoyed status and
exercised political power in accordance with the political jurisdiction,
[n most cases, the ruler of a nddu held power by hereditary right. Aiamane
>r bidu ( budu in Tulu) was the name of the place of his residence and they
vere called sime-ai amanes or bldus 91 . A list of these cliiefs, who were the
'ulers of nddus or simes, is given in the Itihdsa of M. Ganapathi Rao Aigal 98 .
rhe freedom enjoyed by these chiefs or rulers of the nddus was simply
imazing. The epigraphs of Kapu-sime wliich comprised a few gramas
Duly, state that Mada-heggade (the name of the patta of the ruler of this
nme) was ruling with all happiness and strangely enough there is no mention
af the imperial suzerain in the records". Although the Heggade of the
Yerumala was the ruler of two gramas only, he became an arbitrator in a
compact between the Chautas of Puttige and Pandyapparasa of Karakala,
dated A. D. 1543, both of whom were were relatively bigger powers
amongst the feudatories 100 .

The place of assembly of a sime or nddu was the chavadi and it was
here that the chief, seated in his simhasana (throne), held the meetings
and conducted court deliberations. The officials appointed by him
bore the names and designations almost similar to those of the provincial
governor - the pradhanis, the koiharis and the senapatis , the tanubhogas
( karanikas ), and the purdhilas. To cite an example, the Mudabidure
Hosa-basti epigraph, dated A. D. 1482, mentions that Devarasa, the
senabova of Amna-Samanta-heggade of the nadu of Mudaradi, belonging
to the Barakuru-sthala, drafted the sasana, which made provisions of
charity gift to Chandraprabha-svami of the basti m . The epigraph of

96 Since direct and regular epigraphical evidence is not adequately available how a
nddu Was governed, there is no alternative but to rely on the account given in M,
Ganapati Rao’s Itihasa. The above account is a brief summary of the administration
of a nddu, divested of unreliable material, corroborated by epigraphical sources
wherever possible.

S.I.I. Vol. VII No. 275.

98 Aigal’s Itihasa, p. - '-

99 S.I.I. Vol. VII, Nos. 275 & 276.

00 Aigal’s Itihasa - p. 442 - copper-plate inscription.’ <

101 S.I.I. Vol. VII No. 198.

158 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Santisvara-basti of Enuru, dated A. D. 1538, states that Adya Devarasa
of binnani-bali was the pradhani of Salva Pandyadevarasa alias Ajila'°\

The most distinctive feature of the Tuluva local administration
(especially in the district of South Kanara) was the division of the grama
into guttus. The possession of a guttu had definite functions linked with
it and the guttedar (holder of a guttu ) enjoyed power by hereditary right.
In a nadu or sime at the time of the coronation of a chief, it was the privilege
and also die right of the guttedars to lead the chief to die coronation chair,
to offer him die sword, to fix the signet ring, and to announce the name
of the palta i.e., the official name of the simhasana. The guttedar invariably
belonged to the Bant community. He is said to belong to the community
of masadika Jaina' 03 . He had to come to the aid of the ruler of the nadu
whenever enjoined to do so. Especially in times of danger, the guttedars
had the direct responsibility of the safety' of this chief and the defence
of the nadu.

Each chief of a sime or nadu was, perhaps, known by the number of
alus (warriors) 104 possessed by him. We, therefore, hear of innurd la
(possessor of 200 edits), munnurala (possessor of 300 alus), ainurala (possessor
of 500 alus), savir&la (possessor of 1000 alus), eradu-savirala (possessor of
2000 alus), muru-savirala (possessor of 3000 alus), and of aidu-sdvirala (posses-
sor of 5000 alus). The last three perhaps, were the ranks of larger nadus
such as the Bhairarasas of Karakala, the Bahgas of Bahgavadi, the Chautas
of Puttige, the Ajilas of Enuru etc. This reminds one of the mansabdari
system, so markedly prominent in the Moghal administration.
These alus were equipped witii different kinds of swords, sticks and shields,

102 Ibid Nc 256

105 Aigal’s Itihasa - Copper -plate inscription - dated A. D. 14-10, p. 429.

104 The following are a few of the cpigraphical evidence:

a ) Innuralavatta belonged to the rajya of the Ajilas of Enuru.

(S.l.I. Vol. VII, No. 252).

b ) Amna Savanta-heggade of Madaradi, a sub-division of Karakala kingdom
seemed to be the possessor of 500, 1000 alus (Ibid No. 198).

c) Maramma-hcggadc of Yerumala-nadn of the Udipi taluk, was the owner of
1000 alus ( Ibid No. 269). Accoiding to another record, he seemed to have
been, the head of 5000 alus (Aigal’s llihasa - copper-plate inscription dated
A. D. 1549 p. 442).

d) The elder sister of Dugganna Savanta of Mulki-nadu possessed 3000 alus
(S.l.I. Vol. VII No 262).

e) The chief of Arkula was ndnurdla and that of Ammunaje was dr nurd I a {Aigal’s
Itihasa -Copper-plate inscription p, 439).

In the light of above corroborative evidence, the account given bv Sri Aigal may

be taken as fairly reliable.

Administration

159

and bows and arrows. It looks as though the communities of the Billavas
(Biruvas in Tulu) and the Holeyas supplied the major section of the rank
and file. The guttedars, skilled in warfare, were the commandants.

The rulers of the nadus were responsible to their immediate overlord
and they were entitled to a stipulated revenue. On particular occasions,
they were also entitled to certain payments to be made to them by the
people. It seems fairly clear that there was no gross attempt at forcible
extortion of money nor at arbitrary increase of rents. This was the cause
of the fact that every thing went by previous custom -pmva~mariya.de or
kattalr - which had to be honoured, by any ruler and changes required
the consent of the people, as they formed themselves into different groups
or commun ties.

The role of the temple in the administration of the nadu was a factor
to be reckoned with. An account of the temple administration is given
in a separate chapter. It is enough to mention in this context, that a
sime or nadu temple was a regulator of the morals of the people, a place
of social harmony and understanding, sometimes a court where final
judgement in cases of appeal to the ruler was decreed and ultimately, a
refuge of the soul. Inscriptions abound with instances, which record
the judicial role played by the sime temples. Any breach of the nadu
regulations or community traditions or any act of violence or vandalism
would be followed by the imposition of fines on the culprit, to be paid
first to the sime temple and then to the ruler. In certain cases, the wrong
doer was prohibited from taking any part in any of the activities of the
sime temple, which happened to be a serious social disability. Prohibition
on exchanging hot words, drawing the sword out, striking with the sword,
etc., within the temple boundaries and fines for such breaches are men-
tioned in some records’ 05 . Protection to those who seek shelter under
a particular stone is also recorded.

It is very difficult to say when exactly this system came into existence.
We can only surmise that it was the product of gradual evolution and the
Vijayanagara times witnessed its systematisation.

105 A.li. No. 341 for 1930-’31.

Ibid No. 340 for 1931— *32 etc.

S.1.1. Vol. VII, Nos. 226, 227. 228 etc-

160

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture
VILLAGE ADMINISTRATION

Village Assemblies

The most significant aspect of village administration (rural govern-
ment) was the prevalence and recognition of village assemblies, that
played a very conspicious role in all aspects of rural administration. The
general assembly of the entire village was called uru or grama. The people
of an uru, who constituted the assembly were called uravaru. These people
assembled in particular numbers for deliberation (perhaps in representa-
tion). The following are a few examples of such assemblies :

I. The thousand of Si valid 06 (Sivahya sasirbatlu - C. 8th century
A.D.)The three thousand of Sivalli' 07 .

2 The thousand of Kota 108 ( Kdtada sasirvaru- A. D. 1254).

3. The thousand of the village of Handadi 109 ( Handddiya grama
sasirvaru - (C 14th century A.D.)

4. The three hundred of Kudikura" 0 {Kudtkura muniiru —A.D. 1261)

5. The three hundred of the Hdkala-grama' n (Hakala-grama
munnurvaru- C. 12th century A.D.)

6. The three hundred of the Sthamkara-grdma ,12 .

7. The hundred of Sivapura-grama 1 ’ 3 (Swapurada gramada nurbaru-
A.D.1281)

• 8. The fifty two of the tint 114 ( uru aivatteradu okkalu - A.D . 1526).

9. The fifty two praje of Giliyara 115 ( Gdiyarada uru ndlvaru aivatteradu
prdje).

10. The thirty' of Nenagundi (Jdeiiagundi miivattu) U6 .

II. The thirty of Chahkare" 7 ( Chakkare uru muvattu — A.D. 1364).
12. The fourteen of Niruvara (also the sixteen of Nmmard) m .

106 S 1 1. Vol VII, No 279

107 A R. No 570 for 1929-’30
105 A R No 509 for 1928-’29
,m Ibid ' No 600 for 1929-’30
1,0 lend No 370 for 1927

111 Ibid No 239 for 1931 -’32
1,2 S I I Vol VII, No 231
113 A.R No 336 for 1931-’32
1,4 S 1 I Vol IX Part II Nc. 520
115 Ibid Vol VII No 345

1.6 A R Nos 328 and 329 fot 1931-’32 <

1.7 S I I. Vo! IX Part II, No 407

"* .4.72 No 492 for 1928-’29 Ibid Iso 499 for 1928-’29

Administration 161

; 13 . The twelve of Hanka 119 ^ - Circa ; : : ;

:• ; ? v- i y ; • 12th century A.D.) p/TpA-TV; ■ ?C C

X( 14. The ten prqje of Kapara uru n0 (Kapara urn hattu praje - A. D. 1357
Wyfe) and; A.D. 1380). %' ■ '■ • • ' . / ) ; •

V ; 15. The eight of uru Pijamugura 121 ( Pijamugiira uru.enln -A.D. 1383).

16. The six of the village 122 (Ufa druvaru - A.D. 1379); " : ; A-

• . : These assemblies seemed to have continued for centuries both during
the Ajupa and Vijayanagara periods. The precise nature of the powers
held by these bodies does not become evident through epigraphs,-' but
their consent had to be obtained even by the lung, before anything signi-
ficant: connected with the grama could finally be decided. An epigraph
df Peradu.ru, Udipi taluk, South Kanara, dated A.D. 1431, states that
the grant of land made to one ICavi Sankara Bhatta by the governor of
Bafa.kura-Tulu-rajya received tlie consent of the villagers of . Sivapura 123 .
Similarly, a nddu was represented by a body of a definite size. An epigraph,
dated A.D. 1480 124 , registers a grant of land made by eight persons of
Bayidura-nadu amongst whom there were also women. The Uppugunda-
hadu of the ldngdom of Vira-Katarasu 125 is also stated to have had an
assembly of eight representatives (Uppugunda nadentu mandi manisaru):
An inscription of Mtuiddlli, North Kanara, dated A.D. 1446, specifies
the representation of nddu and grdma n$a . It states that the management
of the gift to the Durga temple was left in charge of the nadu, nakhara and

grama, the witness to the record being Kanchanadana Baleyarasa repre-
senting the nddu, seltikdra Manakana-setti on behalf of the nakhara scad.
Damodara Bhatta on behalf of the Sangatocha-grama. The significance
attached to these local assemblies of grama and nadu is reflected in another .
epigraph of Barakirru, which registers a compromise between the Nadavas
of Paduva-Kona-nadu and- others ' arrived at, in the presence ofiSiTMarA^h
icartdesVaradeva and Narasimha-Odeya, the governor of Barakuiru; yvith^-t
the consent of the following which fixed their signatures to the record as : ; •
^witnesses;.; Kandavurada-grama, Kotada-grania) Brahmura-grama. Niruyara-.fi: f.

H'XJbidNo,239 for 1931 -'32. ■ ' -/ ' - - ' " ' X-r-k

: V 120 S.1J. Voi. IX Part II, No. 405.

- No. 334 for 1931-’32.

; 122 Voi; .VII No. 316. \v ,

- 123 A .R, No! 284 for 1936-’37; ;

. : : 124 A M 547 for. 1 929-’30. . :Vv A A '

■‘.,125 a „r> Tt lit:, n-.e ■' a .

162

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

grama and Paduvah5na-?tat/« t2S . Another inscription dated A.D. 1449 127
records the signature of the 74 okkalus, who formed a body of the grama of
Badaga-kaipadi, for an arrangement made in connection with a gift of
charity.

Another local assembly was the jagattu. Whether this body belonged
to any particular community or whether it represented the entire citizen
bod) of the grama , we can hardly decide in the present state of our know-
ledge. We may surmise that a jagattu was subordinate to the general
assembly of the grama and that it might be more Brahminical in composi-
sition 123 . An inscription of Coondapur, South Kanara, dated A.D. 1425 129
states that the grant to god ICundesvara was made after due consultation
with the grama , jagattu and mukkalattis. The Nilavara inscription of the
Udipi taluk, dated A.D. 1407 130 , registers provision made by the adhikari,
grama hadinaru and jagattu munnuru of Niruvara for the daily offerings
to die deity. Another epigraph, dated A.D.1398 131 , refers to the sale-
deed of land made under certain conditions to Lingarasa of Mugitali by
druvdra jannis and the fifty jagattu belonging to Nalkuru of Kanyana, part
of Rajadi of die same taluk. Kota-grama, which was reserved as the
bhandara-sthala of the Barakuru palace, is stated to have had in it the ten
diousand maliajagatlu, to which was gifted money, out of the siddhaya,
collected from that village as dhartna sasana (A.D. 1520) 132 . This ten
thousand maliajagatlu to which was gifted money is also referred to in an
inscription 132 ” of Saligrama of the Udipi taluk, dated A. D. 1469, in
connection with some charity made to die people of Kota by Vitharasa-
Odeya, die governor of Baiakuru at the request of the sixteen adhivasis
and heggade , representing the ten thousand maliajagatlu. The Mudukeri
inscription of Barakuru 133 , dated A.D. 1431, specifies die function of
jagattu along widi the halaru, uru to investigate into die breach of law'
and impose punishment accordingly.

™ S 1 1 Vol. VII, No 385.

127 Ibid No 337.

128 There aie some grounds to coimcct this body with the Brahmms, for even to this
day the Kota Brahmins speak of this body and they have their registered body
known as Kutn-mahaiagattu ( Kuja-Mahajagaltu )

125 A R No 365 for 1927.

Ibid No 498 for 1928-’29

131 Ibid No 259 for 1930-’31.

132 Ib.d No 515 for 1928-’29

' )2n Ibid No 514 for 1928-’29.

133 S 1. 1 Vol. VII No. 311.

.ff The Brahmins had their own organisation laiowri : as Liyo mahajanas.', W
The hundred mahajanas of : Brahmavara, Udipi taluk, received a gift -by fj
Vira-Tandyadevalpcndra in A . D . 1255 134 . ' The same Idng ; is stated .
to have made a gift, to the 300 mahajanas of Niruvara of the : same taluk
in A . D . 1 259 135 . The Varamballi inscription records , a gift of land by . f
purchase to the mahajanas by Maleya-dannayaka 1 - 6 . Another epigraph
records that the mahajanas of. Brahmavara should pay 700 gadyanas to the
king once in three years as tidduva-samuddya™ . : : • / "f "(r

Local Officers and Dignitaries • .

We may reasonably surmise that th o grama had its chief official, who i
was called the gramani. We are unable to comment on the precise nature
of his work, but inscriptions, sufficiently help us infer that a gramani
held substantial power in his relation with his grama or a section of the
grama. An epigraph 538 of Niruvara, dated A. D. 1258, mentions in, the
record the third position enjoyed by the gramani ( arasinge , pradhdnaringe,
gramanigalinge). It is stated in another inscription 139 . of Kota.-grdma
of the Udipi taluk, that its gramani Amna-Karanta consented and caused
for the gift of a bdlu (A. D. 1578). That a sub-division of a grama would ..
also have a gramani in attested to by an epigraph of Nilavara, dated / : .
A. D. 1528, which refers to the mulada balu of the gramani of the eastern
adhivasa of Niruvara 140 . Anna - Udupa, the gramani of Kandavura of j ; ■
the Goondapur taluk, is stated to have made a sale-deed to one Timmayyay i
setti 141 in A. D. 1554. Another litliic record, dated A. D. 141 7, belonging .- U-
to Varamballi of the Udipi taluk, registers a gift of- land to. Bichal^deya^y:-
son of Sovarasa of Bhdradhvdja-gotra by Narana-OrambalH, who was they/ ;-
gramani of the western portion of Brahmavara 142 . It is stated in one. of y
the epigraphs of Kotesvara, Coondapur taluk, that the gift reebrd made/hi; ■
by the governor of Barakuru in A. D. 1551 was signed by Anni-'Hathfa.ycy
(Amni - Hatvara) of Kotesvara-^rama. Evidently, 1 he was tire gramani. f : \'
of that place 143 . An interesting case of a woman, called Amna Ilebbarati .:

. 134

; 13S
.136

137

138
v'139

140

ffuv

yhby

f.>; ; 143

A.R. No. 484 for 1928-’29.

Ibid No. 190.

Ibid No. 602 for 1929- ? 30.

Ibid Rio. 486 for 1928- ! 29.

A.R . No. 490 for 1928-’29.
S.I.I. Vol.

A:R. No. 494 :

•S'././. Vol.

h ..R.vNo. 601/fbr 19292’30. "

•S' . /. /. Vol. IX; Part II No. 623;

164

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

being the gramani is had in an epigraph of Kumbhakasi, Coondapur taluk,
South Kanara 144 . These epigraphical references go a long way in throwing
much light on this office of the gramani which, according to traditional
accounts, seemed to have been universal in the district of South Kanara 145 .
We do not know whether this gramani had anything to do with the gramadhi-
pati, who used to be appointed by the king to collect revenue from the man,
who holds a contract from the government. Perhaps both these offices
are not similar. There may not be any doubt that this office of the gramani
was an ancient one. In the Rig-veda the term grama often meant a clan
of kingship group rather than a settled tillage and it retained the special
connotation of a group in later Sanskrit. Thus, the gramani appears
to have been originally a subordinate chieftain rather than a village head-
man. He was certainly a vaisya and this post was one of the highest
which a member of that class could aspire. The exact position of the
gramani is not clear. While he was the tillage headman, Law believes
that he was the village headman of all the realm and had additional
military dudes 146 ( Political Theory of Ancient India - John W. Spellman;
Ancient India Polity - N. N. Law, p. 88)

Epigraphs make frequent references to adhivdsas. The dictionary
meaning of the term adhivasa is a habitation, an abode, a settlement 147 .
It may be inferred from the context of the records that an adhivasa was a
sub-division of a grama and its supervisor or chief man was an adhivasa.
In regard to the number of adhivasa, a grama could have, there seemed
to be no fixed principle. Perhaps, it depended upon the size of a particular
grama. The grama of Sivalli in the Udipi taluk was a very large one,
consisting of twenty adhivdsas, as an epigraph of Bailuru 148 of the same

taluk, dated A. D. 1336, informs us. (Sivalliya grdmada ari ippatlu

adhivasada-olage). The Niruvara-grawa of the same taluk, seems to have
had three adhivdsas 149 (Niruvarada gramadalu muru adhwdsadolage ) and
perhaps Kandavura-^ra/iw of the Coondapur taluk consisted of two
adhivdsas' 50 .

144 Ibid No 675

145 In the Puttur taluk of South Kanara, there are still certain families, that function
as the gramams m the village At present their role is chiefly religious and they
receive honours on certain occasions of ritualistic importance

146 Gramam-Headman (A Short Glossary of Indian Political Terms— S V Visvanathan-
0. J M S. Vol 38, p 26)

141 Kittcl, p 54

148 A.R No 583 for 1929-’30

147 A , R No 492 for 1928-’29, A D.1333
130 A.R. No 408 for 1928 A D.1400

_ , ......... . . V ' i ■‘AaUt • Adptinisiraiion^; j Ufy U ; . • y ; T 65

U fit is also iiitcresting to find aiiotiicr meaning, that seems lo be conveyed
3V this term adhivdsa hex, ■ a jurisdiction or' a : settlement over which the
Occupant ; exercised exclusive authority, which ;was connected iyitli occu-
pation or profession.; - ■ This was' what was ; known a.s purohilddhivasa. . Here,
'mrohitddhivdsa essentially means the. jurisdiction Over - which a person or a
family would have the right of conducting ' paurohityd l5 h It also becomes
'airly clear that the rights of these jurisdictions Could be transferfed hy
>ale and purchase and needless to say that these rights and privileges
toiild be conferred on families by the state authorities. .

; . It camiot be said that an adhivasi alone was the official in an adhivdsa.

There appeared to be others also. They were the jannis (jananis) whose
functions are explained at the end of tins chapter. The purdnika had to give
a repital of the purana in the adhivdsa. The Handadi inscription 1 S2 of the
Udipi taluk, records the grant for the recitation of purana in the. adhivdsa.
From the above instances, we may infer that an adhivdsa had a politico-
socio-rcligious role to play. A surprising information that is revealed
in an inscription found at Saligrama of the Udipi taluk, is that the Kota-,
grama had ,1620 adhivdsis m (Jiqdind.ru nura ippattu mandi adhivasigahi). . .The;
same epigraph points to a representation , made by the sixteen adhivasis, .
along with others to the governor of Barakuru, Vitharasa-Odeya.

Another officer of considerable local importance was that of a madh-
yastha. The etymological meaning is clear enough. A madhyaslha is a
mediator, an arbitrator 154 .. It is obvious that it was his duty to arbitrate
disputes between two or more than two parties. Just as the office of an
adhikdri was significant from the local, to the. provincial - administration,
it appears that the office of the madhyaslha also figured prominently. The
madhyaslha of Saguri 155 , an adhivdsa of Sivalli-grawa, Udipi taluk, would
have liis higher counterpart in the madhyaslha of nadu. An epigraph of
Baiduru of the Coondapur taluk, dated A.D. 1524, mentions the madhyaslha
of nddu, nakhara with whom the regulation should be confirmed (nddiy
nakharada madhyasthanalli koltami . sthitikarisikondu) I55 . Ah epigraph of

: : 15V at.T?. No. 287 for 1931- ! 32; Ibid. No. 428 -for 1928; Ibid No: 266 for 4931-’32e-
Kundapurada purohiindhivasadalli Jfarasimhadcvara devasvadd bdlu. '<-■ ■ - "A /-CXV-A-V
•-, 132 VI .7?. No.. 599 for 1929-’30. ' A.D . 1542. '-' V Jk V. A , ' C vV-;A:A VV ’ VjJVy

.V 153 A^Nd; 5 1 4 for i928-’29. A.D. 1469/V.f AV--. '/ AUAA

: 1S< * Kittei, p 1203. - AAv:; - . V 1 VV.U ;

: v: >55 s.I.T. -.Voltyri. No. 296; A. D . 1438. Af-V AA; v /A.vf • AAAAACr 'AT
l- 156 A . Ii . No; 539 for 1 929- ; 30. aAAAAAAAATAvvA

166 Studies m Tuluva History and Culture

Barakuru, dated A. D. 1502, states that the sdsana was made after the con-
sent of the madhyostha of the village was obtained 157 . A comparison
between the two officers of the adhikari and the madhyaslha may not be
irrclavcnt. The former was mostly an executive officer and the latter a
judicial one. This office of the madhyostha was much in evidence throughout
the Vijayanagara empire 158 .

What exactly is the position or power enjoyed by the official tantraluva
is not clearly known. That a village or grama had an official called,
tantrala or tantrdluia is evidenced by the same epigraph of Barakuru, dated
A. D. 1475, which refers to the tantrala of Mana-uru 159

Each grama had its own accountant known as harana 160 . Perhaps for
religious consultations and also for priestly undertakings, each grama had
one purdhil, who was known as grama-Bhatta' 6 ' . In conclusion, therefore,
we may generalise that a grama may be said to have been governed by the
adhikari, the madhyaslha , the gramani, the adhivasi, the harana, and thejanni
(Jannani) -with the consent as the case may be, of the uravar ( uru ), the grama,
the jagattu and the mahajana. Amongst these officials, it may be remarked
that the adhikari, and the karana (the executive and the revenue officer
of the village) were directly answerable to the state.

One of the singular features in recording grants to a corporate body
or to individuals was to include responsible outsiders (Jioraginavaru) as
witness to records. Two outsiders were invited to fix their signatures
in a grant of Rajadi Kanvana 162 . Two important records of grant 163
made by the high dignitaries, officials and corporate bodies, during the
reign of Vira Ballala III hi Mudabidure and another of Vlra-Bukkarava,
five outsiders were included. An inscription of the time of Vira-Hari-
yappodeya states that the grant recording charity to Kantaiadeva was
made in the presence of outsiders ( horahinavaru ) along with other digni-
taries 164 . Likewise, five outsiders were included in another grant of the

< 57 5 I I Vo! VII No 345

133 T. V Mahahngam - A & S Lift of Vijayanagara p 237. Since this office was
invanabli held by Brahmins, the surname madhjastha has continued unto the
present day amongst the Tulu Brahmins

159 S / / Vol VII, No 346

160 .4 R No 600 for 1 929-’30

131 Ibid No 639 for 1927

m S I I Vo! VII, No 336

167 Ibid Nos 211 &. 213

161 S.I.I Vol VII No 231.

Administration

167

year A.D.1390' 65 . This suggests an indication of a high sense of justice
borne by the authorities. The presence of tire outsiders is a cheek or
bulwark against fraud or injustice.

The Parivdra, the E fames and the Balldhs

The exact position occupied by the body known as the parivdra is
not known. It seems to bear two senses. An inscription of Mangaluru 166
dated A. D .1419, stales that Timmanna-Odeva, the governor of Mangalur-
rajya, sent his parivdra against the hanjamdna<; of the town. Obviously, it
means the army (solidary). But another epigraph of Barakuru states
that the three thousand parivdra of that town fixed their signatures to the
record 167 . The grant record of the time of Annappa-Odeya, governor
of Mangaluru and Barnkuru-rajyas, dated A .D . 1440, was signed by
the panvara of Barakuru' 63 . Still another inscription, dated A. D. 1431,
mentions the parivfn a of the chavndi of Barakuru 169 . Perhaps, this would
mean the general assembly of the town of Barakuru. The two hundred
parivdra of the adhikdri, Devarasa of Mulivu.ru of Ti]ugadi-nadu of the
Puttur taluk, dated A. D. 1431, figures prominently in one of the inscript-
ions' 70 . Perhaps the three thousand parivdra mentioned in a copper-plalc
inscription of jKukke - Subramanya also points to the general assembly
of the town of Mangaluru 175 . An epigraph of Kulai, dated A. D. 14-14,
registers a gift of land and money for feeding Brahmins by the parivdra m .

The following are the references to another body called e femes 17 \
whose meaning still is not known.

Eight settikaras and four elamegah m .

Sixteen settikaras and three hundred and sixty six clamcgaf.u m .

Sixteen settikaras and three hundred and sixty clamega!u m .

1 65 Ibid No. 223.

166 Ibid No. 182.

167 Ibid No. 318.

» 08 Ibid No. 313.

^ A.R. No. 284 for 1936-’37.

170 Ibid No. 344 for 1930 -’31.

171 M.A.R. for 1943 No. 46.

172 A.R. No. 471 for 1928-’29.

173 The term clnme ( yelamc ) occurs for the first time so' far as we know until now in two

epigraphs of Sravana-Belgola both of which arc dated in A. D. 1274 ( Ep.Car .

Vo!. II (revised) Nos. 244 & 247).

174 S.I.I. Vol. VII, Nos. 226 & 227.

175 Ibid No. 256.

m Ibid lAo. 257.

168 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Sixteen settikdras of the two Leris of Barakuru and seven hundred and
seventy c lames 1 ' 11 .

Three settikdras and hundred and fifty elamegalu of Murukeri 178 .

The form eiave is also found in one of the epigraphs 179 .

A vague suggestion may be offered here. These elaves may be com-
parable to the velamas, an agricultural class of the Telugu country.
Thurston writes, “The Velamas, or as they are some times called yelamas,
arc a caste of agriculturists, who dwell in the Telugu country and Ganjam”
and “The Velamas seem to have come south with the Vijayanagara kings
and to have been made menkavalgars , from which position some rose to
be poligars m .’”

The other body was composed of balldhis or ballalas, who figure quite
often in inscriptions 181 . They were the strong men of the localities, who
later assumed the title permanently, which came to remain as a family
surname. More about them will be dealt with elsewhere.

In local administration, all die above mentioned local officials,
corporate bodies and assemblies and personalities constituted what was
known as kallaleyavaru , those who belonged to the different kattales (tradi-
tions) and also tiiose who were empowered to change the kattales, modify
them in accordance with die altered circumstances. Serious deliberations
were needed to bring into vogue new systems or modify the old ones or
amalgamate one with the other. Purva-kattale and puroa-mariyade must
be respected in social and political life 152 . Each grama appeared to have
had its own kattale m . An inscription of Matpadi clearly states tiiat the
mdnya •was made as a result of the grama meeting in an assembly. The
gift of land, made by Basavannarasa alias Banga for the maintenance
of two perpetual lamps in the temple of Janardana at Pcraduru and for
making a lampstand in bronze was left in charge of the assembly of the
village 184 . The responsibility of grama in rural administration is attested
to by an epigraph of the time of Vlra BaUala, which records that a fine

177 Ibid No. 350.

378 Ibid No. 340.

< 7 ’ A.R. No. 606 for 1929-’30.

1,0 Thurston - Castes and Tribes of Southern India , Vol. VII p. 337.

181 S.I I. Vol. VII Nos 275, 350 etc. The term ballaltana occurring in one epigraph
clarifies the point that a ballala held power in local administration {Sasana-Panchaia
p 35).

182 A.R. No. 405 for 1928.

183 Ibid No, 475 for 1928-’29 — Omailjura kafalha satakna urabaru munldcu

184 A R. No. 502 for 1928-’29.

'V'** Administration - " / , 169

)f 101 gadjwjd would be' imposed upoii' any one, ;cliargcd v>dtli tlic. breach
)f regulations for tlic investigation to be conducted by the grama™ 5 .'':'- An
nseription, 'dated A . D . 1 43 lj,. during the: regime of Chandrarasa-Odeya,'
lie : governor of Bar akfwu-Tulu-rajya, states that the authority ' of framing
rharges against any one who would violate the provisions of the: record
lay with the uru, palam and jagattu and the punishment would he: expulsion;.

rom the village 186 . Another epigraph dated A. D-14-33f records fhat;thhh-f
consent ( vachana ) of the people belonging to the sixteen katta ks was obtained

n a grant of Kantara-nadu 187 . The importance of the local assenibly; ,; ,
is -further evidenced by an epigraph of Iiattiyangadi, dated A . E) . :-lf>'7.4,
which registers the gift of tax on certain lands belonging to the temples. ,:
in the villages, Gulavadi and Kudikura in the territory of Harunadu-sime •

by the chief Baiikiyarasa Honneya-Kambali-Odeya to the temple of.
Lokanathadeva at Hattiyangadi and that its ratification was done by ..
the rasidents of the whole Harunadu-sime m .

The Role of Jannis or Jananis in Tuluva Administration , : f.

Throughout the epigraphical records of Tuluva, we come across a
distinct body of people called jannis or jananis , whose function appears: y
to be of social and political importance. We can hardly have references - ;-y
to this body outside Tuluva. The origin and exact powers enjoyed, by
this body are still a matter of speculation. In Tulu-nadu . there are still ,
jannis , invariably Brahmins, who claim and do receive the , first, ; hpnbiit.-dv
in some of the temples during celebrations. And the term jatinifstili':-'}',
survives as the family name amongst certain Brahmins. But as. isgoingyri
tp be made clear below, the inscriptions do . not give us any proof jarmisf
necessarily to be Brahmins, for there were jannis amongst the. jaihas : ;ahd-
perhaps, in other communities too. It becomes fairly clear, Therefore , jjf
that the term janni is purely an official one and that it whskaSso-Gia;ted' ry;.'‘
with, certain functions, relating to the organisation of society^iiahdvlbcm^d
administration. Most of the epigraphs that speak of this body of people

belong to the Vijayanagara period, especially between the 14th? and : f
15th centuries.

085 V 0 I...VII No. 232.

A 5 A«?No. 311;. U'fj ‘if-

: d;-; !87 ^»^No.'23:o. Ay-Ay; v ; ' if

170

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

The term j anna or janana may reasonably mean an area or a jurisdiction
over which one possesses exclusive rights. Taking janana as the nucleus,
it may be surmised with a degree of reasonableness that the janni orjarni
could be one who was in possession of certain powers and responsibilities
in relation to a janana. This interpretation may be corroborated by
references to jamna in an inscription of Barakuru, South Kanara. It
states that Sanhara-Handc, son of Demanna-Hande vested the right of
administering the gift made by him with the halaru of Manigara-heri
and that the gift comprised ura-jamna, jamna of uppina-agara of the brahmaddya
possessed by him. It proceeds to say that this gift became the jamna-samasa
of the sthananda kaltale of Hande. It is indeed very' difficult to detail the
nature of this functionary but hypothetically, we could infer that he had
to organize the various activities within a janana, bear witness to important
records, look after the religious ceremonies and rites in temples and the
like. That a janni could be of any higher castes is evidenced by the fact,
one jatnni is maintained as belonging to the Nayaka family, another to
the family of Koti Tammi-setti and still another to the family of Kambali.
In the Tuluva society, the first Brahmins (Sivalli, Kota and Havika) do
not assume the family titles such as nayaka , kambali and setti. The latter
two are popularly assumed by the Jainas. The Bant community also
has these family titles.

That the term janni is an official one is supported by an epigraph
which refers to the mulada jamna belonging to jamni Nandi-Karanta, son
of jamni Narayana-Karanta (A.D. 1472)' 90

The social history of Malabar introduces us to janmi or janmakaram
meaning proprietor or land-lord, the person in whom the janman title
rests. Janman denotes (1) birth, birthright, proprietorship, (2) free-hold
property, which it was considered disgraceful to alienate. Janmablwjan
is the share in the produce of the land which is due to the jamni 191 . We
are yet unable to know' whether the jamnis of Tuluva had anything to do
w ith this janmis of Malabar.

MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION

Tulu-nadu abounded with a good number of towns amongst which
Mangaluru and Barakuru may be said to compare with modem cities

™ S 1 I Vol. IX Part II, No. 465. .

1,1 Thurston - C & T S India, Vol II, p 452.

f. Administration

yin. extent, administfation, complexity of life and vigour of political, social,-
fecbhbni^ r eligiousf ' actwitiesi?;f Gertaiii;f corlspictic)iis features are ■

available in the epigraphs concerning the administration of these towns.
T’hesc -facts'- may be studied .under- the following heads : (A

> ; ^ (1) Town Planning »

:TyWw :; ' (2) Town Officials . y Wy" y-'Vyy

’yV-y (3) Representative Bodies. ■ v ;y ; . :

Bdrakuru (Barakanuru, B dr akany apura) y..,

The historic city of Barakuru of Tulu-nadu was known in the undated
inscription of Hosahalu found in front of the Durga temple as Barakanuru.
This. epigraph is assigned to the 9th century A.D. by Dr. Saletore and
. it records a fight between Tuyya and Tummana and the setting up of the
memorial stone in honour of Duttakara who fought and died 192 . In the
existing state of our knowledge, we may say that the name Barakanyapura
;:(Barahakanyapura) was first applied to this town by about A.D .1070
during the reign of Dattalvendf a Sri-Mara, who according to an epigraph
seemed to have made a charity gift at his palace ( periyaramane ) at Bara-
hakany apura 193 . The importance of this town was so cognisant that the
Western ;Ghats corresponding to the geographical frontiers of Tulu-nadu
were referred to as Barakamra-Ghatta, as pointed out earlier, in the 12th
century A.D. Hoysala inscriptions. ‘ fy ; A

For more than 500 years, Barakuru was one of the reputed political .

. centres of Tuluva and it was developed into an excellent urban area. .;
That it was divided into ten keris (streets) as far back as the 1 1th century A.D.
is proved by one of the epigraphs of the town 194 . This inscription states
. tliat when the king EUattalvendra Sri-Mara. with his queen Oddaihadevi
; Was ; ruling from Bar ahakany apura the lialaru of hattu-keri made a gift of

S.r.j. Vol VII, 388. 'i ' 'y>. -•-uvT;'-Wpi ; A :

Bi AySaletore — History of Tulttba,'-ipp. 226-227 . , . , ; yWy^'TsW

. Barakuru now stands about three miles ihland-but was probably originally’ a coast '/>■
town on the joint estuary of the Sitanadi and Svarna-nadi, the little port of

: ; .-i94

of the earliest name Barakaiium. • The short form of this name could be Barakuru .
as it :has continued to be in, usage till the present day. The traditional; account :
has- it. that Bhutida-I’andya married 12 jaina .girls anil, lienee the town took its ;
name , accordin aly. (Manual of.Madras Administration \Afo \: ^ ' :, V

: yol.:VIl,-;Nc; 3l4.dv:y; y . -gfA AT^Ty

172

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

■ BANDARAKERI

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PAOARASA DHAVI

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C. 8™ TO I6™CENT.AJ>. J

Administration

173

charity of land to one Gagana-Sivacharya of the lineage of D urvasamuni 1 95 .
Ever since tliis period, the ten keiis of Barakuru played a significant role
in the variagated activities of the citizens 196 . Each keri seemed to have
had the habitation of a particular group of people, as the names suggest.
An important feature of the town was the construction of tanks in each
of the keris. ■ These tanks supplied water for agriculture to the surrounding
regions and also catered to the diverse needs of the people of Barakuru.
Tamhula-keri and Kellangere 197 bear marked reference in epigraphs.

The ten keris of Barakuru were represented by two prominent bodies
known as the halaru and the sixteen. settikaras m . The halaru must have
been the councillors of the town responsible for general administration.
A complete discussion of this role is made at the end of the chapter. The
sixteen settikaras of the ten keris were, perhaps, heads of trade guilds (liaitu
keriya halara setlitana ) 199 . Each keri, in turn, was represented by a body
of setiikaias and halaru as mentioned in some of the epigraphs 200 . An
epigraph gives us a clue to infer reasonably that the town of Barakuru
was under the supervision of a chairman, who was known as sthanapati m .
This inscription, dated A. D. 1407, states that the sthanapati Chikkanna
of the ten keris of Barakuru made a representation to the Vijayanagara
soverign, Bukkaraya-maharaya, on an issue of malpractices and injustices
done to the halaiu nakhara hanjamanas etc., of the ten keris. In response
to this appeal, the sovereign seemed to have directed Bachamna of Gove
to visit Barakuru and set right matters after investigation.

Furthermore, each keri had its own kattales - regulations and customs -
that had to be observed in regard to social and economic activities. In
cases of disagreement and differences of opinion, re-approachment used
to be effected by compromise and arbitration. One example may be

19s B. A. Saletorc assigned this king to the 10th century A. D., but we have proved that
his date must be about A. D . 1070, based on contemporary records and the language
of the epigraph.

196 The ten keris arc: Kote-keri, Eradu-ken, Mihti-keri (also Mudu-ken ), Manigara-keri ,
Chauli (Chauliya) -keri, Patisala-heri , Bhandara-keri, Hosa-keri , Balegara-ken and Rafigana-
J^CTZ

197 A.R. No. 274 for 1931- 5 32.

198 S.I.J. Vol. VII, No. 350, A. D. 1599. Barakura hatlu keriya hadinam mandi sei{i-
kararu; Ibid No. 3 1 4 - Haltu-keriya halaru.

199 Ibid No. 349 - A .D . 1406."

200 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 340- A. D. 1431. Chattlikenya awant-halaru Muiu-kmya
mnvarti setlikararu; Ibid No. 312 - Muru-keiiya Miivaru settikararu 150 dame muniagi.

^ 201 Ibid No. 349. ' '

174

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

cited in this connection 202 . When Chandarasa-Odeya was the governor
of Barakuru in A.D.1431, the representatives of the Chaulikeri and Murukeri
of the ten keris of Barakuru entered into an agreement by mutual consent
in connection with the kattales that should govern trading activities. Here
the statement — nammolage aikyamatyavagi odambattu barasida sila sasana — is
very significant. It is a welcome aspect of municipal administration that
in the town every important commodity or article of food had to be subject
to certain regulatory measures. An epigraph of Mudukeri of Barakuru 203
interesting enough refers to the serious disagreement between the setjikaras
of Murukeri and the lialaru of Chaujikeri in regard to trade in sugar and
consequently to the entire trade imbalance that set into bussiness. It
further states that the governor of Barakuru, Chandarasa-Odeya, sent
for the representatives of both the keris , inquired into the whole issue of
conflict and persuading them to set aside their misunderstanding, caused
them to settle the dispute amicably and to prescribe the regulations of
trade in the Mowing commodities - sugar, rice, wheat, bengal-gram,
i ac gram, green-gram, gingly, sugarcane, ghee, jaggery, spices and
pulses. The record ends with the agreement that thenceforward all
disputes should be settled by mutual discussion and common under-
standing and not by taking retort to violence 204 .

Each Am had its own presiding deity to which all the residents of the
respective kens had to pay homage and make monetary payments. To
i ustrate: Vinayakadeva was the presiding deity of Chaulikeri 205 and
oomanatha or Somayyadcva, of Murukeri 206 . God Markandesvara, to
w tom the earliest mention is made in all the epigraphs of Barakuru 207 ,
was the divinity of Koteyakeri 208 . Patasaligeri had Gopmatha as the chief
■♦ini. ^ C ^ 5 N5rS Y a h a * s stated to be the divinity connected

210 /n- Cn *° W ^ 10in ^ 1C entire town had to pay spiritual allegi-
ance . {Bar akuru hattu keriya saluva hattara Nardyana devara staladalli).

204 ° f thc . P** I s the^si^nmeni ^inactivities to

MOrukS only m fabric and sarls was he conducted by the

206 Ibid' 1 ' V0l ‘ VII> NoS ‘ 309, 336 ctc '

™ 381 A.D.I140.

» w - - *, No. 315 for 1931— '32.

Admimsiraiion

175

In. the imprecatory portion of janolher . epigraph,- it is .recorded- 'that for
any breach of regulation, the sin would be: that of extracting the image
of Narayanadeva of hattu-keri 2a . ' ; .. A; kp'f

By the reference to the three thousand ptfmwra of Barakuni, who
attested the record of a gift in A . D . 1 440, we may suggest that there; was
a general assembly of the town 212 . •

The foregoing discussion leads us to the inference that in the gover-
nance of the tonui of Barakuru, the sthdnapati , the siyLtzzn seUiharas of the
ten her is, the halaru of the ten ke.ru, the representatives of each of W\q. keris,
the nakhara and the hanjamanas (whose note will be explained separa tely)yi
the elames and the parivara could be taken into account as to comprise;-
the body of kaUahyavaru of the city of Barakuru 213 . The administration
of the city appeared to have been wholly in the hands of the elected Bodies';',
and the provincial government interfered in the city adminis tration; only;
in cases of acute disharmony and crisis.

Basaruru (Basuruni)

Epigraphs also throw some light on the urban centre of Basaruru
of the Goondapur taluk, South Kanara, traditionally known as the capital
of V asu-Chakravarti 214 . The pattern of this town may be said to lie on •
the lines of the city of Barakuru. The ancientness of this place ;iiiUy moiA
be questioned, for it is considered to be the Barace of Ptolemy in; which
case, it is known since the middle of the 2nd century A . D . -“About a f
mile inland from the present embouchure of the coondapur river stands :,
the town of Baracelore the supposed Barace of Ptolemy, a place of great
traffic, in former times with Arabia and Egypt and which is supposed,
to have stood on the old embouchure of the river before the land gained f
upon the sea 215 .’ 5 Perhaps the earliest epigraphical reference to this
town is had in the inscription belonging to the reign of Kaviyalupcndra
. dating A . D . 1 155 216 , wherein it is referred to

; 2,1 S.I.I. Voi. VII, No. 340. ■ ' ... • -v ' • aTA

:v : 212 Ibid No. 318. : . , : •- ... V , y c f

. 213 //uW No. 296. ■ ., ^ T:'

214 We are yet in , the dark who this Vasu-Chakravarti was.‘. :; InScnptions do hot y,.

C; enlighten us :in any -way. B. A. Saletores. identification of this .■.legmdaty.ffi^'uffe'
%>.:£* with the imaginary Alupa king. Vibudhava.su, is questionable - //U/op of .Tuhwai-k

‘K-; 2 . ts ;:Setveli.«.X,w#- df.Jnliquarmn --Itetmins-of-ihe PresidencyofMadras.Yol. I, p. 230,Captni?i-
•: ip.Xcw. Bald- in ■ JM .P.S. XV, p. 2267 A
216 S.I.I Voi; IX Part I, No. 393.

176

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Tliis is suggestive of a reconstruction of the town on its old remains.
Perhaps, Basaruru was named as Dharmapattana as is revealed by one
of the epigraphs dated A.D.1444 217 .

The town was divided into seven Leris whose names still survive, no
doubt in some altered form. The following are the names of these Leris:
Kotcyakeri, Choliyakeri, Hosakeri, Saligarakeri, Murukeri (Mudukeri),
Paduvakeri and Devarakeri 218 . These Leris were represented by the
halaru and the settikdras 2I9 . And each Leri had its chief presiding deity,
along with other minor divinities 220 drawing tire spiritual allegiance of
its inhabitants. An epigraph, dated A. D. 1455, records an agreement
between the settis of the two streets (Paduvakeri and Mudakeri) in Basaruru
regarding the boundary and the rights of their respective localities and
the paths through which the settis of each locality had to take sheep and
arecanut trees to tire temple of Devi on festive occasions. The interest
of the inscription lies in the amicable settlement made by the people
themselves to avoid bloody religious feuds 221 . The tanks of Basaruru
must have been a great source of irrigation. Like Barakuru, the town
of Basaruru was interspersed with the tanks which must have served more
purposes than one. There are indications of megalithic culture in Basa-
ruru, assignable to the 1st century A.D.

M tidabidurc

The town of Mudabidurc, which was famed as the visishtha nagara
of Tulu-dcsa 222 ( Ttilu desakke visishtha nagaramappa Sri Venupuram) had
its own administration. Two keris ( Dettakeri and Mddalahgadikcri) are
mentioned in inscriptions 223 and it is probable that there were others

217 /WNo. 450.

218 S.I.I. Vol. IX Part II, Nos. 525, 448, 457, 476, 444, 448, 424: S.J I. Vol. VII
No 389; A. JR. No 410 for 1927-’28.

215 S 1. 1. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 450.

220 The principal deities were: Maliadeva; T uluvesvara Nakharesvara-KimdaneWara;
goddess Devi.

An example may be cited: An inscription records a gift of tax-free land in two
villages oi Haru-nadu for worship and offerings to the god Mahadcva of Paduvakeri
(A. It. No. 410 for 1927-’28). b

221 A. JR. No 405 for 1928.

“ ^ 7 °\ 1 No. 202 A.D. 1429. According to inscriptions, rt was called

Bidtre and Venupura or Vam&pura (in which venu or vatiisa is the Sanskrit cquiva-
bidaru; a bamboo and belonged to the province of 'Tulu-defa (G.O. Nos
_ /G2, 753-250. July, 1901 Cpigraphy p 3) ' 1

S 1. 1. Vol VII, Nos 226 & 227; A. R. No 4 for 1940-’41 Appendix A.

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too because of the fact that Mudabidure was a busy town of trading acti-
vities. This town was represented by eight sctlikaras and halaru belonging
• to four elames 224 (Snmat-vanisa-purada enlu praje scUikararu vdlvaru elame-.
galolagacld samasta halaru , Bidircya mgarada ehlu mandi sMikdraru : halvarifk
;y larricge- o lagada samasta halaru). As the epigraphs reveal to us, this body
of eight settikaras and four e lames was very powerful and it had to be con-
sulted before any decision was, taken in matters relating to the town of
Mudabidure. Two inscriptions found at Bettakeri lay the injunction
tliat. nobody was permitted to build any structure to the east of the new 7
house put up by . one Mainda-gauda 225 . This inhibition was imposed
by the eight sctlikaras and four e lames of Bidure. The epigraph No. 227. :
of S.I.L Vol. VII, is vaguely suggestive of the whole town being under
the supervision of a headman known as Gauda. But a final inference
cannot be taken in this connection. . The famous Jina-Gliaityalaya,
Ti'ibhuyana-tilaka Chudamani was constructed with the consent of tins
body of Bidure 220 .. vf /v-^f ’i PkrPi.

178

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Mangalum ( Mahgalapura )

The original name of the town of Mangalore seems Mahgalapura
and it may be said to be as ancient as at least the 8th century A.D., as
evidenced by an inscription 227 . Tins name Mahgalapura occurs quite
frequently in epigraphs even until the 14th century A.D. 228 A portion

^ Journal of Mythic Society Vol XIII (Oct. 1922) pp 448-455

in A ' V ° VI r N ° S 177 > 185 etc - The name Mangalajnira took the form Mangatuni

, Administration

of Mangalapura (Mangaluru) is known as the whole

of the town of Mangalore is known to tlie people as as come across '

in an inscription dated A .D . 1422 229 . . Ignorance of this fact has led to
. the erroneous inference that Kodiydl is the modem native name, - which
is taken to be the corruption of Goriyal, mentioned in Mir Hussain Alils
Life of Haider 230 . Mr. S. Silva in his booklet Mangalore commits the
same error 231 . There ai'e reasons to believe that this town may have
been known in the first centuries of the Christian era. Nitria, mentioned
in the work of Geographike Hugphegesio of Klaudios Ptolemaios, belonging
to the middle of the 2nd century A.D., has been identified with the river
Netravati of Mangaluru 232 . While describing the ports on the Western
Coast, Ptolemy mentions in detail those of Arike and relates that ‘in -the
midst of the false mouth and the Barios, there is a city, called Maganur’V
• Evidently, Maganur could have been no other than Mangalore 233 . Kosmos
Indikopleustes, author of the Christian Topography (middle of the 6th
century A.D.) also refers to the port of Manga, routh. This also may,
be identified with Mangaluru 234 . One of the earliest references to thisy

port by the Arabs is found in an Arab Mss, of the beginning of the 7th
century A.D. In this Mss. Mangalore is mentioned 235 . In later Arab
accounts, tliis town was known as Manjarur 236 . All these indisputably;':
prove that Mangaluru must have been a vigorous centre of political and
commercial activity from early times. / Jfyfykf

We suffer from an acute paucity of source material to dilate on the
manner in which the city of Mangaluru may have been governed. At
any rate* it was the capital of the Alupas for several centuries. The advent;; 1
. of the Vijayanagara rule witnessed emergence; of this town into great
fame, as to be recognised all over the empire. It was the ■ capital of the e
Mangaluru-rajya. But no epigraph of this town gives us any information

229 Ibid No.

230 Hobson

182.
Jobson

Glossary of ' Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words arid Phrases and .

■* i . : . r- bn J A oh p.ccnvv

Salelore.- v;

f ''Ptolemy , and Western' India (Reprinted from Journal of Indian History . Vol. fttgf
■ ; : Part I (April 1962.. Serial No. 118): pp. 51 & 52 - M. .G.ovmda Pai - Aviic\c : Tulu- v

. nadu, Purva-smriti- Tefika-nadu, Ip.: 20. O'ykf'ffyffSyy

n. ^Jobson p i; 552 ;:

180

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

about die town-plan nor of any representative or corporate bodies to
which powers of administration were delegated. It may be surmised
diat centuries of political importance of this capital town may have caused
for die division of the town into keris (streets), similar to those found in
Barakitru. The following names still continue; Gollara-keri , Basti-keii ,
ICasayi-galli, Gtijjara-keri, Basavanagudi-keri. An epigraph of Kadri 237 ,
dated A. D. 1475, states that Kadire was the adisthana of Mangaluru-rajya.
By the term adhisthana, we could mean two tilings. It may be that Kadire
was the first capital of Mangaluru-rajya 238 or that it was one the most
ancient sacred places of the Mangaluru province by virtue of the temple
of Manjunatha, situated in Kadire which is referred to as the pine Saivite
( suddha Siva-sthand) centre 239 . It appears that Kadire was under the
control of four sthanikas, namely, Ravala-paliya, Ganapatma-Aluva , Rayara-
senaboia and Gomma-senabova 24 °. It may only be surmised that the city
administration of Mangaluru could not be on different lines from that
of the rest discussed above. But there are no indications of such self-
governing institutions in Mangaluru holding power and influence as found
in the capital city of Barakuru.

Udayapura

Udayapura (Udiyapura or Odevura) was an early capital of the
Alupas in Tulu-nadu 241 . Its history, at any rate, commences from the
7th century A.D. with the first known king of the Alupa dynasty, Srimat-
Altwarasar. And it continued to be the capital of this dynasty till the
10th century A.D. Inspite of these long years of political importance
attained by it, we do not obtain sufficient information about the manner
of administration. Most of the epigraphs are memorial stones and are
meagre in information regarding the life of the people and how it was
regulated.

One of the epigraphs 242 says that the uru should protect the charity
regulation ( vjavaste ) made in respect of the Chembukallu-Bhattaraka
and we mayjust imagine that the whole town of Udayapura had a corporate
body to fun ction in general interest. It is also not unlikely that this
237 S.I.I.Vo 1 VII, No. 194.

^ *' x0 * t'langalura-rdjyal.kc adistanavaha Kadirc\ a sthditikarum

*" Ibid
240 Ibid.

2i ' f o |^ No - 531 for 1932-33; 5././. Vol. VII Nos 283, 284, 279; Ep.Ini. IX, pp. 17
' 4 - S - 1 ' 1 Vo1 - V!I No - 281, 8th century A.D of the time of Ranasagara.

Administration \ TyS/:';,

to\\Ti' was the centr.e Of tlxe : 18 iriciaXioH^ in the sarire Epigraph. £

"We are unable to make out /whether the 70 famines’

to in the epigraph of .&/;/?tfhAluvarasar 243 (8th /century A . D . )? represent

an assembly of the town, for it may also be : interpreted as forming the.-

merchant guild of Udayapura. We are not sure how far we can interpret

the -term Udayapura-nayaka as the leader of the town of Udayapura or its.

chairman, responsible for its. administration; it is really one, of .uncertainty? 44 .;,^

It is doubtless that Udayapura in the 8th century A

and that the Alupa king was directly conscious of the immense, need to.

regulate the activities of the town. / ■.•> A ■■' : - : j) r cTyTpy

The Halarus and Municipal Administration

The body known as the halarus occurs very frequently and prominently ' :
too in the history of Tulu-nadu. The dictionary meaning, which is quite :
simple {liala-halaru-halabam - many or several persons, Kittel p. 1 638)
does not take us far in understanding the history and function of tliis/body
which is rather conspicuous in the epigraphs of Tulu-nadu. : This body
of people does not figure so prominently outside Tuluva, although its/;/;
role in other places is not totally absent. '.V'-

It is befitting to give a list of the most significant inscriptions which
refer to the halaru of Tuluva. - . ./■A.UyAA-vpw/l

1. Barakura haUu-heriya halaru along with uduvara-baliaiid eradukola-P '
ball. (A.D.1334) 245 . ■' - '■ . ; 'A/h '.y ^

f 2. Nagarasa-Odeya, the governor of Barakuru, .the. siMeen;;settikdfasrU
of the ten keris, 770 elarnes and hahjamanada-halaru •(A : .DiI399.) 2 .vV'c-. : f55 :

'Ja 3. Gift of land by the donor from out of the kanike etc., paid by the .; y
halaru of hattu-kcri and others 247 . > ,

4. Refers to arasugalu , pradhdnaru, Kdrakalada-halaru /andv Mp’a- \ •/
; nanadesigalu (A.D. 1 334) 248 .

5. Thfe eight setlikards of Venupura : '_(!Miudabidufe)j-Aa»iayto'_
belonging to the four e lames (A.D. 1429) 249 . ;

V 243 S././. Vol. VII, No. 279.

• ; 244 Ep.Ind. Vol. IX, p; 21.

A 24 * A .72. No. 262 for 1931-’32.

246 .S’././: Vol. VII No. 350. o-\ ; :

V /^biAtf. No:' 303 for 193 1- 5 32. • A '. 7' .
A 248 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 247. r V
A 249 Ibid-No. 196. v r veAW-'-AVA;'

halaru

182

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

6. Construction of Tribhuvana-Chudamani (the thousand-pillared-
basii) by the eight settikaras and samasta-halaru belonging to the four e lames
of Venupura (A.D. 1429) 250 .

7. An agreement between the 16 settikaras of the ten keris, samasta
halarus of nakhara-hahjamana of Barakuru, six ballalas etc., regarding the
boundaries of their lands situated in Vodevura of the TJdipi taluk
(A.D.1474) 251 .

8. Gift of a house, situated near the tanks of the pujaris lying to the
south of the basadi to the priest, performing gandha kutiya-piija by the halarus
(A.D.1476) 232 .

9. Charity with the consent of the eight settikaras and the samasta
lialaru belonging to four e lames of the nagara of Bidire (A.D. 151 5) 253 .

10. Mentions the matha of 5000 halarus of Karakala in connection
with the grant of a hundred gadyanas made to Lalitaklrti-Bhattaraka by
the sravakas 254 .

11. Registers that the third story of the Tribhuvana-Chudamani was
constructed with the assistance of the halaru (of Mudabidure) and that
with all glory, it was shining 255 .

12. Record of gifts of land and garden with the consent of the halaru
of Belatangadi (A . D . 1 5 1 0) 236 .

13. Charity made with the consent of the bastija-karta and samasta
halaru of Karakala (A.D. 1592 j 237 .

14. Mentions while describing the boundaries ( gadi ) of a gift of land-
east of the gadi of Sarikalinga-sctti and south of the gadi of tantrada halaru

The examples cited above lead us to the following inferences :

(a) Most of them occur in the towns of Tuluva and therefore, they
may constitute a body of municipal councillors.

(4) They were fairly influential and popular and their consent had
lad to be obtained for grants and gifts. Mostly they were in charge

250 Ibid No 204

231 A. It No 57 for 1929-’30

232 5 / / Vol VII, No 209.

2 3 Ibid No 212.

233 Ibid No 243.
f 5 Ibid No 206

233 -4 /i No 480 for 1928-’29
“ S I I. Vol. VII, No 244
A It. No 267 for 1931 -’32

A/ yT L-AhA ■ \ : : ;Ad?nmstraiio)i [y;' : rry/.'.yyr,r:y J : A- 183

: ;of the managements of charity gifts and grants as indicated in a number
•of inscriptions. • ' • V \ .."‘ v ;V' ■■ : '-yA [ V A.V:/ '.TAyAy AA.

J 'v{;'0 ; ^1jever^ be the religion' to which they belonged elsewhere, it
becomes evident from the above records that they were Jainas and there-
fore, this body of th t haldru, predominently Jaina, suggests the preponder-
ance of the Jaina community in die society of TulUva. This inference is
corroborated in the above epigraphs which repeatedly record sravaka-halaru ,
lidla.ru connected with and responsible for the construction' of basadis
and conduct of rites and worship in them. An inscription of Basaruru
records die gift of 8 gadydnas made to the halaru for the conduct of ashta-
bhayapiija. This kind of ritual is connected chiefly with the Jainas.
(SJ.I. Vol. IX part II, No. 540, A. D. 1531). By the expression hanja-
i manada halaru, it could either mean the representatives of the hafijamdna
group or halaru having control over th e hafijamdnas .

yAAAv POLITICAL COMPACTS

•aTa ■ ( Local Agreements )

■A Ay From very early times the feudal characteristics in the political sphere
seemed to have been deeply rooted. The division of die country into
a series of self-contained and autonomous political units with sovereignty
•v almost wholly recognized in so far as matters of internal administration
were concerned, as well as their external relationship with the neighbouring...
like-states received the stamp of historical tradition. This resulted in
local- compacts effected between two or more such states, ruled by chiefs,
for purposes of defence and sometimes, for the promotion of goodwill
and mutual concord. Unless the political issues amongst the principalities .
became a matter of deep concern putting the safety and transquility of
• the country as a whole to jeopardy, .the suzerain, whoever he may, be,
did not appear to have interfered in their affairs. ; Below arc given some
of the important political agreements entered into by such chieftains and
; : these reflect clearly how regionalism got perpetuated in the polity of Tufu-
nadu, which was at once a blessing and a curse to its general progress A : A

Ay'-': (1)-: The earliest jqidwn compact of such "a character is afforded by
the Bantra inscription of the Puttur taluk of South Kanara, which is
ascribed to the 8th-9th centuries A.D:, on palacographical grounds.
Tt appears to be a political agreement entered into by four persons ~

184

Studies in Tiduva History and Culture

Narasinga-Dugataja, son of Balle-Odeya; Rachamallan-Dugaraja, brother
of Vilarittaliyarasa; the Kadamba ruler whose name is not given and
Nripamalla-raja himself - to the effect that they should discontinue mutual
enmity and refrain from violence and fights. The epigraph refers to two
idjyas namely - the rajya of Nripamalla-raja and Prithivlrajya of Kadamba
kulodbhava (both these rulers have remained unidentified) 259 .

(2) The Kuttupadi epigraph of about the 12th century A.D. of the
time Bankideva, the Alupa ruler, records a socio-political compact entered
into at Mangodu near Udayavara of the Udipi taluk, between two parties
in the presence of the Mahdpradhana Narasimha-heggade and others. The
specification in this agreement that there ought not to be any violence
is greatly emphasised 260 .

(3) An undated inscription of Atradi of the Udipi taluk seems to
register an agreement entered into by Maliamandalesvara Ballamadevarasa,
Naranaluva, the adhikari, the Mudilas, the three hundred of the Hakala
village and twelve mahajanas of Harika regarding the enjoyment of certain
incomes and the bedungula. This epigraph may belong to the close of
the 13 tii century A.D. 261

(4) Another agreement is found in the inscription from Simanturu,
near Mulki of the Mangalore taluk, dated A.D. 1411 between a certain
Chennaya-melanta alias Kunda-heggade and his nephew, Bemmanna-
heggade on the one hand and Kantu-heggade on the other who has been
estranged over the possession of some lands which states that thenceforward
they should bind themselves to keep their respective lands and should not
encroach into each other’s portions 262 .

(5) An inscription of the 14th century A.D. found at Bantakallu
of the Udipi taluk, gives us an exciting information of mutual agreement
and compact amongst three parties (representing the three chieftains)
to take offensive against the fourth. It proceeds to state that Kunda-
heggadc (of 1 elluru-sime or magane) and Kinnike-heggade belonging
to the Niduburatyatr/w took an offensive on Yermala and that as a conse-
quence, the Mudila-/»a/us/«z with the assistance of the 5000 alas of nddu-baU,
liavingjrrought Pandyappa-Odeya of ICarakala from the manorial house
of Sural a to that Belu-nadu, dishonoured him, the leadersliip being,

A.n. No. 351 for 1930-’31.
A.R. No. 569 for 1929-’30
Ibid No. 239 for
Ibid No. 339 for

1931-’32.
1930-3 1.

Administration 185

assumed by Yelluru Kunda-heggade. The place name Bantakallu,
which still remains, appears to have come into vogue after this incident,
which is recorded in the inscription, the stone bearing which having been
set up here. The epigraph ends with a compromise 263 .

(6) An epigraph of Ujre of the Belthangady taluk of South Kanara,
dated 1469 A.D. mentions that Vitharasa-Odcya, the governor of Mahga-
luru, gave the village Ujiri as umbali to Kamiraja-arasa and Devanna-
kothari as a compensation for burning their palace at Kodiyala (Mangaluru)
and the village Nirumarga and records the order that the latter gave to
the residents of that village directions regarding the payment of taxes,
which were to be thereafter paid to him. The interest of tire inscription
lies in the fact that it emphasizes that there should be no enmity and
fight within that area thenceforward 264 .

(7) The political pact of the year A.D. 1475 is still more specific
and binding. It was entered into amongst the chieftains of four nddus,
namely, Kunda-heggade of Yelluru, Kinnika-heggade of Yelinja, Marclda-
heggadeof Kapu and the Chautas of Yeradu-nadu. It records that mutual
defence and assistance should govern their relationship and that any
expenditure incurred for that purpose of extending military aid to the
rest in time of danger should be met by the concerned state treasury.
The most conspicuous part of the pact is that for any violation of the pact
a penalty to the temple of the respective nddii by way of land gift of two
hanes must be paid and thus only the aggressor could regain his place
in the alliance 265 .

(8) The Pallipadi inscription gives us another agreement of mutual
reciprocity between Ponamna-arasa and Bommanna-arasa in A.D. 1471
for mutual defence and harmony 266 .

(9) In A . D . 1485 Vlra-Bankarasa and Kunda-heggade (the devaradiya )
of Yelluru ( sime ) entered into a mutual agreement in the presence of god
Mahadeva at Yelluru of the Udipi taluk regarding the dispute that arose
in connection with two pieces of land 267 .

(10) Another agreement between Devaradiya alias Kunda-heggade
and Kinnika-heggade was effected in A.D. 1490 in the presence of

263 A.R. No. 370 for 1930-*31-

264 Ibid No. 482 for 1928-’29.

265 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 304.

266 A.R. Nos. 385 & 386 for 1927-’28.

207 Ihd No. 391 for 1927~’28.

186 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Mahalinga at Yclluiu to live amicably for ever without molesting each-
others’ lands 268 .

(11) Similar agreement may be alluded to between the chiefs of
Yclluru Kunda-heggade and Madda-heggade of Kapu in another epigraph
at Muluru of the same taluk, to render to each other faithful service at
all times against the enemies 269 .

(12) An epigiaph from Kapu of the Udipi taluk, dated A. D. 1499,
registers a mutual political agreement between Kunda-heggade and
Tirumalarasa alias Mada-heggade of Kapu, regarding mutual help and
accord m case of attack from outside. All misunderstanding between
them should be settled, the record says, by reconciliation and non-violent
means. The compact emphasizes that the armies of both the sthanas
or nidus should be equipped with bows and arrows, food stuffs and various
other commodities by the respective parties themselves and that in case
of any conflict of interest settlement of differences of opinion should take
place by mutual understanding 270 .

(13) Two other lithic records are of considerable importance. The
Simanturu inscription, dated A.D. 1512-T3 of the time of Ratnappodeya,
governor of Mangaluru and Barakuru-rajyas, is a record to register a
political agreement between Tirumalaraya Chauta (of Mudubidure,
Puttige), Kunda-heggade (of Yclluru) and Kinnika-heggade alias Tiru-
malarasa (of Mulki, Simanturu). This record insists upon mutual
concord, help and unity, in defending one another’s territory in case of
aggression It states that the three sthanas should stand united 271 .

(14) A mutual and amicable agreement amongst the chieftains
( doregalu ) of the three sthanas — Yclluiu, Aikala and Puttige in A.D. 1512
regarding unity in case of attacks from Bhayirarasa of Karakala u'as
effected stating clearly that there should not be any internal feuds among
these three sthanas , that in case of aggression from outside (especially from
Karakala), they should act in unison and fight against the enemy equipping
themselves unth all necessary armed forces, spending out of their own
treasury and that this pact should be valid for generations (so long as the
sun and moon v'ould last). The importance of the pact is manifest in

268 Ibid No 393 for 1927-’28

270 | C y y 11 n !^ uanan Remains of the Madras President}, p 232

271 A.R No 340 for 1930— ’31

Administration

187

the imprecation that its breach would result in the lihga of Visvesvara
(of Yelluru) and of the entire region ranging between Govukarna and
Kamjatlrtha 272 being destroyed (incomplete).

(15) The Sujeru epigraph of the Mangalore taluk, dated A. D. 1528,
registers another pack between Tirumalarasa alias Chauta of Puttige
and his followers - alisavira and balisavira - on one side and Vira-Narasimha
Banga of Bangavadi and his five thousand followers and their neighbours
on the other defining their respective rights and privileges under the
arbitration of Vedananda-Odeya. the disciple of Krishnanda-Odeya
and of Tirumalarasa alias Kinnika-heggade who acted as intermediaries
in the settlement 273 .

(16) The copper-plates of the district of South Kanara also record
such agreements of mutual concord and help for purposes of protection
and social security. One such plate registers an agreement given to
Keravasi Pandyapparasa by Tirumalarasa Chautaru by which both the
parties pledged themselves to permanent alliance to help each other
against enemies and not to entertain traitors from other’s camp. The
witness to the transaction was the nadu-bali Maramma-hcggade (of
Yermala). A similar agreement was given by Pandyapparasa, son of
Chandaladevi to Tirumalarasa Chautaru. This certainly is the under-
taking reciprocal to the above. The Jaina spiritual teacher Lalitaklrtti-
Bhataraka is mentioned. Both the records are dated A.D.1543 274 .

(17) Another copper-plate registers an agreement given to the Chauta
chief of Tuluva and nalina Tirumalarasa by Tirumalarasa Kinnika-
heggade and nalina Kinnika-nimittaru entering into an alliance both
offensive and defensive. The compact was made in the presence of
Srimatu Krishnananda-Odeya. A reciprocal agreement as the above was
given by the Chauta chief of Tuluva and nalina Tirumalarasa to Kinnika-
heggade - Tirumalarasa and nalina Kinnika-nimittaru. The records are
dated A.D.1528 273 .

(18) A settlement pact amongst the Chautas, theAjilas, the nadu-bali
5000, Desihgarasa, the arasu of Sisila, the halara and perhaps, Kava-heggade
of Karakala is recorded in an epigraph of Hire-Nermsvara-basti, Hiri-
yahgadi, Karakala. It seems to point to the injustice done to the kola-bali

272 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 228.

222 A.R. No. 336 for 1930-’31.

A.R. No. 4 for 1921— ' ’22 p. 9, Appendix A; A.R. No. 5 for 1921-22, p. 9.

5 A.R. No. 6 for 192 1— s 22 p. 9, Appendix A; A.R. No. 7 for 1921-22, p. 10.

188

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

5000 by Kava-heggade and suggests remedial measures, how the Lola-bali
5000 and Malaha 5000 should be treated and protected. This was in
late 16th century A.D. 276

The above recorded documents give us ample proof of self-centred,
centrifugal and autonomous tendencies of feudal character that had
deep roots in Tulu-nadu. The Annual Epigraphical Report for 1927-’28 277
says that in the last years of the reign of Virupaksha, the Vijayanagara
king, the confusion in politics of the empire seems to have been felt also
in South Kanara and proceeds to say that the inscriptions copied at Yelluru,
cited above, recording the political agreements are a reflection of political
chaos at the imperial centre. It is not without reason that this remark is made
in the report. The same opinion is advanced by Dr. T. V. Mahalingam 27 *.
At certain periods of Vijayanagara history when the central government
was not strong enough to put down cenrtifugal tendencies, we see the
influential people of a locality making compacts among themselves to
strengthen their position and to prevent any encroachment in their rights
and privileges by outsiders. This activity on the part of the people for
the preservation of their rights was not without a good side to it. But
in regard to the history of Tuluva, this is only partly true. For, the instance
cited above pointedly draw our attention to the age-old system of feudal
character that was responsible for such compacts and it is evidently clear
that instances of such pacts were not merely confined to the troubled
period of Virupaksha. The chiefs who were the participants in tire various
agreements were: the rulers of Karakala and Keravase (Bhairavarasa-
Odeyas), the Chautas of Mudabidure and Puttige; Kinnika-heggade
of Mulki, Simantnru; Kunda-heggade of Yelluru; Madda (Marda)-
heggade of Kapu-slme; Banga-ruler of Bangavadi etc. All these were
the hereditary rulers of their respective principalities (known as nadus
or states or rajyas ) and these agreements are fully suggestive of the soverc-
ignty enjoyed by each chief over his territory and his vassalage to the
overlord (either the Afupa ruler or the governor of Barakuru or Mangaluru)
was only nominal.

Even during the reign of Krishnadevaraya such political agreements
were undertaken. We may remark, therefore, that imperial suzerains

f 6 S.l I Vol VII, No 245

277 A R for 1927-28

278 Mahalingam — A S L V pp 229-230

zplf. V •; / V’ Vf ? ' : [ A-: T89 ',

•-• \yere not much conccriicd about the a-clministration of these principalities,
> that these chieftaincies were allowed/ to manage their own affairs and to
enter into political relations with, ohe another and that •intervention by
the imperial powers or by. their representatives is seen' only in acute, cases
of political disharmony and danger. Such; local arrangements . were
;; Very useful in as much as they ensured, peace in the locality and . relieved
the central government of a great detd of responsibility for the maintenance
V of law and order. . . ' /: '"-'V-s- >

THE ADMINISTRATION OF LAW AND JUSTICE ' : .

ftvvvvv'::;.'; : military organisation

. Concept of Law

fyy^yThe concept, of law that inspired rulers in administration was like
.. the one that prevailed elsewhere. The first source (and also the chief
: ..source) of law was the scripture of sdnatana- dharma and the second, custom
; (kattallcgalii). The primary duties of the state were the preservation
•Jof society and prevention of conflicts of interests amongst the various;
y castes and communitics in the state- v.

§§j'*V : Inscriptions lay down clearly that punishing the evil-doers and, pro-,:

. : tecting the good was the task before the ruler and that he virtually strove
%£ hr^fiiifihhent' of the same during his feign 279 . ( dushla nigraha sishta paripala - : ;
'ykardgi): i That the aim of the prosperity of the kingdom was kept before
; the king is also amply proved by inscriptions 280 (rqjydbhivnddhipr avardha-
manairi). The Vij ayanagara epigraphs in particular inform us that the
y: protection of the chaturvarna 281 (Brdhmna, kshatriya , vaisya and siidra) was.

{ '. the ruler’s dharma (sakala varndsrama dharma). It becomes clear the division -
of . society . according, jto chaturvarna was an accepted fact. This is what
is known as - ndlkujdti - as come across in. epigraphs 282 . It is also obvious
that great veneration was. adduced to the Brdhmanas in society, which can
•y bc made out from the imprecatory portion of epigraphs; It goes without;’
^ saying great sanctity was attached to cows! But a few epigraphs strangely
{. . .record importance to bulls that come down the eight Ghats. They inform :,
V. • us that for the breach of the provisions of -the record, one would '

incur;

™ Voi; VII, No. 177 ctc.,;V; O

0 Vol. VII, Nos. 22, 237 <tc. .V

ypbid(N6.f296eic }/ "v
? n '-Ibid No. .185 etc.; v ydV Vy ; \V;/v;-;y

190

Studies in Ttiluva History and Cultwe

into the sin arising out of the killing of bulls that descend from the eight
Ghats 283 . This was perhaps because of the fact that these bullocks were
indispensable as beasts of burden in the transportation of goods from
above the Ghats to Tuiu-nadu.

Sivalli of Udupi had attained a position of great sanctity as far back
as the 8th century A . D . and that it was almost considered as equal in
importance to Banavasi or Varanasi is manifestly clear in the early epi-
graphs 284 . As early as the close of the 8th century or the beginning of
the 9th century, the importance of the asvamedha sacrifice seemed to have
been recognised by the rulers as indicated by the inscriptions found at
Bantra, Puttur taluk, South Kanara 28s . The Udayavara epigraphs of
the 8th century also speak of the five great sins associated with the destruct-
ion of Sivalli and Varanasi and Banavasi and Sivalli 286 .

Each locality had its own specific regulations, based on social orga-
organisation and religious beliefs and tendencies, the preservation and
furtherance of which became the particular dharma of the locality. Further-
more, each community or caste had its own traditional customs or practices,
codes of observances, which constituted its dhanna and a faithful adherance
to them was considered an imperative pre-requisite to be an integral
part of the community or caste. In the economic sphere, the guild regu-
lations and professional rules constituted the dhanna , which had to be
scrupulously safeguarded. Honouring the provisions of the contract
meant to be a part of social dharma.

Courts of Justice

V e do not have direct evidence of graded courts of justice set up by
the state. But from the study of inscriptions, certain broad inferences
could be drawn.

(a) The representative body of the grama (may be called grama-
paiichaj at) was perhaps in charge of conducting original enquiry into
complaints and thus issuing decrees. The grama-chavadi was the place
of assembly. Tliis body would comprise the gramani, the rnadhjastha,
the joint, the heggade (invariably th eguiteddr) and some respectable members
o ic village. The session of die grama-panchayal was related to the

283 Ibid No 273 etc

as Ep Ind ' Vo1 Ix > PP- 19-24.

" .Addmiistration \ jy ;. : . vi 91

^settlement of issues of general importance only, for each community
would have its own assembly under' the leadership of gurikara, responsible
for maintaining justice and order within the community. •. f c./-'

;• , (b) The decrees of the grama-panchayat would be reviewed by the

.’ cohncib of a sime or magane in which case, the ruler of the nddu or sime would
be 'the head of the council. The deliberations would be conducted in
. the simc-chavadi. Corresponding to the grama caste or community com-
ymittees, there appeared to be bodies on the sime level. These were to
; receive appeals from the lower courts.

(r) Appeals could be made to the court of justice in the provincial
headquarters, but such instances seemed exceptionally few. The tendency
. was to finalise issues in the lower two courts only. The role of the madhyastha
was rather of importance in all these courts, for his duties were more
. connected with adjudication and arbitration rather than administration,
ivv';,: (d) In urban areas such as Barakuru, Mahgaluru, Karakala, Basaruru,
Venupura, etc., the lower court of justice was, perhaps, the body of the
municipal councillors, known as halaru , presided over by the adhyakshd .
This council would deal with cases relating to general administration
f of the town. But disputes pertaining to trade would be settled by a body
of: the settikaras, who represented the guilds. Only in extreme cases,
j already mentioned disputes used to be taken to the king or provincial
■governor. ' y. ; ' f ;J •

Punishments- " ■ • . V- ; -

. Punishments for guilts and breaches of regulations were of two kinds,?
... namely, (1) tappu danda { fines) , and (2) kattu (excommunication). ■ Death
punishment may be said to . have been unknown. We do: noti have a
single instance of death punishment in. any of the epigraphs of Tuju-nadu.
.yyiheSvWefe .both prohibitive and corrective in nature.,. A fe\v. instances
may be cited: i ; .•«•;. • • ; •* V-v Air

Reference Nature of the crime v :- . . i . Rate, of fines AW ’

S.I.I, Vol. VII Tor refusing to accept the provision of the y -'A V; AAAAA
;• , No. 1 77 V gift grant. . pY. ; ■ tv.-l '-"pi , V,f .//• V ■ ’ 51 :• gadyanas to the' king
y /Zi?^ N' o , .213.. yy.y Fornhreatening. to vioIate;by -dra\ving;the;.-’: : C. .K>: • Y:Y iy

yAAPA i TAC -YYvi sword half ■ ■(■;:>%.gadyanas • . ' : ... - . '.•• •

Ibid Nos. 210 & 229 A tA-AWAY A. 500 padyanasJ,'.-} / Y '/■{

yJbidNo. lJQ j yicvFotwiolating the' giant ;2: t 'iy'df.^OQ^i^adas .W-A-AA'A

192

Studies in Tultwa History and Culture

Ibid Nos. 210 For threatening to violate by drawing the
& 229 sword completely

Ibid No. 1 89 Breach of grant made to Manjmathadeva,
Kadre

S.I I. Vol. VII For building structures in forbidden areas
Nos. 226 & 227

Ibid No. 325 For occupation (encroachment) of prohi-
bited regions

Ibid No 340 For breach of trade contract
A . R No 345 for Penalty for violating the prohibition of
1930— ’3 1 fishing in the tank of Huttura devalaya

(12th century A.D.)

1000 gadyanas

1000 gadyanas

1200 gadyanas

1000 gadyanas
1200 gadyanas

100 gadyanas

DOUBLE PENALTY

Ibid 343 for Double penalty of 51 gadyanas to the deity

1930-31 and 101 gadyanas to the king for violation

of any sort connected with the gift of
land by Devarasa of Kumara-mangala
(A.D. 1199)

TRIPLE PENALTY

Triple fines for the violation of the grant -
500 gadyanas to the deity, 500 gadyanas
to the king, and 500 gadyanas to the
grama

fil'd No 232 For the same cause as above 101 gadyanas
to the deity, 101 gadyanas to the king
and 101 gadyanas to the grama.

A record of Udayavara states that the penalty for putting any obstacle
on the way of dharma to be conducted in propitiation of Vinayaka, the
Nandalikc-ffatha and the Ninjakora— .Datoa, was the cession of lands
yielding 24 mude of rice a year. This punishment was so crushing and
prohibitive that no body would dare break the regulation 287 . One of the
epigraphs, dated A.D. 1325, found at Kapu village states that tire penalty
for striking a man within the demarcated area would be 500 gadyanas
and 1000 gadyanas for murdering, which must be paid to the king 288 -
Here two inferences are possible. The payment of 1000 gadyanas was
too heavy during those days to commit any murder actually and secondly,

SJ I. Vol. VII,
No 231

death . piinishment was rarely imposed.' Another epigraph • seems to
state' that the . murderer were to be a life-long slave or bondsman of the
lung for his crime 289 . A .■ ; ■ .’!;V

One of theAlupa epigraphs is very elaborate, and distinctive in des-
cribing the nature of punishments 290 . It seems discriminatory but the
impact of the punishments is not less severe one from the other. The
following are the punishments for violence attempted on the padamulis
of the. temple.

•Ay (1) Excommunication from the four castes for a Brahmin.
^^P^cpftihmnication from the trade guilds for a tradesman ( setti ).

iOOO honnu per head for a cultivator. The same epigraph specifies
the fine for any dereliction of religious duty as follows :

; :^y}pp^%'Tantri ■'
pirf.-lyf- ..Asrana
j-Cyy .’>:}■ p Assistant to Asrana
: Adhyakshd
''Sinava .

\ A" Adhikari

Pipers and cleaners

10 (perhaps honnus)

1 dhare
10 dhares
5 dhares
10 dhares
10 dhares

double the daily wages etc.

yicAAThe most stimulating part of the record is the nature of the punish-
' ment meted out . to the criminal charged with murder. It states that the
'murderer was enjoined to be with the family of the murdered for a period
of seven days. . Perhaps, this meant most degarding. Another inscription
of Basaruru imposes a fine of a portion of the tool-revenue raised in the
village, to be paid to Mahadeva of Basaruru on the nakharas and settis of
Dharmapattana, for the . crime of committing murder of two men. Although
;the punishment seems light, it is corrective in consequence in that god
himself was invoked for expiation of the sin and that. there might not be
recurrence of the same crime in future 291 . - . , ' : '■ A;Ayyy:

Scnse[ of Justice : ’■ v. : ,■ yAyy'yA

. ( a ) Response to Representation: V r ' V.; • ■-

Bither. during the reign of the Alupas or of the Vijayariagara kings,

. the government was sensitive to the grievances of the people and instances

w^lhid M:-: 2 1 AAk A U\A v X; ; AA

mf °-^^'No.'i85.hA £■ AP-Jy:

Adfs.ix.Vohix Part i^ivo. 450. Ay: -/A AAAUaiaAA' vAAyyAy

194

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

of justice, conferred on the people for the representations made, are come
across in inscriptions from time to time.

During the reign of Vira-Sdyidevalupendra, the people of Bannanje,
a part of Sivafii, seemed to have submitted a memorandum to the king
containing five demands, which was accepted and accordingly 30 gadyanas
and an underwood (padi) and one gadyana to god of Taregude (Talegude)
was granted 292 .

An epigraphs of Hattiyangadi, Coondapur, taluk, states that des-
truction was wrought on the basadi by fire after a long time, which resulted
in the decay of the Jaina orthodoxy in the region and Virugappa-dannayaka
made a grant to the basadi on the representation and advice of Abhaya-
clrarya 293 .

Another epigraph, dated A. D. 1469, found in Saligrama records a
grant of 300 kati-varaha gadyanas from out of the siddhaya tax, due from
the village of Kota, on the representation and request of the 16 adhivasis
and the heggades, representing 10,000 mahdjagattu, to the people of Kota 294 .

Still another instance of representation is had in one of the Barakuru
epigraphs and this was in protest against the governor of Barakuru by
sthdnapalhi Chikkanna, made to the emperor of Vijayanagara, for the
injustice done to the town of Barakuru. The appeal was heard and justice
conferred, after due enquiry 295 .

( b ) Compensation:

A record of Surala, dated A . D . 1 383, registers a gift of money income
of some villages by Mahdpradhana Jakkanna-Odeya, the governor of the
Barakuru-rajya to Siva-Nidambura, as the latter ’s father Anna-Nidambura
died in course of Ills official duties. The gift was made at the instance
of the king as also Muddeya-dannayaka in the presence of Male-Odeya
of Honnavara 29 ’.

The Kodiyalbail epigraph, dated A. D. 1419, refers to the distraction
caused by the governor of Mangaluru on the five mosques (J/allis ) of tire
hanjamanas. On hearing this news, the emperor of Vijayanagara sent
Bayiclrappa-dannayaka in order to investigate into the issue and dis-
covering that injustice was done to the hanjamanas, he caused the patlis

392 Ibid Vol. VII, No. 308.

l n, ^V 0n ,^ d A-- 0 ' 138 8, read and copied by me on 9-7-1964.

/i i-c iVa nid i nno mn '

195

: : . v The year A . D . 1 43 7 records the compensation given to Sivalli-grama :

in accordance with, the direction giveit by Annappa-Odeya to Sihgarasa,:
the governor of Barakuru, in view of the fact that the latter indulged in
certain gross violence by conducting a military attack against Sival]q"J
•. resulting in the complete abeyance of worship and customary rites of the
temple of Sri Krishna in Udupi 298 . •; A ' . v .,

^ An inscription of the time of VirQpaksha, ; dated A . D> 1 469, states
;; that the village of Ujre along with the rights of collecting taxes was handed
over to Kamiraya-arasa (the Banga chief) and Devanna-kotliari as com-
y pensation for having burnt their palace at Kodiyala (Mahgaluru) without
Improper reasons 299 . f-.fV : V ’V ; ••-'h

Administration - '

reconstructed and the restored to their) former. 'status.

compensat6ry;.igift • atsoywas^ihadh ' imMahgajuru 29 kA'A4

A-f A Note on Military Organisation: \ v.' ; '' '• AVACy-AA

The kola-balis, are frequently by referredbtp both in the Alupa; and •
the Vijayanagara epigraphs 300 . Perhaps, they could represent the local ;'
defence forces. That these kola-balis were of characteristic importance-;
in Tuluva is proved by the virtual absence of reference to them in the
epigraphs outside Tuluva. A number of inscriptions relate to the events, C ,;
when the combatants equipped themselves with bows, arrows, sticks^
shields and swords and . fought 301 . Interesting incidents : are also come ; :
across in proof of the allies equipping, themselves; with weapons yofcwaiA-t
as .mentioned above, spending from their own revenues and coming ; to
the aid of their friendly states when threatened by invasion. We do not
; have any concrete evidence of any sort of other defence organizations A
maintained by the state. There may not be any doubt that horses of the
Arabian breed were imported through the instrumentality of the Arabs
y and therefore, chavalry must have been a very . effective branch of the
lighting forces during the V ijayanagara period. Yet, it is doubtful whether ^
. the reference made to Mahgaluru Naga-gauda as ‘lord of ships 5 in an i;

. W/S.Mt VoL VII, No. . 182. 7 vAfA/A ; A : ;.:AA

- 298 No. 296. V •' / : A '• . ; '.'A: V AA: 77 • >7'v?7 sf

; . 299 ^./C.No. 482 for 1928- ! 29. .V-v
;. - 300 5./,/; Vol.;yiI Nos. 245, 274,185, 354 : etc. A.R. No. 338 for 1931- 5 32;if./, Vol. I

•WAv .'-Nos. ,41 and 61 '•'•It' : i : :iN ■ ' ■ 7 AXvVr-'v v-V A '•

301 S,I.L Vol. VII Nos. 228, 273; A.R. No. 340 for 1930-’3l. , ' ' ' A *

196 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

epigraph from S or aba 3 02 is to Mangaluru of the district of South Kanara,
for Mangaluru come across in the above epigraph is very possibly tire
place of the same name in Soraba. Inscriptions are silent of any further
information connected with military organization.

301 r.p Car Vol VIII Soraba No. 467

CHAPTER X

ECONO MI G LIFE

Agriculture

From the various gleanings through inscriptions, the economic life
of the people of Tulu-nadu may be reviewed as follows : The epigraphical
, sources earlier than the 11th century A.D. do not help us much in the
fulfilment of this task to an extent as to be clear in our observations
regarding the economic conditions of early times. This does not mean
that the economic history of Tulu-nadu prior to the 1 1th C. A.D, is blank,
because it is evident that from out of the political order, evolved by the
Alupas and various other chieftains some sort of stability in the economic
life of the people may be expected. From the 11th to the 16th centuries,
we may find a basic unity permeating the life of the people. This seems
to be conspicuously marked in agriculture. This unity continued until
the advent of the British rule.

About the economic conditions of the people of Canara, Buchanan
in his Travels 1 writes “To judge from the appearances, the occupiers,
of land in Tuluva are richer than even those of Malabar who are, no doubt
in easier circumstances than those in Coimbatore or those above die Ghats”,
It is, indeed, worth mentioning the remarks of die Compiler of the South
Kanara District Manual 2 “Tenures and natural circumstances being
.. alike favourable and the agricultural classes being generally industrious,
a large number of ryots are in easy and prosperous circumstances and
confort is probably more widely diffused than in most other parts of
Southern India”. ‘Canara’ is particularly well adapted for the pursuit
of agriculture. While the high Western Ghats intercept the clouds, the
lofty forests arrest diem and cause them to precipitate their contents and

1 Buchanan - journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore , Canara and Malabar,
Vol. Ill, p. 34.

r 2 South Kanara District Manual , Vol. I, p. 192

198

Studies in Tuhtva History and Culture

this joint action secures an unfailing and regular rainfall averaging 140'
per annum. Famine is. in consequence, unknown in the country 3 4 . The
coast-linc presents a sub-soil of alluvial deposit which is admirably adapted
for coconut plantations, while the numerous valleys formed by the uneven-
ness of surface in the interior are equally well suited for rice cultivation.

Almost all occupations were paid by means of land grants on condition
of making payments due to the state, which promoted the agricultural
interest of the recipients and donees to an amazing degree. Cultivation,
on a large scale, was undertaken by the land-lords, who possessed agri-
cultural serfs known as alus. The gutledars (owners of gttllus ), the heggades
of simes or nadus and the arasus of maganes owned a definite member of
aUis, securing the appellation - innurala, ainurala, sdvirdla, aidu-savirdla,
etc. These alus were men of low birth, especially the holeyas and also
the billavas (in Tulu biruvasy. Since scrupulous attention was paid to
cultivation by these serfs and since during peace time, it was their main
occupation, much headway could be made in agriculture.

A complete unit of an agricultural land may be termed as a balu or
balike and in common usage it is known today as gbpddi. This unit of land
had attached to it agricultural serfs called holeyalu, hennalu, gandalu and
kurutas 5 . Further, it had the subsidiary and adjacent lands and object
known as belli i, title, hakkalu, hadalu, hola, nela, jala, pasana, nid/ii, nikshepa ,
mane, bavi, kere, kana, makki, mara, nekki, midilu, againi, angodu, angasali,
nirudari, bana, biliru, anubhava, lokki, sarvangodu, etc 6 . It goes without
saying that the serfs had to be paid their daily wages in kind. The unit
of land of this character inherited from the ancestors is known as mulada
balu\ An inscription of Amulinja*, Bantwal taluk, South Kanara,
refers to the balike which w'as called hosa-bettu, owned and maintained
by Banga-Manjuva and his ancestors. The rice payment that had to
be made to Bhairavadeva of Barakuru was from a particular balike, whose
descriptions are given in the inscription of Hosala 6 . The exact right of
ownership of a balike or land is expressed in the term kuditare (now r known

3 South Kanara District Manual, Vol. II, d. 223

4 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 365.

’ S - I T - Vol- IX, Part II, No. 415.

J L\V°> 51 I No - Vol. IX, Part II No 417; Ibid Nos. 407, 467, 470, etc.

8 Ibid No. 460.

Economic L\

as ktidtale) . .7 The kuditare; of the Baiikeivara ■: devasya is. mentioned in ' the
epigraph of Vira-Kulasekliara Aipendra 10 . : & w -y f yW "■ -jigj v > K; ••'.v

' • Okkalu is the common term used for a cultivator. It may not be
unfair to suppose that because of the intrinsic interest evinced by the
Bunt community of Tulu-nadu in agriculture, they, have ;beeU called
okkelme 11 . Even now, we find landed proprietorship in this community..
When a land is leased out to another person, he becomes a tenant-at-will,
genikara. That the system of leasing out lands for rent prevailed is evidence
evidenced by inscriptions 12 .. A family of cultivatois is also known as kular
Any act of granting a gift of land to any institution or a temple was followed
by the separation of kulahcom the previous links, so that there could develop
definite allegiance of these hulas to the new master (whether it be a person -
or agency).

Judged from the cultivable character of the lands, three distinct
classes appear to have been made - bayalu, majalu and bettu 13 . The first
class land is called bayalu and comprises all the low-lying fields which are
abundantly supplied with water, the direct annual rain-fall, being supple-
mented by water, brought by channels from rivulets or streams or raised
from rivers by baling. If three crops are raised in a field belonging to a
bayalu, it is called kolake-gadde H . Kolake being the last crop, evidently
the field becomes congenial for the growth of the earlier two crops as
karli ( enelu ) and suggi. Epigraphs are numerous that mention kolake-gadde . ; .
.The same kind of land giving two rice crops annually, is merely called
either bayalu-gadde or suggi-gadde. The majalu or second class of land
consists of those fields in the higher parts of the valleys, which, though not
entirely dependent on the annual rainfall, have yet a considerably smaller
supply of water than those situated lower down. On the majalu areas
two crops of rice or one of rice and another of some dry grain or pulse
are raised every year. The tliird class of land is called bettu and comprises :
those , fields which are entirely dependent on rainfall and those which '
have a supply of water only sufficient to last during the short break of the
monsoon. If the rainfall is very abundant, one good crop is usually ;
obtained from the bettu lands, where the soil is of a good quality. Frequent

. ' 10 £././. Vol. VII, No. 185. ; : : 7w hw \ V:-; .'Wf

. n ; ; Ivtaniier :Tula-English Dictionary , p. 89. :: - . ; : j 7
- , : 12 S.LI. Vol. VII, No. 332. : V W W : .r,/-fr;Ty

; "• b Ibid No. 251 ; IbidNcA. IX, Part II, No. 426 etc. C t- Wv/

• : , 14 Ibid Vol! VII, Nos; 323, .195 elcfWW

200

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

references are made to hosa-betlu, hosa-bettu-gadde etc. in epigraphs. This
would mean that they are brought into cultivation much later than the
the bayalu. Another particular kind of field on the west coast may be
mentioned here. If a field in a bayalu is submerged under water during
the south-west monsoons, it is known as patla (patela, pattala)-gadde Xi and
such land gives us one abundant crop - perhaps corresponding to suggi
crop.

Two terms are used to denote an extensive field - timaru and maru.
Hence we come across such names as — kolake-timaru, paduvalu-tinuiru,
pali-timaru, bajalu-maru, hosatu-md.ru etc . 16 Another term that is in vogue
and that is come across in epigraphs is balli. A balli is a bayalu field
where three crops are raised as in kolake-gaddc. A balli is a field of fertility.
A few examples of ballis are — nayaka-baU, sitim-bali, budivanta-baK etc . 17
Cultivating lands, invariably the extensive ones, are divided into smaller
units, each of 'which is called an udi (in ordinary parlance odi ). To illus-
trate malla-gadde of the Basaruru inscription is stated to have mudana-udi
and badagana-udi of the solving capacity of one mudi and two mudis respect-
ively' 8 .

The division and naming of cultivating fields based on topography,
form of the fields, name of the cultivator, name of the crop raised or any
particular land-mark, are prominently seen in the epigraphs. This
phenomenon also may speak of fragmentation and division of land in
Tuluva. In Canara lands of different kinds of unknown extents and
l)ing often in different places and even in different villages constitute a
holding 19 . ’ The following are a few examples 20 .

Based on topography :

Ad't-bagila-gadde (field in the low-lying area near the corridor)
Aramane-gadde (field near the palace)

BaUya-kanda (field of the balli type)

Bana-gadde (field cultivated with rain-water only)
Bettu-bdgila-gadde (field of the bettu type)

15 focdaltWl V ?'- IX > Part H > No - 4G0 - This epigraph mentions a

' 6 So! ^95? 22 9 etc CUU,Vati ° n * ,he ^< ala land '

17 Ibid No. 229.

Is F/-™- IX ’ Pan Ir > No - 512

Smith Kanara District Manual , Vol II, p. 224.

These examples arc taken from S.I.I. Vols. VII & IX, Part II.

. ; -ffr : A Economic V-. ;,ty py: f:.r 'f'.'f-. 201: h

• -* '•■ kf :fkf Kfif-yf^ddbf - v -- • ;.

': : ; ipuli-gaddc (field on a very low elevation) =/ ' : -' ■ . 1 V' r-T/ty i' : ; . , ';■ :
j.-'.liaduvala-gadde (field on the level ground) ' -/ty • ■y'-f -ffy ,

Hoyigc-gadde (sandy field) • . -• " . v y. T- y’yf

Kalli-timaru (rocky field)

• Kara-bay alu (field receiving profuse water supply in the south-west ■
monsoons) . • \ *...• I; - .....

Eddiya-gadde ( field in the distant corner) , . ; .

Kola- gadde (field near the lake or pond) .

.Kudura-kanda- gadde (fields in islets called kudurus)

Kulambe-ycmba-gaddc (marshy field) . “

" Kumari-yemba-bayalu (field of the kumari type) The cultivation of this •
land of fields is mostly in vogue near the Ghats.
l i ' Majala-gadde (field of the majalu type)

k Makkeya-gadde (field of the makki type) ,

Mudiila-vemba-gadde (field near the eastern house)

Murantu-maru gadde (field whose substratum is Jateritc)

Pali-timaru (field near the mosque)

Based on the nature of the crop grown:

- Adiya-gadde (field meant for raising seedings)

Biilantavemba-gadde (field where raw-rice paddy is grown)

Hala-gadde (field where milky-rice is grown)
yi Kabbina-gadde (field where sugar-cane is grown) , .

/ Kadasalu- gadde (field raising a variety of rice) ■. -tyty ty.,

; Kattina- gadde (field cultivated by water supplied by an irrigation bund)
dvy Kolakeya-bayalu (field where three crops' are raised) . - ityyty

Kudu-iima.ru (field meant for raising horse-gram) . . ' V iff yv.yyi

; . Jf.aiiya-timaru (field infested or overgrown by weeds) .

: , V: Suggi-gadde (field where two crops are grown) : >V'i ’ \\v, vvj-:.;;'

; ; 'XJddugalemba- gadde (fields where black-gram is raised) ; • ^

oased on belongingness : '-ty ; 'V

; : Banddriya-gadde. (field belonging to a bandari) ffy ). -.•)

:: Buddivanta-baU-gadde (field belonging to a buddivanta) y '. f y
: 'ii: 'Devard-k'aliya-b'ayalu (field belonging to god)

; '^ : f'GaU}iy'd-gadde. (field fielorigifig : to a :imlkmah) '-f. c f fl.f 0 ;

202

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Hebbdra-kallina bayalu (field belonging to the area, watered by the
laliu of Hebbara)

Jogija-gdddc (field belonging to one Jogi)

Kambaliya-gadde (field belonging to one Kambali)

Maniya-ta.ru (low-lying region of one Mani)
jVi mdana-balu (field belonging to one Nanda)

Nagana-gudde (field belonging to naga)
jVayara-gadde (field belonging to a Nayar)

Tambula-gadde (field belonging to a Tambuliga)

Based on land-marks:

Kangi-timaru (field near arecanut garden)

Kere-gadde (field near a pond)

Kcreya-balina-gadde (field near the region of pond)

Mamna-gadde (field near a mango tree)

Pejalimaru-gadde (field near the wild-jack)

Pongatimarvvemba-gadde (field having the Indian coral tree as the land-
mark)

Puhmaru (field with the tamarind tree as the land-mark)
Talitadi-timaru (field having the palmyrah tree as the land-mark)
Tenka-gadde (southern field)

Tdlada-gadde (field near the garden)

Based on sowing capacity :

Haney a-bagila-gadde (field of the sowing capacity, measured in banes)
Kolaga-bayalu (field of the sowing capacity, measured in kolagas )
Miide-gadde (field of the sowing capacity, measured in mudts)

Based on number:

Iruvailu (Twin bayalus)

Elu-bayalu (seven bayalus)

Ombaltumaremba-gadde (nine bayalus)

Based on certain peculiarities :

Adikankana-gaddeyemba-bayalu
Amavaseya-bajalu ( bayalu sacred for amavasya)

Ande-yemba-kiru-gadde (small field with narrow boundaries)

Arasa-gadde (great and extensive field)
hom-bajalu ( bayalu of the entire village IConf)

■ 'J .'Economic Life: r/

203

X ;.y Makeyemba-bayalu (field infested by a kind of bird A':

hh^hMorabiha-gadde: (field- infested by a kind of weed); Yy A ';;' v vy •£{<;•

' ; , That scrupulous attention was paid to , cultivation '• by bringing all
types of lands under agriculture and that intensive cultivation was also
resorted to are evidenced by the above classification. T? --- .

proprietory rights over particular lands were enjoyed by land-owners,
the association of the cultivators with those lands, as if in a permanent;,
way, is clear from the system of naming the fields. Specialized production
of crops dependent on the nature of the soil is also observable. All over
:tlie district of South Kanara, certain fields, known as kambala-gadde 21 , :
are ear-marked for the conduct of an agricultural tournament called
kambala. _ This happens to be a peculiarity prevalent in Tuluva. Kambala
is nothing but buffalo-race, which is usually conducted after the first
crop (karti) i.e., in the months of October or November. . , ;

AA-‘ The practice of leasing out. lands for obtaining monetary aid on loan .
seems to have been fairly widely prevalent and such a land whose benefits
Yare accrued to the person lending the loan is known as aruvara-bhumi
((uruvara-balu) 22 . According to this transaction the owner of the land who
ti eased out his land would continue to be the possessor of muli rights only
and all the benefits of the land would go to the lender of the money for
.the specified period. A : , • N

A Frequent references are made to kala-bkumi in epigraphs 23 . This term
Y; may reflect on the mode of cultivation especially on wet land - kala being
an area square or rectangular in shape filled with water where cultivation
is undertaken. It is obvious that kala-bhumi is a first class land, perhaps,

Y comparable to ere bhumi. It may also be remarked that kala-bhumi .is
conducive for the cultivation of rice. We cannot but be drawn towards

' . the terms haravari, grama-haravari 2 * . An extensive area, preferably, level
in elevation . may be taken into account as a haravari „ And the fact that?
most Units of, cultivation ha d attached to -^hm^karavarisl reveals the im- •
portance given to agriculture and the necessary accompaniments' of agri-A-

. 21 .S'././. Vol. VII Nos. 333, 335 etc. ’ W y-Yv

YYA 22, After obtaining the loan by the .aruvara] 'system,- if more' money were required subse- ■
^:‘v.t;. ; tquentiy, it would be. possible: to raise further lodri." by. antararuvara. VA ':?'•>■? AAA

AA.>. {S.I.I. Vol. IX Part II No? 5 12)... A :V.:; A -eA?-;- aAY A? AA AA'AA? AA A ; "

Y ■v;;?g-d;^/.//'yoI.;yii ) Nos; 177 :^ AyAwAvAWW -A

204

Studies in Ttiluva History and Culture

culture. Special mention must be made of the area, known to epigraphs,
as tdru ( saru ) 23 . It is the low-lying area on either side of a stream or rivulet,
best noted for cultivation, at any rate, equal in importance and production
to a bayalu.

Agricultural lands appear to have been measured in two ways. The
common custom had been to specify the sowing capacity of the land or
field ( bijavari-gaddc ). This may be said to be tire universal custom. The
second method, which was more prevalent in Barakuru-rajya, is koyilu.
A koyilu is the equivalent of one-tenth of an acre. The following are a
few illustrations 26 .

Hiriya-gadde 1
Guddeya-gadde 1
Kudura-kanda 3
Badagana-guddeya-gadde
Konke-gadde 1
jYaj ara-gadde 1

16 koyilu (1.6 acres)
8 koyilu (0.8 acre)
8 koyilu (0.8 acre)
10 koyilu (1 acre)

1 koyilu (0. 1 acre)
20 koyilu (2 acres)

The prevalence of this system of measuring may be traced at least
to the 11th C.A.D., as wc come to understand in an inscription of Padu-
Alevuru, Udupi taluk. South Kanara 27 . The granary preserving grains
especially paddy is built uniformally out of hay and is called (uppe.

WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
(Heavy and fluid measures)

The following were the measures of capacity used in measuring grains :
Mude, mudi, khandige ( ikkanduga , muganduga and nagunduga), koLga, ham,
bat la, kudute, sidde.

Mude was the biggest measure and it was in use in three capacities,
namely, dodda, sanna and nadamudes. Dodda-mude was, again, in vogue
in two capacities of forty ballas or banes and fifty ballas or hones 1 . Sanna-
mude consisted of 30 ballas or hanes 3 . The term mudi was singularly used
in Tulu-nadu and its capacity was the same as that of a mude. Perhaps,

u 5 /-/■ Vol. IX, Part II, Nos 424; A.R. No, 574 for t929-’30.

26 S.I I. Vol VII Nos 178, 229 etc.

27 A.R. No 585 for 1929-’30.

• S.IJ. VII, No. 302.

1 S.r.I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 694.

Economic Life .

the only distinction between them.; \yas in. form
precise .capacity of a nada-mudi or made. Ayf

We- do not ; kho\v tl

The measure khanduga was in regular usage from the 12th . G . A . D
Its .three popular multiples ..-were' Tour IdmjdUgds^idgandug as)) fthTdedc/idndugc
migandugas ) and two hhandugas (ikkmdugas). •••• • A khanduga was the oapacit
of twenty kolagds 4 . A kalagdw’ as a 'measure of capacity of four lidlfas zx\
hence a khanduga would measure 80 baltds. •% f/ f 'v- ; ; : A v ? "

The commonest measure in popular usage was ; the banc or ihcbbdllc
'Adages in grain were given measuring in:'Mne or ballet. ■) In^.thhTistory-e
Tulu-nadu, the earliest mention of a balla (valla) is. Had in the epigrap
fof the 8tli C.A.D. of the time of Ranasagara AlupendfaS'AWeh ktatc
,Ahat the Bhattaraka of Ghambukkallu was authorised to. collect -af/th

--•rate of one balla from the 18 pat tanas for the worship of the God. Normally
a banc would be of 80 rupees weight and likewise . a balla. This measur
■ . balla was also in vogue in the district of Bellary, as evidenced by th
-■Epigraph of HarapanahaUi dated A.D. 1035 6 . We come kcrossdcanbhinc

hdnc> and besides being made out of bronze, we do not know wlicthc
j- this ham was different from the ordinary one. Perhaps, there was som
?: difference. It looks as though, sometimes, separate /ttwer were xised t«
'measure paddy and rice 8 (baitada-balla-hanc and kancldna~akki~-ham) Whethe

by the term devara-hane ’, we. should mean' a different capacity, it is no
possible for us to infer. Hiriya-hane 10 seemed to have been} In 'usCnht
although we are ignorant of its capacity, that it was in voguc is provec
by one of the Barakuru epigraphs.; Perhaps, the standard capacity o
bane was nada-hane 1 1 . In one of the epigraphs the relation between kdnehina
idMiiCj&nd. nada-hane is given as follows 1 ?; -Ten-

.v (2 : 1); In the mode of measuring there seemed to be two variations
Aham'ely,' ottada-hane . and nilike-otiada-hane™.

.: Oilada-ham would measure only up to the brim or level to the fop

And nilikc-otlada-hdne would have over the fop level. Spariiiglyythe.measun

3 S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part I No. 397 £ Ibid V’oYWlb Nos. 247; 376. etc/ .:-/:

• . 4 .ibid Voi. vir. No. ido.- .■ '• A . . t-woMAN/ AW-WWAAA:

• ; 5 MA/. VoI. VII, No. 284.' • ■ Mr WA AAW M W mA'ANAA ;
:•> Avl.ii. No. 93 for 1904. :.vA MAA-M-Mf;: MA

•f : 7 S.I.I. Vol. VII ; Nos. 385 etc. A A-WA tWA-AAC -fAyff AWAA
: :k 6 Jbid No: 316. M ;.W wr- :.A. A; AAA'v AAAA-vA

• : No. 257 tor 1931-^2; •.9.7:/. Vof IX, Part II, No.'426. AMA'I |

. ; 10 S:I. 7. Vol. VII,; No. 346 ' i ;AA, Af
■ 'Idybigisio.^ss. kb, d:i

1 ;;f '$ind-i$6.- .35 I : A lA A A AM A MM'AAWMAMAAWAMAAA-MImAHAM

Nos: 341 A ;345 Ah A NoA 3 1 8. for 1 93 f f>32h- AA h Ay-fAjhi

206

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

mdna was used and probably, this was equal in capacity to the ham. An
epigraph of Barakuru states that the asrana was the recipient of two nnda
manas of rice 14 .

The smallest measure was a kudute or sidde, four of which made one
measure of an ordinary ham or balla ,s .

In fluid measures, we obtain three capacities, namely, kudute or sidde,-
hanc and hada. Kudute was of the weight of six tolas and hane of 24 tolas.
Hada, perhaps, weighed one maund.

LOAD WEIGHTS

Clothings were measured in malave; salt, paddy, rice, gingily etc.
in herns and chillies, ginger etc. were measured in bharas' 6 . Taxes were
levied based on malave, bhara and heru. That this system existed in the
early 9th C.A.D. is evidenced by one of the Udayavara epigraphs of the
Udipi taluk, South Kanara 17 . We do not have any further information
about the weights in usage.

COINAGE

The precise date of the introduction of coinage into Tulu-nadu is
not known. Perhaps, during the 10th century A.D. the coin gadjana
was in currency. Tliis is evidenced by an inscription discovered, at
Byuru of the Coondapur taluk of South Kanara' dating about the 10th
' * (according to palaeography) which enumerates gifts given to
god Mogeri and seems to impose a fine of 50 gadyanas payable to the king
on a person violating the grant. This happens to be the first reference
ga y ana in the history of Tulu-nada. The name Pdndya-gadydna first
occurs in S aka 1062 (A.D. 1140) in the history of Tuluva'in an epigraph
o ara 'urn. South Kanara 2 , which informs us that one Sivananda-yogi
r'rl : . 1 C anty (nivedja-sale) and placed it under the management

°. °’ a ia Buraia and gifted 30 Pandya-gadydnas for the agra-puja of

arka ^ esva _ ra deva. This was during the reign period of Bhujabala
avi-Alupcndra. That dming the Alupa period two mints w'ere in exist-
ence, one at Barakuru and the other at Mangaluru is evidenced by an

!’ S I/. Vol. VII, No. 326

A.i? Nos. 335, 338 for 1930-’3I , K.I
S 1 1 Vol. VII, No. 177.
n A 1 /\ VoL VII > No- 247.

1 pp. 23 & 24

2 Sect ’ on B.
z.I.J Vol VII, No. 381.

Vol. Ill, Part I, No. 78;

. ;:f : , /Economic Life

inscription. of A .D. 1205 of the time of Pandya-Ghakravarti Kuiasekharal- ’
yyy®ridra 3 ,:;- : y The -epigraph register^' a: grant; oG : 50 Bdrakanura-g'adjana and
/ ‘ 50 Mangalwa-gadyana and some' lands to the Durgadevi of Bidurc, .Karkala
taluk, South Kanara, for the conduct of worship and offerings. Thus,
l^tHe'-'earllest coins that; can definitely be said to have originated -in this
; region are the coins of the Alupas which bear their emblems of two fish. .

; ; The obverse of these coins shows two fish standing erect under a canopy
{ flanked by a conch and chauri or a water-pot’ and lamp and the reverse
has a three- line legend in . either Nandinagari or Kannada characters
;y reading $ri Pandya-Dhananjaya. : .

y It is certain that the Alupas put into currency gold coins with the
- legend Pandya-Dhananjaya and this may be in the 11th G.A.D-. This title
Q. -Pandya-Dhananjaya was first, assumed by the Alupa king Udayaditya Pandya
■{ Pattigadeva who seemed to have ruled in the last quarter of the 1 1th
; f.;.llth G.A.D. 4 It is now clear that there was an Alupa ruler in the lineage
of. the Alupas, named Pandya-Dhananjaya who may be said to have

w.been in power between A.D.970 and A. D. 1000. Tins is evidenced
■ by the recent discovery of an epigraph of this ruler in Beluru of the Coonda-
pur taluk s . This happens to be the only inscription of this ruler whose
•; name came to be assumed as a title by the Alupas who succeeded hiim.
V Now, there is absolutely no doubt about the ascription of these coins
to the Alupas and they are not of the Pandyas. And it amounts to no
reason how and why doubts arc still expressed by some scholars regarding

; / ^ this identification.

f,iy. y lt is quite possible that the Alupas accepted and adopted fish as the.

; symbol in the 10th century A . D ., if not earlier, for an inscription of Entiru, : ■
Karkala taluk, South Kanara, dated A. D. 967, refers to mina-rldnchana 6 .
y Tire epigraph is incomplete and does not give us the name of the ruler. . . f .

Perhaps, . it belongs to the Alupa king, very probably Kundavanna I, .

: for in A.D.968, . he is stated to have installed the. image’ ''.of
; at die temple of Manjunatha in Kadri ; of Mangaluru, South Kanara 7 ! : ; V A
; . It is still unanswerable how and ' Why. the Alupas came to adopt the / ;
fish symbol which was . the accepted state symbol of the Pandyas. Three ; :

•v 3 uid No. 223 -■ • '•

rp ; 4 A.R. No. 526 for 1928-’29
m Elate; XIII /.
v *.,<S ; : Vol; . VI I, No. 253.

V ' -: 7 Ibid No. igi.uAyA'CAvV,

208

Studies in Tuhma History and Culture

hypothetical explanations may be given in this connection. If it is true
that the Pandyas had defeated the Chalukyas in the battle of Mangalapura
which is the same as Mangalore of the South Kanara district, then the
Alupas as the vanquished (being the feudatories of the Chalukyas) may
have accepted the subordinate position under the Pandyas by adopting
their state symbol. In the state of our present knowledge, we are unable
to say anything definite about this. Nor do we know whether any matri-
monial alliance took place between the Pandyas and the Alupas. Secondly,
it is quite possible that the fish symbol and the conch and water-pot were
adopted by the Alupas because of their sacredness both to the Hindus
and the Jainas. Thirdly, it may' be surmised that because of the influence of
the Mtha-Pantha, which in the 10th century A. D. was gaining prominence
in Mangaluru, as a token of reverence to Mlnanatha (Matsyendranatha),
the fish may have been represented on the coins of the Alupas, who defi-
nitely during the 10th century were under the influence of this new faith,
w licit is proved by the installation of the Lokesvara image. Future
research alone could reveal further information about this.

Tractions of the coins — Hana , 1- hana and \ hana are also known. These
weigh 400, 200 & 100 mgrms. respectively. The obverse design on the
wurt is similar to the design of the gadyana , but on the reverse a single
■Nandinagari letter is impressed in, vi and so are the letters we have come
across so far. On the l and \ hams, sometimes there is only one fish - it

!?, . C at ^ lc was t0 ° l a rge and the coin too small, and the other
fish is off the glass. The reverse shows a sahkha.

An interesting silver coin of the same size and weight as the gadyana
las t ic sarne obverse and reverse as the gold coin, but a Nagari inscription
reading gadyana can be noticed above the fish on the obverse. These
silver coins arc rarer than the gold coins. Two other silver coins
o gadyana have been discovered of late. The legend is in Nagari.

The Vijayanagara Period:

U - ^ C yy a y ana S ara period the coinage was divided into nuincr-

Frorn ™ anc * C0 PP er - Silver coins were also in currency.

that ttif r u " -° Stone anc ^ co PPcr-platc documents, it may be observed
that the following coins were under currency.

4 : Economic Life

< 3 o Ifi : ] i ^ r^dyzyii/c ; b« « « ) ^ ^<2^2^;

:AL (sanna-pratapa, hana i .hdga:Pd...yyr LaAL. : : f.-l-’ r Aa 1

Silver: Gadyandytarak . ri\f AaL-A-W 'AAriA,A;A.A : A La a 'TaTa’aA:' A y

3l3y3 L ':’ a iCk^perykEt&mpjiid^'duiMc. A -• : -.<: V. - V-A y. Ay.-' A :¥i3'3 , a ; aa : ,A

There seemed to be four , varj eties of the coin gadyana : . ■ ' - ■ - ? , ■ f A /; ;•• >;' y > L A'

: aLaLIa T Varaha-gadydm4(itijddha-gadyqna or nija-gadyana) vAA A AgA-L
333'- JfDddda-vqrdha-gadyanq . /AA ■' \\. v/yyAA ;■

|||aA3 \ y.ICodanda-gadyam • • ‘ A , 1 , '•

ydy^^i ^KdlmrPahhEa^ga^dna. . ...... .y ■;•. A-Ay yy/A

y;.;%fTiie relationship between, dodda-varaha- gadyana and vardha-gadyanay is,.’
$rioty (dearly known. : R. S. Pancliamukhi 8 suggests that dodda-varaha
Hyas :double; ; in weight and value of the ordinary gadyana. He writes that a

iwd-h&ye got only one rare instance of this dodda-varaha in the double pagoda
of 119.7 grains weight issued by the Tuluva king,-.Krishnadevaraya, which :
fis^|ti^6d',Th‘ .IUiotV coins of Southern India PL III, No. 112. But the
/inscriptions of Tulu-nadu point to the use of this coin earlier than the
time of Krishnadcvaraya . An inscription of Basaruru 9 , South Kanara,
dated A AD. 1482, records the personal loan of 82 dodda-vardhasgr&nted
^\kai^pofplPiitimdladeva.- An epigraph of Kathari Saluva Immadi-Narasiriga- .

; raya i0 ,; dated A/D. 1499, registers a gift of charity of 44 dodda-varaha to

iNarasmihadeya by the governor of Barakiiru. There arc a number of A
other instances of the use of this coin both during the period: of Krishna-;
;i;jdcvat < aydV'and; .prior to -';his reign", ■ • - •’ . 47 • v ’-V ■

Qm .kdfirgadyand h usually found in the inscriptions of South
yKanara whose exact relationship with the varieties mentioned above is
.not. clean V Any way, '.the ratio between k ali-gadyana and gadyana docs A;
riot: seem liked in all regions. An inscription which enumerates the coin
/as kdli-gadyana 22, kdli-gadydna .1 00, kali gadyana 5 horinu, tends to show, that .
ykali-gadydna is equivalent to honnu (vard/ia)'-.! But an epigraph Of Nagar 13 , L
Simoga district, dated A . D . 1 463, informs us that four kalis went to mrike y;
one . But an inscription, of Basaruru 14 , South Ivanara gives us-

^pC\rM^1Us^i^a^ird'€mnmeifi6fdfnn Volume - Pthe Coinage of. the Vijayimaghra .Dynasty';* At

A,3 *:s:.:i:nYoi. ix 5 Pait.ir, No. 471. ; , -AAVyAA v/AtAyyAy^y AAyvcytAty

'-A; :}° Mid Vol VII, No. 364. A .7 Ay-CyA' : AyyyAy'AyAAA Ay; v yAA7- V Af L;;

,14

SlIiL Vol. IX, Part'll, ' No.;

■1

210

Studies in Taluva History and Culture

tlic equivalent different from the above. It is stated in it that 59 kali
made up 23 nija-vardha and 6 liana. The Saligrama inscription 15 of the
Udipi taluk of the same district states that when Vitharasa-Odeya was
administering Barakuru-rajya under the orders of the king, the latter
granted 250 kdli-gadyanas, while Vitharasa-Odeya granted 500 kati-gadyam
counting in all 300 ghati ( ghatli ?)-vardha-gadyanas from out of the siddaya-
tax due from the village Kota. If ghatti-varaha-gadydna is taken as the
equivalent of nija-gadyana, we can say that the ratio between varaha and
kati is 5 : 2. Another inscription 16 states that 80 kati-gadyana made up
32 dodda-vardha in which case 2J- kalis were equal to one dodda-varoha. Here
kail appears to be the same as varaha.

The next type of gadyana was kodanda-gadyana. The lone epigraph
that mentions this coin is found at Hosala of Barakuru 17 , South Kanara
dated A.D. 1423 of the tune of Bukka III. It says that kodanda-gadyana 7
liana 7 ubhaya gadyana 30 which work out roughly at the rate of four nija
or suddha-gadyana to make up one kodanda-gadyana. We come across another
type of varaha known as kathari-a nkusa-gadyana 1 8 and its relationship with
suddha-varaha is not known.

The next coin after gadyana was pratapa. We come across gold coins
of the Vijayanagara period which are half and quarter of gadyana in weight.
The half gadyana was probably known by the name pratapa'’’. Perhaps,
sanna-pratapa mentioned in one of the Hosa-basti epigraphs 20 of Mudabidure,
South Kanara, meant a quarter of a varaha-gadyana. Reference to sanna-
prdtdpa is also made in an inscription found at Polali, Ammunje of the
Mangalore taluk, South Kanara 2 ', which records that 10 sanna-pratapa
w-ere gifted for the ushd-ptije of Polaladevi.

Normally, 10 hanam made up one hont^— gadyana). This ratio is con-
firmed by several records 22 . But according to an inscription at Harihara-
pur, dated A.D. 1418, during the reign of Devaraya II, 5 panas formed
one varaha 1 ’. We do not have much reference to pana in the epigraphs
of Tulu-nadu.

15 A.R. No. 514, for 1928-’29.

' S I I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 659.

7 A.R. No. 266 for 1931-’32.

* S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 229.
n Vo! - m > Part I No. 78.

20 S I./. Vol. VII, No. 209.

' Vol. IX, Part II, No. 460.

23 MAR Ep'Ca r . V, Arastkere 51 etc.,

mar 1932, No. 42, pp. 209-10, S.I.I. Vol. VII, No 225.

' : ri' 1 : ^ V ib' 'r^^EcofldmiC • v y " j 44 v : ; V : " T;/ ;•. 211;.

ypb At They : Basdmakkfi ^nsdxiption ' ofy'-BHatalcala, 4 North' rKaiiafan dated
: A . D ; 1538- 4 refers : . to 30 gadyanas of silver and we do not know the nature
of its equation with tlie gold coin That both the gold and silver

) -gadyanas were in currency is evidenced by an - epigraph of Kaikani of

A.D. 1542, which mentions chinna-
;.y.* r '-. . . ••; '■• ".■•■■ ' : A

-pAA'p Tara as/a coin occurs frequently in the inscriptions of South Kanara.
v According to Abdiu* Razak, it was equivalent to l/6th of a fanaml while
^laurhys reported by Maliaum was 1/15 of fanam and tare was equal' to 1 /6th
l-. of according to Vartlicma 26 . The last two might represent .the

Asame coinv. whereas the first appears to be a different coin, higher in-value.. .
4;An ; ihsCription of Chaulikeri, Barakuru, South Kanara dated A.D.1372 27
:^StipnIat(^vthat at.the rate of 13' taros per dium an amount of 55 gadyanas
^0omk)jper annum was granted for some purpose connected with the feeding
of Brahmins. This works out at the rate of 85 taras per gadyana. 4

4/ tyfeThe copper coins of the Vijayanagara mint are vast. Abdur Razaks’
|;vrepprt refers to only one coin, namely, jilal. Perhaps the reference made
i to/jitti-gadyana™ in an inscription of Basaruru, Coondapur taluk, South
4; Kanara, dated A . D . 1444, may be to the same jital of Abduz Razak.
4 The coin diiddu appeared to have been in popular usage in the northern
( portion of Tuhi-nadu 29 . It was of the double value of a tdra (when it
,/ywas; a:copper coin) the equivalent of 4 pies.

mi •f +V»nr» v q re i -vs TlOTOO fl

■yiarttp: prdtapa, sama-pratdpa, Bdrakura-tara, BarakUru-):
^ gadyana /md . Mangalura gadyana. As gold coins have been accepted
•4a4 ' tlieir; intrinsic value in areas outside the jurisdiction of the issues, it
/ . pan be surmised that most of the gold coins were in this sense ‘current 5 in

v of the paramount powers circulated in this region. It is also probable
f pthat the .G^ showing the elephant on the obverse was current:

;;p.:-:; 24l -irx/;:y 0 ];:m 3 Part I, No. 'll A- A ' /.V. v ; t/fv-b ■; -Y;-. 4 4 444 /d ■"

.■ 25 y6fa / No; l^ Chinna-gadydna may be .1/8 ,'bf ' varaha, '- : ;V yy - i ' = : - '

S-v:

212

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

in this area and the pon refers to this coin known as ane-pon. This coin
with its fractions turns up in this area often. The Chalukyan coins are
much rarer, but a coin of Jagadekamalla with a lionon obverse and a three
line Kannada legend on the reverse has been recovered in this region>
along with its fractions 1/10, 1/20, 1/40. The Hoysala coins are rarer,
but at least two specimen with the legend Nolambavadi-gonda are known.
The Vijayanagara coinage is available easily and in large numbers a
recent find at Panambur dining the excavation of the harbour basis must
lave originally numbered a four thousand coins out of which 270 were

recovered by the police. These were all Vijayanagara coins sarahas
and pratapas.

Coins of Hyder Ali, 1 ippu Sultan and Krishnaraja-Odeyar of Mysore
a o turn up frequently in this region. Hyder’s Bahaduri-pagoda, Tippu’s
oultam-pagoda, Farukhi-fiagoda , and fanams are known as also the silver
corns of Tippu. Copper coins of Tippu and Krishnaraja-Odeyar are

oun m arge quantities and the silver coins of Mysore also turn up,
occasionally.

TAXATION

The Alupa Period

Inscriptions of the Ajupa period are not adequately informative
m connection with the_systcm of taxation instituted by the Alupas. One
le inscriptions' of Aluvaraja Chitravahana I, dated A.D.694, men-
10 ns imposts. The imposts and tods once granted by a ruler were recon-
med either whole or half by his successor and that there were tolls
{sun mm) ot l on water and on land is attested to bv the Udayavara
inscriptions of the Udipi taluk. South Kanarah Derails of the dues

J-- ° i^ 0U fr- m ° nC ° f the l<5amb!mka Hu records of the time of the king,
j ' 1 / 3 . ararnina3 - It relates that the ruler confirmed the following

ues o ie cities of Pombulcha and Udayapura as follow's: per double
J° “ °ne and a half basket of grain; per malaoe of cotton - sixteen

, J’!' 1 ° cotton > per load of arecanuts, three hundred nuts and per head
pepper - sixteen palam of pepper. The customs dues were, therc-

{ Ep Car XI Dg 66

;A;.:'A ; A\/y' iT'kATA f y Economic : Life '/.■'■■■}■’ Ay- A A-AyfA y 2 1 3 ^ ••• ;

yfore, 'paid in kind. One of the early inscriptions 4 * ; written in . characters : '
of the 9 th C.A. D •; ; corn.es from Hattiyangadi. of the Coondapur •. taluk, f ■
. South Kariara of the kingdom of Pulimiarasa, whose identification' is still :
obscure; It records the remission of a moity of taxes due to the nagara
^of Purigere from certain merchant settlements. That the 9th C.A.D.

had a definite system of customs duties in Tulu-nadu is evinced by this , ,
y epigraph. > ..y AyA- y

y Ay The; epigraph from Gauri temple, Mudabidure, dated A.l) .:1215h, ■-
' mentions the customs duties of the town of Mudabidure {nagarada surika) ... ,

: and an . inscription of Karakala, dated A. D. 1334, of the time of Vira-

Ballala HI and Lokanatharasu of Karakala 6 gives the account of the tax
^(customs . duties) imposed on the following commodities: seleya malave:

(perhaps bundle of cloth), uppina-heru (load of salt), menasma-bkdra .(load ,
ybf;’ chillies), suntiya-bkara (load of ginger), battada-hore (load of paddy),
akkiya-hcru (load of rice), ye llu-heru (load of gingily).

'•r/.V ' The next instance of a definite tax is had in an inscription of KStesvara 7
> of. the Coondapur taluk, dated A.D. 1261 of the time of Vira-Pandya
which records a sum of 180 tidduva-samuddya-gadyana and states in the
y imprecatory portion of the record that neither the king nor the pradhani
;■ nor the ddhikari nor the urdla could violate the mariyade. Another epigraph
: dated A.D. 1254 8 records that the mahdjanas of Brahmaura should pay
“;l7Q0 [gadyanas to the king once in three years as tidduva-samuddya . By samu-
yddya-gadydna, it could mean the fixation of tax payment to. the state with ;

■ the consent of the people in an assembly and this tax was not to be arbi-
ytarily changed or increased by the authorities. The practice of fixing
the tax in congregation is further proved by another epigraph of the.
Alupa period, dated A.D. 1262, of Coondapur 9 , South Kanara, which .
•registers samuddya-gadyam 140 for the grama of Coondapur. This was
v fixed in the presence of Voddamadeva Narasimha-hegga de, Kotiyadaha, [yt:

Allakheya-senabova, adhikariti Nachi and Desipumshas. The Padu- ; ; ^
y Alevuru inscription of A.D. 1292 10 seems to fix the amount of taxes
..- in money to be paid to the state and to some specified officers./;. It alsoky

4 A. . No. 557 for 1 929-30.

i ; s d.T.I. Vol. VII, No. 222. : •:

y • As:i.i. voi. vii, No. 247. - . ; : •

VAi ' S-I.l. Vol. IX, Part I, No.: 395,

A2:*' 8 d -R . No. 486 for 1 928-’29. : ■' ,

W C- T5..7./. Vol. IX, Part I, No. 396

: 'A V.- 0 AR. No. 587 for 1 929-’ 30. ; V ,/

214

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

mentions the tax bedungula. From the inscription of Kodavuru 11 of the
Udipi taluk of the time of Ballamahadevi, dated A. D. 1287, it is clear
that samudaya and bedungula were collected upon the land. It may not
be possible to interpret the term bhukti-samudaya-gadyhna, that occurs
in an inscription of Nilavara of the Udipi taluk 12 , South Kanara. It
may be that the tax was paid for the right of enjoyment (bhukli from bjibjya).

Dr. Mahalingam opines that siddaya was the tax collected in cash
or realised revenue 13 . R. S. Panchamukhi seems to be of the opinion
that it was the income-tax 14 . Dr. B. A. Saletore compares it to fixed
rent 15 . Whatever be its nature, it was the chief source of state revenue,
as is evidenced by frequent references to it in inscriptions.

The revenue from the payment of penalty for breach of law or violation
of inhibitions was known as tern or tappu-danda, which usually was paid
in gady anas.

During the Vijayanagara Period

The chief revenue to the state was from the bhanddra-sthala. This
was, as already explained, the crown land whose income or revenue was
exclusively set apart for the expenditure of the palace. Siddhaya and
samudhaya taxes were the regular sources of state revenue. Very often
gifts of charity to persons and religious institutions were made out of
sxddhdya-tax. Although the term kandaya bears only a general meaning
today, perhaps, it was a military tax that was imposed during the Vijaya-
nagara times. Kandachara referred to in the Peraduru inscription of
A. D. 1431 16 must be a sort of military tax. This may be analogous
to kandaya.

Inscriptions speak out the following payments and honours normally
expected of the people to be made to the coppers 17 :

1 . Katlundere-gadyana

2 . Uravara udugore kati-gadydna

3 . U pachara-kdii-gadydna

4. Marydde-gadyana

11 Ibid No 577.

12 Ibti No. 491 for 1928-’29.

31 T. V. Mahalingam, A.&S.L. in Vimanaeara, p. 76.

14 K.I.I Vol. I, p. 179. 5 1

15 B A Saletore, S &P L. in Vymanaeara. p. 458.

16 A.R 284 Tor 1936-’37.

17 S.I I. Vol. VII Nos 315, 344, 348.

Economic Life

215

5 . Adhikara-maryade

6 . Melukati-gadyana

7 . Kula-upachdra-gadyana

, 8 . Parivara-gadyana

9 . Kulagrada-homm

1 0 . Bidara-dharma

1 1 . Sone-marydde

12. ILadike-honnu

13. Malbya-gddydna

14. Kantha-kanike

. 15. Bdlina-teru

16. Aydna-vdrtane

1 7 . Mariyade-gadyana

18. Adhikara-maryade

A great number of unintelligible terms denoting tax payment are
specified in some of the epigraphs 18 . The following are the most important
of them :

Akara (Akaraf aniya , aimireti, appane , attantodi , anigadi , any ay a, bidard ,
bedettu , bhatta , bellahardne, bidu, bitta beludanda, dukha, devaradharma , isi,
gayi, gadi } guttdge, hiranyd , jedu 3 kanike, keldgoda, kiidagani, kengoda, khaddaya,
kayi, kudanji, meiidsu , meldgara, nolati okkalu, oppu, sese, tappu, vdradd i etc.

It cannot be said that all these taxes and payment of honours were
introduced by the Vijayanagara governors. At least some of them con-
tinued from early times. Since for a full interpretation of these various
terms, information is not available and because of the obsoleteness of the
terms, we have to content ourselves with a mere mention of them as they
' appear in inscriptions. Yet the following interpretations may be offered
for some of them :

t Akara — Tax on minerals

Anyaya - — Penalty on wrongs done

Bidara — house-tax

18 A.R. No. 114 for 1935-36; Ibid No. 531 for 1928- 5 29.

S.I.I. Vol. VII, Nos. 211, 322, 348, 349, 350.

' Ibid IX, Part II, Nos. 408, 409.

K.I. Vol. I, No. 53.

Ibid Vol. III. Parti, No. 72.

216

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Dukha — payment at the end of state mourning

Bcdettu — agricultural sendee of ploughing animals

Tern — ordinary tax

Kanihe — payment of money to the royal court

Mane-hana — house-tax

Noga-hana — agricultural tax on yokes
Okkalu-guttagc — tax on cultivating farmers

Osage — payment to be made on certain specific days in

connection with conveying tidings
Ettu — tax on bullocks

Gayi — tax on cattle

Bldu — payment to be made to the memorial house

Tappu — penalty

Varada — money contribution

Apardda — penalty

Appane — payment as per royal will

Bhalta — payment of paddy on harvest

Land grants made for religious purposes were stated to be free from
all of the above taxes on payments.

(a) Trade Guilds

TRADE AND INDUSTRY

The Settikaras ( $resh(is )

Trade in Tulu-nadu was in the hands of sreshtis who were known
as settikaras'. Inscriptions are too numerous to be mentioned in particular
Barakuru, as explained elsewhere was represented by 16 settikaias, perhaps,
m matters connected with trade, both local and foreign. This signifies
that this body of 16 settikaras was responsible for the regulation of trade
and transaction in that town of political importance. Contracts were
entered into between the various guilds or between the various keris,
(streets) represented by the settikaras. Likewise, the guilds of the settikaras
regulated and controlled the trading activities of such towns as Karakala,
Mudabidure, Enuru, Mangaluru, Basaruru, Honnavara, Bhatakala, etc. 2
Thcie is no doubt that these various guilds dealt in varieties of commodities
and articles of daily consumption and ofluxmy.

2 S vJ'~ Adm)' 11 ,’ I96 ,V 197 ’ 206 ’ 22I > 242, 309, 321 etc

Administration - Municipal administration.

^ ■>£ V’j;?- ; ; BcpnO.

' rrT'o*r%l^c? ' <oro ri r/v/>r\1 \--Vi m An

» .' . - ’• -. , ■ . . 4# , , t • . _ • ^ «■. : . .. •• . \ w. - ,<o> , ,. , •> -

•ydtoV denote their, role in trade and commerce. .', > The .inscriptions of Bliata-
kala and Honnavara also give importance to the sell is,

'■ ' - THE ' BALANJUS j.r. r.r-i}

iji;; Aiipther: group of traders was . that of the u Bdlanjus and this guild is'
commonly known tlrroughout the . economic history of Southern India,
and dilation on tliis body of economic importance seems unnecessary. Refer-
ences to this guild are, no doubt, scant in the inscriptions of Tulu-nadu.
But on that account it cannot be said that the Balanjus or Banajigcts were
insignificant, for a record of the 15th century A. D. 4 states in the impre-
catory part, that if any setti violated the provisions of the grant or record,
he would be excommunicated from all associations of Batanja. Another
epigraph of A. D. 1281 of Mudabidure seems to repeat the same punish-
nent for the breach of the regulations 5 . . '

- r \ • • THE nanadesis.

; ‘‘Just as the village panchayats presented self-Government in the
ullages, the guilds preserved self-Government in trade” 6 . The ubhaya-
lanadesis were members of such guilds. An inscription of Karakala,
lated A. D. 1343, registers a grant from out of the customs duties to the
lantinatha-basadi in the presence of and by the king, the pradhams^ the;
alaru op Karakala and ubhaya.-nanadesis 7 . .. . • .

THE GAVARES - . ./?; y.yh

Another community of traders was ; that of die gavares. They were
> r ell settled in Barakuru and Basaruru. Galling the gavarega the head
f A^commerciaX. guild, Dr. B. A. Salctore confesses, that his. status is
iikno\m 8 .' yTt is true their role still remains unexplained . ' In Barakuru,

y 13 s.ij. Yoi vu, No. 197 . ■. ■ • - h , ;v : ■ v >. a- v-
l^S.iy. : Vol. VII, No. 185. ■ •• - • i-A'AAy:;' vCyy:,/>: :
■:.:pylbid No. 213c-. :yC;- v „: ;

218

Studies in Tultiva History and Culture

i

these gavarcs had set up their own temple known as Gavaresvara-devala) cf,
which was granted a gift of charity in A. D. 1461 by one Annapa-setti-

THE NAKHARA

The w’ord nakhara ( nakara , nagara ) occurring in Kannada epigraphs
is employed in the sense merchant guild. Nagara is defined in the Siva-
Talva Ratndkara' 0 as a metropolis of imports and exports, a residence
of various communities and castes and a seat of the king. Frequent
references to nakhara in the inscriptions of Tulu-nadu reveal the fact that
trade v'as also controlled by this body, known as the nakhara. That Udaya-
\ara the earliest and the busiest town of Tulu-nadu, w'hose trade and com-
merce were under the control and supervision of this body is evidenced by a
number of inscriptions”. Another record of the 9th century A.D. found
at Hattiyangadi registers a remission of a moity of taxes due to the nagaras
of Purigere from certain merchant settlements by Pulinnarasa”. The
importance of trade with the country above the Ghats in the 9th century
A.D. near Basaruru of the Coondapur taluk is proved by this epigraph.
The temple of Nakharesvara-deva of Basaruru may be said to have been
built by this guild 13 . The term nakharadi-nalvaru which occurs in an
inscription of Vira-Pandyadeva in A.D. 1397 conveys the sense four
members of the merchant guild 14 . The expression Barakura pattu-keri)a
nakhara-hanjamana dearly suggests that the merchant body controlled
trade in Barakuru 15 .

THE HANJAMANAS

In the economic history of Tuluva of the medeival times the body
known as the Hanjamanas figures in prominence. Concerning the Hanjama-
nas, various speculations have been afloat. The Madras Epi graphical
Report commenting on the mention of Hanjamanas in the Basaruru

* S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 338.
n - Cha Pt- VI, w. 15-16.

“ A*. L l9 2 9--30 para 45 p. nakaraia-npatUrkkotu.

MahaHn"’ad£va^° r A.D. 1155. This temple is known as Mahatobhafi

'* Vol. VII, No. 221.

/WNo. 350 -A.D. 1399.

. Economic Life y l ffv.- ••> > W ;; . 4 T- y fP0 219

inscription of the South Kanara district., attempts to connect these people
with the Anjuvatinattai: of the .Tamil inscriptions and. collates, them with
the live artisan castes and" with the Pachlamb am of Telugii land**.
The futility of this iiiterprctation will become evident in the following

X^I^DrpSircai*^ in his. note on the Hanjamanas confirms the above view 1 ’
‘‘since there is little possibility of the reference here being to Parsec settle-
i nients, in the North and South Kanara districts, it is very probable that
[haiijamdrm-hanjamana-hanjamana should be understood in the sense Pahcha-
varnaof the Lexicans, the same as the Tamil Ahjuvannam . (Skt Panchavarna)
understaood in the sense of the five artisan classes viz., goldsmith, black-
smith, brazier, carpenter and stone-mason, who are also known in Tamil
as'Ahju, Panchalattar, Panchalam, Pahchalaster and Pancliakammalar” 18 .
-: : Dr. .Sircar’s conclusions seem to be arbitrary and he has not made an
^examination of the various references to hanjamanas in the lithic records
of Tulu-nadu. Moreover, he does not seem to have understood the
^meaning; conveyed by a particular word palli associated with hanjamana.
tfh'il': Ihicbntres, of political and commercial importance of the whole of
. the district of South Kanara - Mangaluru, Barakuru and Basaruru - this
• body, of people was well settled and emerged influential in overseas trade.

This is .amply supported by a number of inscriptions 19 .
ie:vf;VT;Therefore, ."-what Mr. Jivanji Jamshetji argued in one of his articles 20
^tracing .the origin of the word to Persian seems correct. He traces; the
^jm^othafyamaha, sometines also spelt as hanjamana to avestic hanjamana
• and Persian anjaman and refers to the town of hanjamanas in the three
; Siiahara grants of the 10th and 11th centuries A. D. The migration
ipandisettlcmcnt of these hanjamanas from the Thana regions downwards
; ; to the districts of North and South Kanaras as a trading and commercial
y group becomes therefore fairly clear. Why Dr. Sircar doubts such . a
..possibility, is un-understandable. The commercial contact between the
|f|est Coast of India and the Middle-East is of antiquity and hence it is
: no wonder that. settlements of the Persian Muslims should be established

yy p. 62,=.. •> ..••".•.;.• .•• v -v. '•-■

j-jZ Ep-hd- Yol. XXXW, Paru VI, pp. 291-292/ r .W y V-W : ; ; W
.’il/';':. . Third Epigraphical notes No; i 8 about hanjamana, Vol . IX. 1 . t : '

; . : Vol. VII, Nos.- 380, 350, 349; 182; Vol.. IX, Part II, No. 459.

. /r./. Vol, I, No. 48 of 1939-/40. rWY-V •• ■ V-W W

579 °r i929-’3o. ww- ywrwww : y.y • vwyv

■■^PJnd.Ant. Vol. XLI pp. 173 to 19h'fV < T.V V;:.;;

220

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

on the West Coast with special privileges granted to them by the rulers
That this community was prosperous and influential is revealed by the
epigraphs specified above. Because of their trading activities they were
almost with the other trading or commercial groups and they had to
abide by the general regulations governing the towns where they settled.
Although the exact date of their arrival and settlement cannot in the
present state of our knowledge, be given, as mentioned above their acti-
vities definitely commenced from the 12th C. A. D. It eludes one’s com-
prehension how Dr. Sircar could think of distance as a factor of preclusion
for the Parsee settlement on the West Coast of India.

(n) Trade Contacts

SEA-BORNE TRADE

Archaeological excavations alone should reveal what kind of contact
existed between the cost of Tulu-nadu and the Western countries. As
a ready mentioned, that some sort of overseas trade and commercial
relationship was maintained is evidenced by the mention of the inland
City Olohhoira (Alvaklieda) in the Ptolemcy's Geography; Nitria (Netravati)
m \ le J Wn y s account s ; Mangarouth (Mangalore) in the Christian Geography
ai1 aoura (Honnavara) in the Greek Periplus of the Erythrean Sea and
? 6 1 , e ' . ^ lus> ^ lc Greek and Roman accounts seem almost unmistablc
m testifying to the vigorous overseas contact of Alvaklieda Malpe, Baraknru
asaruru and Honnavara, which have been throughout the history of
uluva vibrant with variegated activities.

_ , ' Govinda Pai suggests 1 that in the Arabic classical works of the

century A.D. reference is made to Mahgaluru as Manjaruru and tire
at since in the Arabic language, there is no alphabet ga, all later Arabic
works mentioned Mangaluru as Manjaruru. Seven wiiters Ibn Khurdadh-

??TV (A Q ;?' 844 r A - D - 848 )’ Sulaiman (C . 9th Century A.D. ), Yaqubi
( : -^-A.D. 880 , Ibn Rusta (C.903 A.D.), Masudi (A.D. 943
T , IdnS1 ( A - D - 1154) and Dimisqui (A.D. 1325) mention

a out ’ arii, which is the same as Korikan*. All of them speak of
1C extensiveness of the kingdom of Konkan and pointedly lefer to the
pio uction of teak. The country of Malibar (Malabar ? ) is introduced

2 S. Muliammad' ^ ,,rva Soinh) — article pabhshed in Ttnka-nadn, p- 20

Introduction, pp 1-20 S 1 ninar - ^ Tn b Geographers’ Knowledge of Southern India -

.. A A; Economic. : ^ d • ; - ^ : AAA 221

to us for the first time by the Arab Geographer, Yaqut (A, D. 11 79 -

■ ' .'A' ‘ 7T90Q\ ; ‘ T'l a TV"! A/fo-niKoi' A ci O 4 r Ir-n'rsii’m"- ‘A, rt .4-1-1-^.^ ..

Fida, :Idrisi and Qazwuiii mention Malibar. To the Arab Geographers,
Tulu-nadu seems to be a part of the country of Malibar (Manibar).
Konkan and Malabar countries being definitely known by the Arab
• : Geographers from the 9th century A. D. Tulu-nadu too would, have been
recognized as of considerable importance in contemporary times from
, the point of view of trade and commerce.

AA ;AYaqut (A . D . 1 1 79 - A . D . 1 229) and Dimishqi mention ■ Faknur, .
rA which is none other than Barakuru (Barakanuru), the traditional capital
of Tuluva 5 . Yaqut relates that after leaving Barwas (a big city at the-
.. end of Kaubaya) and passing through a curve we come to the country
> of jVIalibar, from where pepper is exported. Its famous cities are said
to be Manjaruru (Mangaluru) and Faknur (Barakuru). Dimishqui mentions
that Manibar adjoins Hunnur (Honnavara ?) and that it also is named
as the country of pepper. There are many cities, the chief of them being
Diinishqui and Abdul Fida both mention Hannur although
each appears; to have independent information 5 . Hannur is modern
Ifonnavar, the: head-quarters of the taluk of the same name. North Kanara
; district 6 . Dimishqui relates that Hannur, situated on the sea-coast,
; i( lias beautiful surroundings and has under its control ten thousand villages,
y all, inhabited. Abdul Fida (A. D. 1273 -A. D. 1331) opines that Hannur
y ds a small town with a number of beautiful gardens. Again, both of them
:'w|iye ;us : information about Mangaluru (Manjaruru). Abdul Fida says -
y hhat M^afuru is situated to the east of Sindabur, Hannur, and Basaruru.
.••It is said that Manjaruru is the biggest town in Manibar (Malabar).
v|dts king is stated to be. an infidel. He says that from Hannur to Basaruru,
a sipall town and behind Basaruru is Manjaruru 7 . Dimishqi states that
Wthe-city °f Manjaruru is situated on the river known by the same name
. ‘i and: which empties into the sea, where there is ebb and low tide. There

rd S. 1 Muhammad Husayan Nainar — Arab. Geographers' Knowledge of : Southern India -
A introduction, pp. 33-34.. A ,<V AAA'A : A A'- A v A AAAAA'

flbid <py34 A A AW V } ' ’ /V •; > y ■ '> A: A A .V , „ A y , •' : -i Ci f rf

^Bombay Gazetteer, : Vol. XVj Part II, parill, Kanara, 7.. A:- ;

dv V* Muhammad Hasayan Naiiiai- - Arab Geographers’ Knoivledge of Southern Iiidia, p. 28.

222

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

is a large quantity of pepper available here 8 . He also points to Harqilya 5 ,
which is supposed to be on the coast and has a big area. It is said to have
under its control about 1000 villages, situated on hilly tracts, as well as
the coast. Ibn Battuta (A.D. 1355) also refers to Honnavar in A. D. 1342
and testifies to the fact of its prosperity through trade and commerce’ 0 .

A few remarks on the accounts left by the European travellers that
throw some light on the condition of the trade in the coastal regions of
Tulu-nadu may not be out of place. It is noteworthy that Tulu-nadu
received a large number of European travellers” from A.D. 1500 to
A.D. 1675, whose accounts are really valuable in assessing the economic
and social conditions that existed in this teritory during this peiiod.

Barboza is of the opinion that many a ship anchored at the port of
Bhatakala for which it was virtually an annual feature, from Ormuz,
to take cargoes of ‘White-Rice’, of which there were abundant stores
and powdered sugar for which country was renowned. He further adds
that the foreigners took large quantities of iron ores from Bhatakala and
this comprised the ‘principal cargo’ of the place. There was a regular
trade in pepper and spices which were produced in plenty in the hinter-
land and which were brought to the town of Bhatakala for sale. A special
mention is made by the same observer about the wood ‘myrobalam’ of a
\ery good quality, which was held in great demand by the Moors from
Arabia, who paid a considerably high price for it. Bhatakala also occupied
position of importance from the point of view of ‘trade in horses’. The
doors brought Arabian horses of good breed to this town, which were
supplied to the Vijayanagara empire too”. The same observer testifies
to the large quantities of rice produced in Tulu-nadu and throws some
light on. the method of cultivation 13 .

8 Ibid p. 61.

9 ffM P 4n 3 ^wlT^ r ? U ‘ lya J m , ay bc identified with Kasargod, 27 miles to the soutf

'o £ i 11K J *1 formed the southern most part of Tulu-natlu.

Shins J0Ur ,T y , fro , m Sindabur, is on a large inlet navigable for largi

for P fmir mnn?^ l *-\ C pyshkal, which is the rainy season, this bay is so stormy tlia
p 230 hS ’ 11 1S lm P 0SSlble to »H on it except for fishing” - Gibb's Translation

11 a n°l SOR ar A ir Cabra i , ( Portu Sucsc) A.D. 1500; Ludovico Varthema (Italian;
fPortiufn^l A f< S S ^m b .^ U ^? Ue ( Por tugucse) AD.1509-M5; Gaspar Correi
Fred«-rir Tr ll^' 1 ? A 5 !-?"; Duarte Bar bozc (Spaniard) A.D. 1504-’14; Cacsai
V-r, 111 57 Van Smschoten (Dutch) A . D . 1 595 ; Pietro Dells

u (En g lish) A D . HOT ' 62 ? ; PCter Mundy ( En S llsh ) A.D. 1630 and John Lryre

13 7ti l c?pp. Ba 9 r 2. OZa ~ A descr!pl,on of the Coast of East Africa and Malabar, Part I, p 189-

f- 'Wv'V : /r VV^ 1 ', ; 'V:V;V :i ! V* ^ : _v : <r.;' 223- ■

'VAv Mangalore shared a good part of the sea-borne trade of Tulu-nadu.
-The Italian Traveller j Ver thema, who visited India in A. D. 1506 says
that he witnessed nearly sixty ships laden with rice, ready for. sail in the
port of Mangalore 14 . Earlier we have in the accounts left by Ibu Batuta

■ that the port of Mangalore (Mahjaruru). sold enormous ■ quantities of
Ipepper and ginger 15 . Mangalore must have suffered serious set back in
"trade towards the. middle of the 1 6th century A.D. because of the loot

: and pillage by the Portuguese who seemed to have come into serious .
;; grips with the Chauta chief of Ullala . Perhaps, tlie poor reference made
to the trade at Mangalore by Caesar Fredericke in A.D. 1567 may only
:Vbe attributed to this cause 16 . But the same observer gives us a glowing
account of the rice trade in Basaruru. . Rice was exported to Goa in large

-A ' r : v A- •'

^li^r'Deila^sile' tells -.us that saffron, brought from the European countries,
y was brought in large quantities in this region, because it is said that the

■ liatives of this country prized it most. They seemed to have mixed this
.article . with: the sandal-wood paste for using the marks on their foreheads,
for perfuinery and for a 'thousand other uses’. Della Valle gives us an
account of his meeting with the Chauta queen who asked him questions

i about the production and availability of article in Europe, in addition
to other rarities,; and was given ah assurance that he would send her a
.present as soon as he reached his native country 18 . The traveller

.. writes that pepper was grown in large quantities in the Gerusoppe area
; .and it; was weighed and sold in ‘sheltered places’. He gives his reason
why the queen of Gerusoppe was called the ‘Queen of Pepper’ by the
^Toftuguese 1 ?.- r V •; : . ,

.•/A" • f It looks as.though there was trade contact between Tulu-nadu and
• tihina.:;vAn ^epigraph > of Hosa-basti, Mudabidure, dated A.D. 1429
; mentions the purchasers of the ‘China cloth’ ((JhiTiambara-vikraya-priyakarijn),

ra...

. : 0dadabidure) 20 . The- presence of the relief of the Chinese dragon on one

l-j'. Vi vll ' di VerlKetna of Bologna, 50. > . ■ ; • ; ' ‘ .

of Ibn Batuta, ?;V"- ■ ;/ W-’* r -

A ^Mli^ttiirPosiktimiiSyX, p. 101 . V.-. :-:‘ r 'rSi '■ \ W, : .-''"--VC ; A'.-" ;i '
W : ;.yh ibid p.;iqiHAwf:RAA'" : g ; tv. '; : :A Av- A r .

.‘/••’A.V vt >= : .';v ••’.C' ! y'i -V - : -A

A/vf. : yot VII,'m^l98;. ff|v ; ^ A- ’ •

224

Studies in Tiduva History and Culture

of the panels of the basement freizes of the Bhairadevi-mantapa further
supports this possibility of trade contact with China.

Trade Contacts with Karnataka

As already referred to earlier, one of the earliest epigraphs that
mentions trading connections with the up-ghats regions is that of Hatfl-
yangadi, Coondapur taluk, assignable to the 9th century A. D. 21 which
seems to remit the taxes to be paid to the town of Purigere (Lakshmancs-
vai a in the Dharwar district) by the merchants. The Udayavara epigraphs
of the 9th C.A.D. inform us about the toll regulations both in Patti-
Pombulcha and Udayavara 22 . The early Alupa rulers being in charge
of Kadamba-mandala, as pointed out in the political history of the dynsaty,
we have sound reasons to believe that definite trading and commercial
links must have been established between Tulu-nadu and the regions
above the Western Ghats. It has already been pointed out that most
of the important feudatories of Tulu-nadu had hailed from the regions
above the Ghats and established themselves in Tulu-nadu. This political
phenomenon cannot but augment the trade-links with those regions
contact^ of diverse forms must have marked the relationship between
Tu]u-nadu and the Hoysala kingdom during the 12th and 13th
centuries A.D. Even in the field of architecture, the Hoysala influence
is clearly discernible. It goes without saying that tire direct rule of the
ljayanagara governors over Barakuru, Mahgaluru and Honnavara-
rajyas for a period of more than two centuries and half resulted in the
creation of unprecedented ‘waves’ of contact between the empire and
tins strip on the Western Coast.

It is very interesting to take cognisance of three epigraphs "which seem
to perpetuate relationship between the regions above the Ghats and below
A C -n G i hatS ’ - ThC im P recator y portion of an epigraph of Puttige, dated

’ ' it is stated that if any body violated the provisions of the

sasam, he would incur the sin arising out of the slaughter of cows that
have descended from the seven Ghats (ehi ghattadalli ilida lapile-lameratiya

konda d5sha )T Likewise, another epigraph, dated A.D. 1545, repeats

the same imp recation (i/u ghattadalli liva gougala Londopadty*.

“ for 1929-’30, p. 86.

“ Ep-Ind Vol IX, pp. 21-24

” twx V o’ VI1 ’No 229.

ceri ding from 0Ut of the Milin S of t!,e C0WS > d<S '

/’/•/ ■ : Economic : /> S/ ■: ";' -A //'■/::' -A '.,225 :

//A/fThe third imcription,: dated A.D . 1544. speaks of the 18 Ghats and :
the cows descending from them 2S . A few epigraphs rightly record' import-,
ance to bulls that, come down the eight Ghats; 1; They inform us that for
j1 “ “ r xl * ~ — - r fe record, one would be the victim of the

•/eight Ghats {yeniu ghaitadalli iliva etlugala konda dosha) 2 *. These epigraphs
; are significant in that they are not merely the. conventional references
/ but expressions of facts relating :to the regular trading contacts estab-

!lishcd.r"' ; ^ V;:Vj1 ' / 11 1 ^ • " ‘ v -

/(///•/'/The epigraph of the town of Barakuru, dated A. D . 1431, states that
/' such - commodities as rice, wheat, . bengal-gram, black-gram, ' green-gram,
gingily, sugarcane, ghee, jaggery, ferngreek, spices and pulses were/being
' ' ‘ r ""t * r 1 j1 '~' 1 Another record of the same

>: plice and date refers to the above-mentioned articles and commodities
being brought to Barakuru for sale 28 . Both the epigraphs record of agree-
/niehtis entered into between the representatives of the Chaulikeri and the
y Murukeri of Barakuru in connection witli the systematic and regulated
sale of these and other articles. . These are, indisputably, clear proofs of
/ regular /commercial contacts with Karnataka.

■ : ion /comprised agricultural produce, mainly rice, coconuts, sugar-cane
and /biilses of various kinds and pepper as the noted commercial crop
///wHch/bfOught such Toreign exchange’ for the State. Teak and myrobalan
/aycre accounted as of high value. For textile goods, Tulu-nadu depended
/ on imports from Karnataka.

Nos. 273, etc. Vlt goes without saying that the bulls: were the beasts of burden/
and commoditieK xvr.re hronfTlit' from and taken to the uosrhat resrions on bullocks

CHAPTER XI

SOCIETY AND PEOPLE

The Three Strata of Society in Tulu-nadu

Social history of Tulu-nadu should begin with certain significant
facts of three classes of its people enumerated below. These are: theBillavas
and Mogers (Mogeras); the Nadavas and Nayars and the Brahmins
and Jainas. This does not mean that the other classes or communities
of people are unimportant in the evolution of the social and cultural life
of this region. The importance of the above three strata of Tuluva society
must be appraised in the fact that their role in the variegated activities
of social and cultural life has been more marked than those of the rest.
Hence a reflection of study.

The Billavas

The Billavas were numerically the largest community in Tulu-nadu,
at any rate, in the district of South Kanara'. In the northern part of
Tuluva, they are called the Halepaikas. The term billava seems essentially
a generic term and it simply means, a bow-man or a hunter 2 . It is really
difficult, in the present state of our knowledge, to decide whether these
Billavas represent the hunting stage of civilisation, because there appears
to have been much of blood inter-mixture. Based on their chief occu-
pation of distillation until very recently, they have been mostly taken to
be die same as die Tiyas of Malabar, who in popular mew, were said to
have been the immigrants from Ceylon who were responsible for introducing
the cultivation of coconut into South India 2 . But similarity of occupation

Legacy of India - The World’s Heritage, p. 184

C ^ Val ™, t word billava is birum, which also means hunts. .

Vol TT „ TO ] \ orlds , Heritage -p. 185; Manual of Madras Administration,

in Kana?; mil' Thc .P aI ™ cultivators in Malabar and Travancore are called Tiyas,
norUiem Teluga districts Eidigavandlu The tradition

"... hYfjf-yyjf : y ff:/ Society ■ and Beople '-T} '- • ■ '(■( Ct i.: ;;- 227 '

need not support: the common origin of both . . j Thurston, in his work
Castes and Tribes of Southern India, has perhaps rightly remarked : “It Is
worthy of note that the Biliavas differ from the Tiyans in one very import- :
ant physical character - the cranial type, fdr, while the Tiyans are doli-
chocephalic, the Biliavas are like other Tulu classes, sub-brachycephalib” 4 . ,

' Baidya and pujari are the surnames employed by. the Biliavas. The sur-
name pujari is most fitting to this community, because the entire bhiita
worship (devil-worship) appears to be dependent on them 5 . In any
. celebration of the bhuta (devil or daiva), the presence of a Billava (pujari )
is essential. He plays the role of a patri (one who gets possessed of the
bhiita, along with the devil-dancer). It may even be said that a good
bpart of the practice of devil-worship, may be traced to this community.

It was the two Biliavas, Koti-baidy a and Chennayya-baidya who, after
?.: the;ir heroic end, were deified and these have been enshrined throughout
the Tulu country in the sthanas known as Baidarkala-garadi 6 , (Shrine

'where the Baidyas are worshipped) 7 . Amongst the principal daivas of
Tulu-nadu, Koti and Chennayya have had a most marked recognition.
.The story of these hereoes may be taken roughly to five hundred years
back, since reference to Ballalas is made in the paddana.

4 Castes and Tribes of Southern India - Vol. I, pp. 243-52. The Biliavas or Billara are a
,4k. , Tulu speaking caste of toddy drawers mostly found in South Kanara, Manjirabad,

Txrthalli and Mudigere. They speak Canarese in Mysore. The word billavds
iff signifies bow-men and the name was applied to the castemen, who were largely
j'h’vV 1 ,.. .employed as soldiers by the native rulers of. the district. But there is no authority
fp: ./in support of this statement - Mysore Tribes and Castes Vol. II, p. 288. ,

5 . Wlule the Pujaiis are associated with bhuta worship in many cases, it is 'not. correct..
if.Mj. to say that the entire worship depends upon them. Certain bhiitas like Kodedabbu, .
Sff s /. Koraga-Tahiya etc. are worshipped by the Mundalas without the intermediary ; of
hr ; ih: the Pujari. So also in the case of Mogaras and Muggoras. ■ flyl'

Kyf'Jf 'Garadis arc gymnasiums, where the Baidyas, are - Worshipped -as herpes. . •/ Not 5 .-all' -
I VCs ■/,: 7. faradis have Koti-Ghennaya as the only, deities. There are Kanta-Bare, Buda-Bafe
as. well. and Brahma is invariably .the main deity. .'(Kankanadi garadi is Brahma-;
'■f\ ‘.;;Baidarkala garadi). ' .' . v \: 4. •• ; • y-y< v.;p

f'.'.'rji Castes and Tribes of Southern India, p. 227. (Parts A & B) - Manner -Tiilu—Paddanolu.
v. • pp. 34-52. . - . ' . • • ' :. 'T/ S'- f

:}■ : 7 Mysore Tribes and Castes, Vol. II, p. 290; Every village in Kanara has its bhuta-sthana
v or demon : temple, in which the officiating priest or Pujari is usually a ma r cf the ,
Billava. caste and shrines innumerable are scattered throughout the length' and •
V- : breadth of the land for the propitiation of the spirits of; deceased celebrities, who
V ; ; in their life time, had acquired a more than usual reputation, \yhetlier for good - 1
?:; ' or evil, br' had met-with the suddeh : or violent death. , In addition tb tliese, there t';'
^.v-areidehions of ffie-jiuigles. and- demons of the wasteV.demons who guard the. village
;;;;;. : - ;V ; ;‘b°undanes and'demons whose only apparent ;vocation is that of playing tricks :-
f : such as.throvving : stones oh lmusd?ahd;cau^ng}naischief^ geriejfally^vy :.y ■

228

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Baidya is a popular surname amongst the Billavas and this may be
because they have had tradition of being vaidyas or physicians (there is
no meaning in interpreting the term baidya as one who is a new-comer).
“ Vaidyan or baidya, meaning physician or medicine-man, occurs as a title
of Kshaurakas, Billavas and Pulluvans at times of Census and has been
returned as an occupational sub-division of Paraiyans 8 ”.

The term hahpaika employed in the northern portion of Tuluva,
to these people is suggestive of their antiquity, for by the name hahpaika
(which also is used in the upghat regions of Mysore), it could mean an
old (ancient) man of PaSuka or Haiga, which was the territory surrounding
Honnavara.

In spite of the numerical strength of this community, epigraphs of
Tuluva are few and far between in referring to them. This may be because
of their inferior position in society. It is quite possible that they consti-
tuted the chief ground for the recruitment of alus for fighting. Only
two inscriptions make a mere reference to the Billavas. The Heruru
epigraph of A.D.1444 mentions billa-biruva, which means the Billava whose
chief work is with the bow 9 . Another inscription comes from Chokkadi,
Udipi taluk. South Kanara, which refers to the work of Billavaru and
also mentions Billa-gudde' 0 .

It is not possible to decide whether Pandya-villarasa of the Udayavara
inscription of the eighth century A.D. has anything to do with the Billa-
vas 11 . How this community came to be associated with the work of
distillation and how they became untouchables are not yet known on
historic basis, (distillation is one of the occupations which is stigmatised
in the saslras cf. the Manu-Dharma-sastra). In regard to their community
organisation, the Billava caste has a head-man called gurikara whose
office is hereditary and passes to the aliya (sister’s son). Affairs, which
affect the community as a whole are discussed at a meeting held at the
bhuta-sthana or garadi' 2 .

The Mogers ( The Mogeras)

The Mogeras are the Tulu speaking fishermen of South Kanara,
who follow th e aliya-santdna law of inheritance. Those who are settled

! ?')l r5 l 0 . n ~ tS Tribes of Southern India, Part A - p 227
9 A R. Nos. 588 & 579 for 1929 to 1930. P

Ibid .

;; Ini Vol. IX -p. 19.

hurston - Castes & Tribes of Southern India, Vol. I, p. 247.

229

Society arid People

in the northern part of the district would follow the makkala-santana system.
The settlements of the Mogers (fishing community) are called the pattanas.
For this reason, pattanadava is sometimes given as a synonmy for caste
name. Like other castes of Tuluva, the Mogers worship bhutas , the princi-
ple bhuta of the fishing community being Bobbariya in whose honour
the kola festival is held annually. The pad-dana of this bhuta has it for us
that Bobbariya was a Mapillah or Byari (Muslim), who, after death,
became one of the powerful and also useful bhutas of Tuluva 13 ,

Every settlement or group of settlements of the Mogers has a Bobbariya
bhutasthana. There is a religious head of the community called Mahgala-
Pfydri, whose headquarters are at Bennekuduru near Barakhru w .

For every settlement, there must at least be two gurikaras (headmen)
and in some settlements there are as many as four. The office of the head-
man is hereditary. The ordinary caste title of these people is Marakala.
It is very difficult to decide, whether, in times of yore, people of their
name-sake migrated into Tuluva from parts of Central India, for it is
suggested in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency - Kanara, that their
immigration into North Kanara might be possible because of these Mogers
bearing different physical features from those of the natives. In the
absence of further proof, nothing else can be said in this connection 15 .

Although the name Moger or Mogheyar is late in epigraphical reference,
their ancientness as the people of Tuluva can hardly be doubted. “The
people of fisher-castes are either fishers or hunters according to the locality
they live in. As fishermen, these castes confine their operations mostly
to the backwaters, to the sea-shore or to the mouths of rivers. As hunters
they frequent the forests and jungles of the interior (these are known as
Muggers in Tulu) and some still live by the products of the chase although
many have settled down to other occupations, since the forests have

decreased 16 .’ 3 ■

. - - /*

The two inscriptions that make, passing reference hearing the name
Mugera or Mogeyara are (a) Mugera'gadde (field belonging to Mugera-

13 Manner - Tulu Paddanolu, pp. 1-3:

14 Thurston - Caste & Tribes of South India , Vol. I, p. 350.

15 Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency — Kanara, page 345,

16 Manual of Madras Administration - Vol. II, p. 231. f

According to some, Muggers are not the same as Mogeras. Muggers are a sub-
community in the untouchable group.

230

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Mogera)' 7 , and (b) Mogeyara Vira-Nayaka (Vira-Nayaka belonging .
to the Mogera community)^.

Tlie Billavas and Mogcrs, therefore, may be said to belong to one
group and perhaps, they may be said to constitute the first stage in the
development of the civilization of Tulu-nadu. Both the communities
possess the same balis, whose description will follow presently. It may
be possible that die Satiyaputras come across in the Asokan edicts may be
the Billavas and the Mogeras.

The Nadavas

The Manual of Madras Administration equates the Nadavas who consti-
tute an important social group of Tuluva with the Nayars of Malabar.
Nation of Tamil-nad is also stated to be an almost similar term, deriving
its route from nadu and conveying the sense, the headman of any caste
invested with the civil jurisdiction of a tract under the native administra-
tion. Ndttar is described as the District Revenue Officer, whose duty
it iv as under the nadve administration to superintend cultivation 19 .

The South Kanara Manual gives us the following account of the Nadavas,
The Bants as their name implies {Bant in Tulu a powerful man, a soldier),
were originally a military class corresponding to the Nayars of Malabar
and the use of die term Nddava, instead of Bunt in the northern portion
of Soudi Kanara, points amongst other indications, to a territorial orgamsa-
don by nads similar to that described by Air. Logan as prevailing in
Malabar. But few traces of such organisation now prevail, great changes
having been made, when the Vijayanagara Government introduced more
than five hundred years ago, a system of administration under which
the local Jain-chiefs, tiiough owing allegiance to an overloid, became
more independent in their relations with the people of die country- 3 .”

0r ^ n the Nadavas, it proceeds to say

Nothing very definite is known of the origin of the Bants, but Tuluva
seems, in the early centuries of the Christian era, to have had kings, who
apparendy were sometimes independent and sometimes feudatories of

overlords such as the Pallavas This indicates a constant stage of

lighting which would account for an important class of the population

" f 1 t Vol VII, No 26<t.

" Vol IX, Part II, No. 457.

70 Vol III.p 355.

Kanara Manual , Vol I, pp. 156-’57.

being known as Bantam or warriors, and as a matter ofcourse } they succeedec
in becoming the owners of all the lands which did not fall to the shar<

of the priestly class, the Brahmins 21 .”

'v; , . Thurston, in his Castes and Tribes of Southern India, gives the following

account of the Nadavas, “This is a caste of Kanarese-farmers found onl)
in South Kanara. The Nadavas have retained four sub-divisions one
of which is Bant and two of the other three are sub-divisions of Bants.

the most important being Masadi. .1 have no information regarding

the caste but they seem to be closely allied to the Bant caste of Which
Nadava is one of the sub-divisions. The name Nadava orNddavaru mean?
people of nadu or country 22 ”. And regarding their features and character,
Thurston writes to say, “They still retain their manly independence
of character, their strong well-developed physique and still carry their
heads with the same haughty toss as their fore-fathers did, in the stirring
fighting days,, when as an old proverb had it ‘The slain rested in the yard
of the slayer’, and when every warrior constantly carried his sword and
shield. Both men and women of the Bant community are among the
comliest of Asiatic-races 23 . ■ ■ ' -

Let us now examine the position and status occupied by the Nadavas
as revealed through the inscriptions. The epigraphs of Tulu-nadu do
hot give us much information about this community of people, although,
as we are informed by the South Kanara Manual, that “the Bants are
now the chief land — owning and cultivating class and are with the except-
ion of the Billavas, or the toddy-drawers, the most numerous caste in a
district 24 ”. Moreover,- even the few epigraphs that make mention of the
Nadavas are come across rather late. The first mention of the Nadavas
is in the Mundakuru inscription of the Mangalore taluk, South Kanara,
;dated A . D . 1 293, which refers to a gift, details of which are lost.?' • The
tenants and -the Nadavaru are stated to have, set up BommotiiydkaBu,' which
may be the same as the stone on which this record is inscribed 25 . The
next epigraph is of Barakuru, dated A.D. 1325, which mentions the violence
and outrages of Paduvakona-Nadavaru 26 . Another epigraph of the same

: Vc4, 1, p. 157. . ; . y... . v - • <

22 Thurston. - (7a j/c <3? Tribes of Southern India,Vo\.Y, pi '134.

23 7 w<f,voi..v,p. 149. : : ;■ --ky-f

'• 24 South Kanara Manual, Vol. Iyp.

: *T x a. R. No. 530 for 1929-’30. ; .. ■Ly.'-y.;

V.;;- 26 sil l: y 0 i, VII, No.

232

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

place, dated A. D. 1399, includes the Nadavaru in the court assembly
of the governor of Barakuru, Nagarasa-Odeya 27 . An inscription of Kaikani,
Bhatakaja, North Kanara, dated A . D . 141 7, mentions the kutumba (family)
of Mani-nadava and the donor ICalluga-nadava mentioned in the same
inscription must be Kalluga-nadava 28 . The latter seems to represent
uttarabali , among the twenty-four balls and was born in Bidiremannu and
he was one of the donors for the maintenance of chailyalaya and an alms-
house.

But outside Tuluva, especially in the district of Simoga, very important
mention of them is made of this community 29 .

We are not able to understand whether these Nadavas were the
original inhabitants of the above mentioned places, where the inscriptions
are recorded, or they hailed thither from Tulu-nadu. Anyway, frequent
references to them in the Malanad regions of the upghat country seem
to have given them a place of vantage and considerable importance.

The Tamil epigraphs make frequent mention of the Hat tars or Nattavats.
Dr. T. V. Mahalingam opines that the Hal tars or Natlavars are the members
of the nadu, inhabitants of the district 29 . There may not be any doubt
the term Nattavar is the Tamil counterpart of Nadavaru in Kannada.

From the foregoing examples, we have three hypotheses before us
to decide upon their origin. Firstly, they may have been tire builders
of nadus and as a warrior class, their chief obligation was to protect the
nadu. Secondly, they may have been essentially an agricultural people
and hence lived in families known as okkalus earning the name in Tujuva
okkelme (an okkaliga). Thirdly, the term nadava may be applicable to
all those who reside in the nadu. It may be suggested here that the term
naiava is comparable to the other cognomen, such as aluva, senava, billava,
malava, etc. and that its root may be nadu meaning ‘to plant’ and their
early occupati on may be agriculture and later with the assumption of

27 Ibid: No. 350.

H -K-l Vol. I, No. 41 or l939-’40.
fJZ wv ' Shik , ar P ur No. 1 8 1 , A . D . 1 1 70.

Yr • D «y. anah 4!i No. 72, A. D. 1338.
nf: Y° ‘ ~ £ r( t a!!i ’ No - 197 > A. D. 1362.

n j y° ’.YI 11 . - J irthal !‘- No. 119 A. D. 1372.

Ib’d. No 134, A D 1404.

Ibid. No. 196 A D. 1405.

30 p. No/sT'aTdTg^: Nos - 27> 29 ’ 3i - 57 and 58 -

■ v. Mahalingam A & S. Life of Vijayanagar, pp. 85, 212, 216, etc..

. :r:;v> .... . ... .y'W Society and People : 233

social influences, got associated with the. so-called military class. . > It may
not be a vain conjecture to suggest that the bognomen nadava may, be
taken to be the exact Kannada equivalent of Rashtrika. This suggestion
does, not mean that the present Nadavas are the descendants of the
-•Rashtrakutas to whom reference is made as the Rashtrikas or Nadavargaf’h ..
Even if we are to venture to connect them with the Rashtraku talineage,
it may not be far-fetched, because the familiar phrasc-Rashtrakutapramukhah
kutumbinah - which occurs in a copperplate inscription, shows also that
the, Rashtrakutas 'werekutumbigalu , the cultuvators who enjoyed a higher
social status than others of their community 32 . We are still in the dark
whether the first and the earliest mention made of the Nadavas in the
Kavirajamarga of Nripatunga relates in any way to the Nadavas of the .
epigraphs or whether it simply connotes the meaning, the inhabitants
of this country.

yi,' On inscriptional basis, we do not have fair grounds to identify the
Nadavas with the Bantas . The term banta means either a warrior, a soldier,
a hero or a valiant man or a servant 33 . By tradition, these people known
as the Bantas have become a farmer caste of the Tulu country 34 .

W'. The Udayavara inscriptions of about the ninth century A.D, refers
to the thousand of Sivalli and th c. Bantas of Chokipali (a village five miles
to the south of Udipi now known as Chokkadi) 35 . Whether these Bantas
. are the same as the Nadavas, cited above, we are unable to - conclude .
finally. Among the early inscriptions, another of the eleventh century
A.D. of Polali, Mangalore taluk, refers to the bantavartane of Mafavadi 36 .
The lower status assigned to the Bantas in historic times, is supported by
a few inscriptions. The epigraph of Aruru, Udipi taluk, prohibits the;.
Bantas from entering the palace for sometime 37 . Another epigraph,
dated A. D. 1469, mentions the regulations relating to a gift territory, .
wherein reference is made to b allala and banta 38 , '"''V-dky- v

: ' : Until the advent of the 20th century, there was limited blood-relation
. ship between the Nadavas and the Bantas, which indicates the difference

■:-..‘,T-'}}y-Ktwirajamarga of Nripatufiga, Chapter II - Sianza 28; . , -/•/•..•.v/.yi'V' -.'1

V 32 Ep.lnd. Vol. XI, pp. 342-M-3. ; v /W yf:;

33 /unc/ - p. 1071. ■' . ^ d d : .\

54 ibid'.' . • :'r - ; ’ ... ■ -V/ ;v If

s.iii. voi. vii. No. 279. . .. v V vfv- •.

V 36 5././. Vol. XI, Part I, No. 398. : W Wh-V'T'

W 3t .A.R. No. 590 for 1929-’30. -V 1: •' • :

• 38 ibid. No. 482 for i928-’29.. -;'X w'.. ••/-

234

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

in tlicn origin. The complete fusion of the two classes seems to have
taken place quite recently.

The central position occupied by the Nadavas can be understood
at the time of the death ceremony of one, who belongs to this community.
“The Holeya conveys to the caste people the news of the death. A
carpenter accompanied by musicians proceeds to cut down a mango
tree for the funeral pyre. The body is bathed and laid out on a plank,
clad with new clothes ; it is conveyed to the burning-ground with music
A barber carries thither a pot containing fire. The corpse is set down
near the pyre and divested of new clothes which are distributed between
a barber, a washerman, a carpenter, a Billava and a Holeya. The pyre
is kindled by a Billava 39 .” It may be argued that the Banta, being a
gunkara or guitedara , was entitled for allegiance and assistance from the
main occupational groups of the society excepting Brahmins 40 . Again
the position enjoyed by the Nadavas or the Bantas is clearly explained
in the South hanara Manual: “The Bants, however, may be said to be
the land-owning and cultivating class par-excellence, both on account
of their numerical preponderance in that capacity and their almost com-
plete abstention from all othei professions and occupations.”

The jYajars of Tulu-nadu

A very puzzling problem deserves to be offered a solution in the
society of Tulu-nadu and this problem arises only 'when the epigraplis,
especially such of those as are confined to the district of South Kanara,
aic studied. Many inscriptions make a distinct mention of Nayars in
local and royal grants, made to Brahmins and these epigraplis seem to
figure prominently between the thirteenth and the sixteenth centuries A D.

A few epigraphs may be referred to in this connection :

1. An epigraph of Barakuru, dated A. D. 1371, states that Krishna-
mandacha, son of Kesava-mandacha, received the gift of grant from
fhiggu-binnaniti and the halara of Murukeri with nayaramttld **.

2. Another epigraph of the same place, dated A. D. 1392, mentions
one Baliiri who had agreed to possess (lands ?) with nayarumula and to

<0 T ln 5 s l? u ~ Ca J tcs ani Tubes °f Southern India, Vol
South hanara Manual, Vol I, p 192
“ S- 1 I- Vol VII, No 319 P

168 .

Society and People 235

make the payment from time to time without complaining about loss
or scarcity 42 .

3. An inscription of Barakuru, dated A.D. 1386, refers to the
cultivation of lands by adhikari Mallideva Vittappa with nayaramulct , the
land belonging to the deoasva of Udupi 43 .

A number of other epigraphs occur bearing reference to the grants
made to Brahmins along with whom the Nayars are associated 44 .

The above epigraphical references are clear proof of the community
of the Nayars, who had settled or were caused to be settled in Tulu-nadu.
When these people migrated to Tuluva, what circumstances led them to
build their settlements in Tuluva and why they are mentioned along
with Brahmin families are some of the puzzling questions that cannot
be solved in the existing state of our knowledge 45 . To study their social
role in Tulu-nadu in relation to the present set-up, we do not have definite
evidence for their historical settlement. Any way the following inferences
may be made.

Firstly, since no inscription, hitherto discovered, of the Alupa period,
makes any mention of them, we may surmise that they may have settled
in Tuluva by about the early part of the 14th century A.D. Secondly,
each epigraph specifies their role as the cultivators. Thirdly, the con-
nection between the Brahmins and the Nayars is explicit in the epigraphs,
but in the absence of any evidence, it becomes difficult to clarify tire nature
of this connection. Fourthly, it eludes our comprehension why and
how these Nayar families disappeared from the social history of later
times. It is possible to surmise that they were absorbed into the social

42 Ibid. No. 344-.

43 Ibid. No. 351.

44 Ibid. No. 356.

A.R. No. 320 for 1931 *-’32.

S.I.I. Vol. No. VII, No. 321.

Ibid. No. 344; A.R. 545 for 1929-’30; Ibid. 318 for 1931-’32;

Ibid. No. 607 for 1929-’30;

45 The Brahmins could not take to other occupations except in times of distress. So
they could not work the lands granted to them in lieu of their services by themselves
and had to get them worked by the Nayars. Nayar may be connected with “ plough ”
which is still known as nayar in Tulu. The Nayars around Barakuru have some
balis as the Nadavas,

t t

4

236

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

stratum of another community, known as the Nadavas, who have figured
very markedly in the social history of Tuluva 46 .’

It is really fruitful to take note of the remarks found in the Manual
of Madras Administration: “They appear to have entered Malabar from
the North rather than from the South and to have peopled first the Tulu
and then the Malayalam country. They were probably the off-shoot
of some colony in the Konkan or the Deccan ” 47 “In Malabar and south
of Kanara as far as Kasaragod, they are called Nayars and their language
is Malayalam. From Kasaragod to Brahmavar, they are termed Bants
and speak Tulu. To the north of Brahmavar, they are called Nadavars,
and they speak Canarese 48 .”

Fiom the stand-point of language, one fact seems significant. In
the Tulu language, the plough is called nayer 49 . Here it may be surmised
that these people, whose chief occupation is ploughing i.e. agriculture,
are known as the Nayars. This interpretation may conflict with the
traditionally accepted one, which identifies them with the military class 3 .
The possibility of these Nayars getting fused with the Nadava community,
it may be suggested again, cannot be ruled out altogether, because the
chief occupation of the Nadavas is also agriculture, as the word okkeimt
in Tulu connotes 31 . Any way this is only a hypothetical inference.

Should we accept the hypotheses that the Nayars had immigrated
into Tulu-nadu first, whence they proceeded to Malabar, it is possible to
teace hypothetically their place of origin in Nayarkhand (Nagarakhand).
lhe basis for this inference is philological only. The Prakrit form of
nagar is najar and Nagarkhand was also known as Nayarkhand. It h
wor iy of being investigated, how the meaning of the term ndyaka (leader)

GrSmatoM, Lf "ru ^ have come from outside could also be known from the
the KnHnT.U, fl i hC T V !u \ a5 ' 11 sa >’ s that al°ug with the Brahmins, Mayuravarnw,
of the TWh™; "Her, also brought the Nayars to protect the persons and property
the term^f^ u’ to thcm T b >’ Mayuravarma. The interpretation given to

were called > thi t * u 5, er ' It sa ys that since they were the new comers, they

historic vaL nf ih?r S ~ PP- 40-41. While admitting that the

the NSv o l Gramapaddhah may be seriously questioned, the association of

There are \ r n\nr* m ,!i nS men ^^ e d in it, is testified to by references in epigraphs
river ton the-^ ln r and Barahuru-at least 10 families to the south of the

« MnL/^r % ) htahrahvara to Barakuru).

« “of Vo1 ' n - App ' nd,c “> pp- "- 100 -

50 ^"S^b-Tutu Dictionary, p. 404.

51 f ~ Nayar - Leader, soldier, lord,
inner - Icnghsh-Tulu Dictionary, p. 89.

237

' Society and People

got connected with the word nayar, for no Lexicon offers us any analogous
sense 52 . Perhaps, like the Nadavas, they may have become the military
class, after they ascended in the social scale.

BRAHMINISM IN TULU-NADU

The tradition in the district of South Kanara and also in North
Kanara informs us of Brahmin immigration into Tulu-nadu from Ahich-
chatra. According to one version, the Brahmins were introduced into
Tuluva in the eighth century A.D. and Barakuru was one of the places
at which a Brahmin governor is said to have been appointed 1 . But the
unhistoricity of this' traditional view-point becomes clear, when we examine
the epigraphs that have come to light in Tuluva. The Havika Brahmins
of Haive (Hayiga) relate to the introduction of Brahmins into that land
by the Kadamba ruler, Mayuravarma. Likewise, the Brahmins of South
Kanara attribute their first arrival owing to certain families, being
brought from Ahichchatra, on a special request made personally by the
Kadamba ruler, Mayuravarma, the ruler of Barakuru 2 . This account
is also Found in the Tulu Gramapaddhati h But in proof of this tradition,
we do not have any other reliable evidence. Epigraphs of Tulu-nadu
are absolutely silent about this alleged introduction of Brahmins by
Mayuravarma. In the state of existing knowledge, it is certainly un-
historical to say that any ruler of the name Mayuravarma or Mayurasarma
ever ruled in Barakuru.

- From the traditional account two things about Brahmins of Tuluva
seem to be almost clear. Firstly, they were immigrants into Tuluva sometime
in the past, although we are uncertain about the date of their arrival.
Secondly, there had been some kind of proliferation amongst the Brah-
mins sufficiently early after their immigration and settlement in Tuluva.

' 52 Naya — a leader, guide; guiding, directing :

(Apte - Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 285)

Nayaka = a guide, leader; chief master, head; in rhetoric (hero).

1 Imperial Gazetteer of India - Provincial Series — Madras II, p. 374 (1908)

South Kanara Manual , Vol. II, p. 264. Kadaba in the Puttur taluk, South Kanara
is said to have been the seat of one of the four Brahmin governors appointed for
governing Tuluva in. eighth century A.D. ibid, p. 27.

2 Manual of Madras Administration - South Kanara , pp. 144-’47.

,3 Tula Gramapaddathi, p. 13-14. > ‘

238

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

The Gramapaddhati testifies to the fact that there were uttama, madhyama and
adhama Brahmins in Tuluva 4 . Tradition also informs us that die Haviga
Brahmins too had undergone this kind of proliferation. But this seemed
to have taken place according to sastra } .

This problem of the date and historicity of the Brahmin setdement
in Tuluva is one of magnitude and any solution at this problem seems
hypothetical in the present state of our knowledge.

The story that is being narrated by the Tulu Brahmins may be a
reflecdon or a memory of what was recorded in the Talagunda epigraph 6 ,
which states that Mukkanna Kadamba ‘seeking with the desire in the
region of die south and not finding any, without delay went forth and doing
worship at Ahichchatra, succeeded in obtaining thirty-two Brahmin
families, purified by twelve thousand agnihotras, whom, sending before
him, he brought, and established in the outskirts of the city in the great
agrahdra of Sthanagunda’. Even this tradition of the emigration of the
Brahmins from die north is lacking in sound historical sense 7 . The agrahard
of Kuppatturu in the district of Simoga was noted for the Brahmin
and Jaina scholars as the Soraba epigraph gives us detailed information
about its importance 8 . It may be surmised that the first immigradon of
die Brahmins into Tulu-nadu may be from these two Braliminical centres
( agraharas ) in the district of Simoga, namely, Sthanagunduru
(Tajagunda) and Kuppatturu, where the first Brahmin setdement must
have taken place with the initiative of the Kadamba king, Mayurasamw
(G.A.D.343).

The contact between Tulu-nadu and the district of Simoga being
very close from the earliest time of the Alupa rulers, it may be inferred
that certain families may have moved to the Tulu country. It is also possi-
ble, that during the early Kadamba period certain batches of Brahmins may
have been stimulated or encouraged to migrate to Aluvakheda and Haive
to settle down in those regions and cause for the re-invigoration of die
Bralimm community, since the early Kadambas were mostiy Brahmins.

The first mention of Brahmins in the epigraphs of South Kanara is

4 Ibid pp. 31-37.

6 North Kanara Gazetteer (1883), Vol

7 {'. ^' :r Vol VII, Shikarpur No j
Moraes - Kadambakula, p 1 7 .

Car Vol VIII, Soraba Nos. I

p 117.
262 etc.,

come across in 'the A-^acldarse ; inscription of Aluvarasrir which belongs
•to 'the middle; of the seventh century A . D . It records the gift of seventeen
ka fichu and seventeen kilgaiichu to seventeen Brahmins (jmrvaru) 9 . Thus,
we can definitely say that by about the seventh Century A.D. arid perhaps
sometime earlier, Brahminism was prevalent in Tulu-nadu. It cannot

be said that all Brahmins' simultaneously came to Tuluva and built their
settlement. With greater and increased contact with Karnataka, different
sections of them, may have been attracted to Tuluva for settlement. Hence,
the Havikas settled in Haive and formed their own group. The Brahmins

in the district of South Kanara comprising different branches, sought
settlement in different places and- developed their individual characteristic.
This may be the only safe inference we can: make about the Brahmins
: immigTatioh into the Tulu country. It is interesting to find that the
Havika Brahmins arc divided into four sections - Havikas, Kbtas, Sakla-
■;;puris and: Sivallis 10 ,.' and among these the Kotas and the Sivallis are
also found amongst the Brahmins of the district of South Kanara, who
;by virtue of their settlement in particular regions are classified into five
groups, namely, the Sivallis, the Kotas, the Kotesvaras, the Kandavaras
and the Panchagramas. These names are borne by them from the regions
where they established themselves. As a matter of fact there could be
only two sections of Brahmins in the district of South Kanara - the Sivallis
and the Kotas, the Sivallis who originally occupied the grama of the same
; name, belonging to the Udipi taluk and the Kotas whose settlement 'Was
: .at. a grama called Kota of the same taluk. Religious differences and
social conflicts must , have been responsible for a schism amongst 'them
pand so the other three sections must have separated themselves from the
main two branches in course of time. - v-W; •

f>;r;>:pThe; importance of Sivalli . Brahmins is recognised in the inscriptions'
'pf Udayavara Of the time of Ranasagara-Alupendra who ruled Alvaklieda
• in the eighth century A. D . M It states that for. the violation of the regu-
lations,: connected with the eighteen pattdtias, the sin resulting from the
>; destruction of Brahmapura of Sivalli, would befall those responsible
. for. such a breach’ 2 . Likewise, Kota belonging to the Udipi taluk seems
t to have been one of the biggest centres . of Brahminism as evidenced by

• 9 >1./?. No. 29G for 1 932— ’33. t
10 , North JCaiiara Gazetteer; V oh I, p'J 1 1 8
V6L VII, No; 284VV ;•: Ww
12 SvT/.yVoi, VII,. No. 284;; ;:•; •;

240

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

the inscriptions, which refer to the ten thousand mahajagatlu and 1016
adhivasis' 3 .

Judged from literature, we have good reasons to believe that
atleast from the seventh century A.D. the Brahminical cult must have
ourished in Tuluva. The Sankara-vijaya , composed by Anandagiri”,
the direct disciple of Sri Saiikaracharya (A.D. 788-A.D.820) informs us
that Sri Sankaracharya visited Kumaradri (Subramanya) and Kolluru
in t le district of South Kanara and defeated in philosophical disputation,
those who were the followers of the Saura, Sakta and Gampatya cults and
caused for the spread of the Panchayatana form of worship 15 . It may be
suggested that sometime before the birth of Sri Sahharacharya and his
religious peregrinations, Brahminism must have well settled on the,
Western Coast as to develop into pure forms of Saivism, Saktaism and
the like. Based upon the study of architecture in Tulu-nadu, we have
certain clues that may help us in understanding the antiquity of the
ra lmimcal cult in the country. Sri Anantesvara temple, Udupi, appears
to c a structure that must have been raised by about the seventh or early
eighth century A.D. It is the temple dedicated to Lord Siva and it
emg a great centre of Brahminism, the ancientness of the Brahminical
cu turc m Udupi or there-abouts may be carried even farther back to
e seven century. There are a number of other sections of Brahmins
sue as tie tlianiha Brahmins, the Chitpavana Brahmins the Karadi
ra nuns t c Konkanastha Brahmins and the Sarasvata Brahmins
mongst t ese, the. Sthanikas have been none other than the Sivalli
ms \\ o acquired this name owing to their continued managerial
posi on in e temples. With the passage of time they formed themselves
in o a separate class. The other sections of Brahmins hailed from Konkana
* CSC , th o C _ Sarasvatas have two denominations - the Sarasvatas
. aU - a arasvata s. The latter are a flourishing community and
e numerically strong. They seemed to have hailed to the Tulu country
by about the 12th C.A.D. if not earlier.

'i4 X R j Nos 5I t and 515 for 1929-’30.

15 ^i la D glri " Sankaramjaja (1881) p 81, 94 and 97

mentions nvo P Il^ft!Lm fa |r 0 dh dlC9Ul ^ 0* R No 351 for 1930-’31)

tical contract Kitkke k dL" d ^ a !‘ a 'P a t ta and Madhava-Bhatta of Kuhke m a poll*
big centre of Brahminism . 1 , r o , nam S Subramanya, which must have been a
beLTSu that M ° r 9th C< ? tury A - D (°» consultation, I have

reasons it, the 8th ccntury^A D ^ CpiSraph coulti cvctl be assigned with good

i V^yTlie early icon of Janardana at Kaldcunje, Sivalli, could give us an
indication of its being assigned to circa 6th-7th centuries A . D . in which
case the origin of Brahminism may be pushed backwards by one hundred
years (Janardana is piir-devaia and all Brahmin agraharas invoke tlie grace
of tliis deity). Tradition tells us that there are 360 Brahmin families
spread over the whole of Tulu-nadu and in testimony to this, there appears
to be 360 Janardana temples, each representing a family of a particular
line. Further, the Narasimha image, that is being worshipped by the
Kota Brahmins, possesses all the early features of iconography and as
proved elsewhere it may safely be assigned to the eighth century- A. D.
if hot to an earlier date. The Kota Brahmins must have settled in Kota
and. in its neighbourhood by about this period. Likewise the worship
of Ganapati at Idagunji in the Honnavar taluk, North Kanara and at
Gcjkarna must have started fairly early about the same period as revealed
by the two-handed standing image of Ganapati which is the deity of the
Havika Brahmins. Future investigations alone should reveal further
and fuller informations about the origin and development of the Brahmini-
-cal cult in its early phase.

BALIS AND TULUVA SOCIETY

A proper study of the society in Tulu-nadu will reveal to us the various
■balis, that constitute social groups. A ball (as the form strictly to be
written according to. .old literary rules) represents lineage (varhsa) and this
term is a general Dravidian one. We have references to balls from the
earliest times in inscriptional records of the other parts of Karnataka also';

1 /f./. Vol. I, No. 3 for 1939-’40.

Ibid. Vol II, No. 5 for 1940-’41.

: Ibid. No. 12 for 1 940— ’4-1 .

Up . Car- Vol. VIII, Soraba No. 500. ' . : ‘ / gG;

Anigeri - PaifadakalLu-gutfigaltiy-p. 17. .. . • '• . V ?

At the very outset, it has; to be noted that, the group bali'ii prominently seen in the
;Xihdnasjdc'otdfer ; of the Jainas., The Belgolainscriptions with pride _sdy; tarriong. those'
Jipangkas, th e.ndndi-sangha an eye to the world has the three sub-di visions, 'gana, gachcha
‘.y-'irV’/^and'.ia/f'aiid victorious is the lofty Ingulesvard-bali o f the' -pvix&’ptldaka-gacjich'a. 'of/tne

that sangha’ {Ep. Car, Vol. VIII - Soraba ,254)i:. Hemachandra^
yfBhattaraka is stated to belong to the irnula-sangha, ‘'dSsv-gcafq-, -h^di^ondSm^ai'jMHakij,
vy- . ] gachciha and ' hanasoge-bali (Ep.Car.'Vdl. III. ; Chamarajanagar No./ 153) ,lnit the
pecidiarityi that is fotuid in the society of Tidu-n5clu is the system of. associating
• all social groups and professions with the exception of the Brahmins with the baji.
^;;?yv)i^'K;coiiidJ;be:ntffibu£ed : jfVia ^iin^ r e;is;^(^ihl,e.' tpThe'-Jaijto^nflviwce^&i^-H^s;
y.L: prevalent in Tulu-rtadu from at least the eleventh century A. t

242

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

The people of Tulu-nadu excluding Brahmins seemed to belong to one
bad or the other and this affiliation to a ball has given the people a cohesion,
a solidarity in society and the balls reveal to us many interesting facts
of association and groupings and also of migrations from outside the
Tulu count! y.

Based on the origin of these balls, the following groups may be formed:

Balls derived from communities: Arya-bali; balagara-bali;
gdvanigara-bad; tolahara-bali; kanakara-bali ; uduvara-balij kurum-
bali, Chma-bali ; adiyara-bali; gujara-bali ; mftligaldlke ball; deviyara-
bali; gangara-bali; nada-bali, etc.,

Bafis derived from personalities : Keyyaram-bali ; Iteggade-bali ;
mavusettiya-baK; ponnisettiya-bali ; putra-bali; olakana-bali ; bermara-
bali; bemmiya-bali ; bhagisettiya-bali ; killa-bali; binndni-bali ;
binnaniiti-bali ; nereyana-bali; liuvabbeya-baU ; gogi-bali; etc.

Balls derived from divisions : Kola-bali; eradukola-bali; batlukola-
bali; elu-bali; bella-bali; ( Bala-baU , bara-balr); balisdvira;
hadindru-bali ; hebbali ; nuru-bali ; ippattanalku-bali, etc.

Balis derived from place: Kundageya-bali ; haravariya-bdli;

bettina-bali ; patlana-baU ; holeya-bali; (Jioleya-bali), etc.,

Balis derived from divinities: Abbe-bali ; deviyara-bali ; devatara-
bah; kuladevara-bali, etc.

The above classification is not an absolute one nor is it a clear-cut
division. There are indications of one overlapping the other in the sense
that the ball taking its origin from a personality, showed tendency of
stratifying itself in the form of a community. Moreover, every bad is a
division by itself in social composition although special significance is
attached to balis indicating numbers. Hence, the classification that is
sho\m above is just a general grouping in accordance with the manner, a
particular bad may have originated. The following are the most important
of the balis found in Tu]u-nadu as discovered in epigraphs:

Karnes of Balis

1 Abbe-bad

2 Adiyara-bah

3 Ayana-bali

4 Ada-hali

Reference

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 342
A.R. No. 538 for 1929-30
S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 374
A.R. No. 267 for 1931-32

ociety aria

!• People:' y A-AA7 y- ' 77V 243

• 5 Ariya-bali (Ari-bali) 7 - -

v - t - # ‘ ^ r . . •

A.' R. No. 579 for 1 929- , 30 ; - •

' V 2 - *• * y “

S. I. 1. Vol. VII, No. 321 \ ;

Ana-bali. (Am-baU)

, .

K. I. Vol. Ill - Part I, No. 74 A ;

• ; 7 Atimuddana-bali

V •

S. I. I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 450

8 Atimarana-bali

k ♦

Ibid. No. 620 ' v ' : . hr A7

9 ; Anydntara-bali

• «

Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 450

10 Ayidu-bali

• •

A. R. No. 579 for 1929-m ■ ;

.11 Balagdra-bali

• •

A. R. No. 418 for 1928

S. I. I. Vol. IX, Part II,

Nos. 424 and 513

/ 12 Bala-baU (Bara-bali)

• .

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 324

N V

Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 417

A. R. No. 310 for 1931- 5 32

VI 3 Bandivergade-bali

• •

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 259

yl4 Bali-savira

A. R. No. 503 for 1928- 5 29

Ibid. No. 339 for 1931-’32

15 Bilam-bali

• •

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 323

;,.I6 Bilarana-bali

> • •

A. R. No. 315 for I931-’32

17 Bermara-bali . ■ ' ’

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 321 .

&18: Bettina-bali

. »

Ibid. No. 361

A 19 ; ■'Bomiya-bali

• •

A. R. No. 281 for 1931-’32

' . 20 : Bommisettiya-bali

• •

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 254

21 .Bhagyam-baR

. .

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No, 254

22 Bagisetti-bali

• .

Ibid.

• • 23 Badotiam-bali

. , .

Ibid. No. 350

\ • ■ 24 Bdnkana-bali

• »

Ibid. No. 355 .- V. 7'7-

25 ' Binnani-bali

• *-

Ibid. No. 256 . . , , - >• . ,77

26 Binnanitti-bali \

• *

Ibid. No. 256 • v. : -'-.77 7 r-

2 7 • Bidaliya-bali : ~ V X7 ,*

. ' '

Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 448 A. ;.

28 Buda-bdli A . .

Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 391 ; ; 7 ,.

29 d.Chittana-bali A A . ,,

• ' • .

ibid. No. 320 , • /

A. R. No. 269 for 1931-’32 VyA

$0,.: : Chdra-bali (Chara-kula) i

• •

A. : R. No. 540 for 1929- 30 7

'■?; ’’f y/ _ i - ’ j A* • .

Ibid. No. 117 for' 1933- 5 34 A

: 31 : Ghauliyaka-baU AA. 7.

7. A 7

S. 1. 1. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 419 f

A ^y : D.akBya : bali:~ .. A'A

• ^ ^ - A

yC* v -

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 315 ;VA ; :

A Battalvara-bali . :7>>77

A. R. No. 336 for 1931- 32 : A:

34

Devijara-bali

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 317

35

Devara-bali

A. R. No. 555 for 1929-’30

36

Devatara-bali

S. I. I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 511

37

Devatulara-bali

K. I. Vol. I, No. 60

38

Dandu-bali

Ep. Car. Vol. VIII, No. 55

K. I. Vol. Ill, Part II, No. 74

39

Dekkatana-bali

40

Ehi-bali

A. R. No. 526 for 1928- 5 29

Ibid. No. 531 for 1928-’29

41

Ela-bali

Ibid. No. 583 for 1929-’30

42

Eranene-bali )

A. R. No. 285 for 1931-’32

(Irani-heggade-bali) )

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 264

43

Gavanara-bali ( Gavanigara - )

A. R. No. 534 for 1929-’30

bali, Gavani-bali) )

K. I. Vol. I, No. 35

44

Gangara-bali

S. I. I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 470

45

Gahangida-baU

Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 275

46

Gojarede-bali

Ibid. No. 424

47

Gocharada-bali

Ibid. No. 444

48

Gojirediya-bali

Ibid. No. 346

49

Gojara-bali

Ibid. No. 311

50

Gogi-bali

Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 424

51

Govalada-bali

Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 189

52

Golara-bali

Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 444

53

GunaseUiya-bali

Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 225

54

Habali

Ibid. No. 334

55

Halugali-bali

Ibid. No. 391

56

Hadinaru-bali

Ibid. No. 259

57

Hambatta-bali

Ibid. No. 382

58

IIadakala-ba[i

Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 632

59

Hangula-bali

A. R. No. 579 for 1929-’30

Ibid. No. 247 for 1931-’32

S. 1. 1. Vol. VII, No. 383

60

Hayakana-bah

A. R. No. 285 for 1931-’32

61

Hale-bali

K. I. Vol. Ill, Part I, No. 75

62

Heggade-bali

S. I. I. Vol. VII, Nos. 320-327

63

Hcbbali

Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 408

64

Hiri)a-bali

Ibid. No. 419

; . ; oqcieiy ana reopie ' -

65

Hiriakkana-bali - A. Uv ■

■ Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 391 •: -

66

Hattigana-baU . ;

Ep. Gar. Vol. VIII, S agar. No. 55

■ " '/ . - -

A. R. No. 248 for: 1931-32

67

Hcdakeya-bali . .

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 355' : ,

68

Holey arbali

A. R. No. 545 For 1929-’30

;

S. I. I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 655

69

Holeyabbeya-bali

K. I. Vol. Ill, Part I, No. 1

70

Honna-bali

Ibid. No. 74 : , ; v

71

Huvabbeya-bali

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 319

72

Ipattanalku-bali

A. R. No. 542 for 1929-430

IC. I. Vol. I, No. 56 *'.A

73

Joradara-bali
( Chorajara-baU )

A. R. No. 542 for 1929- 5 30

74

: Kakkeya-bali

S. 1. 1. Vol. IX, Part II, No; 444

75

Karbara-bali

A. R. No. 7 for 1940~’41, App. A

76

Karmaram-bali

S. I. I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 460

77

Kartana-bali

Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 333 > : ■

78

Kabeyara-bali

Ibid. No. 255

79

Kanakara-bali

Ibid. No. 390

A. R. No. 317 for 1931~’32

80

Karuchchara-bali

A. R. No. 561 for 1929- 30 : VC 7

81-

Karadeva-bali

S. I. I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 476

82

■ Kaudichi-bali

Ibid. No. 383 '

83

Kavadichi-bali

Ibid.

,84

Keloja-bali

Ibid. No. 461

85

Keyyaram-bali (Kayra-vamsa) . .

Ibid. No. 460 . A

A. R. No. 379 for 1928

86

Kila-bali . .

S. I. I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 465

87

Kella-bali

Ibid. Vol. No. 7, No. 244 : ;; '-A

88

Kochala-bali -..

Ibid, Vol. IX, Part II, No.: 57.2

89

Konga-bali ..

' , Ibid No. 479

.90

Kola-bali : : ' .

; A. R. No. 494 for 1931- 3 32 ; V -

AA/vAvy ; '• . •'> /a

. S. ' 1. 1. Vol. IIV, No. 245, ':etc. "

a) Eradu-kola-bali <

A. R. No. 238 for 1931 T ’32 v

b) Hattu-kdla-bali : . ;

r •• Ibid. No. 374 for 1930-’31

91

: Kovari-bali;]- A ; ’

. S, I. I. Vol. IX/ Part II, No. 460 "

_92

Kovila-bali'KK ?:£■ Ky

V; Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 264|;::v vy: V 7

1 1 v-V v ’- : K ' ...

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

246

93 Kottompoli-bati

94 Kombetlu-bafi

95 Kondalana-bali

96 Kombisettiya-bali

97 Kuladevara-baU

98 Kudaiigcta-bali

99 Kummeakkana-baH

100 ICundageya-bali

101 Kuleyara-bali

102 Kuvelam-bah

103 Kurum-bali

104 Kudeyaret-bali

105 Mayalalieggade-bali

106 Mayusettiya-baU

107 Macheti-bali

108 Madiya-bali

109 Mumdiya-bali

110 MupuUya-bali

111 Mumnavara-bali

112 Miiligalalkc-bali

113 Molaku-bali

114 JYada-bali (Nadu-bali)

115 Nercyana-baU ( Marayina-bali )

116 Had it vaclidra-ba! i

117 Narabuna-bali

118 jYdi-baU

119 Ponnisettiya-ba!i

120 Putra-bali

121 Pallana-bali

122 Pulliseltiya-bali

123 Sayinara-bali

124 Sala-bali ( Saliyam-bali )

125 Setliya-ba(i (Seftisetlij a-bali)

Ibid. No. 199
A. R. No. 74 for 1901
A. R. No. 579 for 1929-’30
Ibid. No. 66 for 1901
S. I. I. VoL VII, No. 391
Ibid. No. 264
Ibid. No. 391
Ibid. No. 264

Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 572

A. R. No. 376 for 1928

Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 655

Ibid. No. 449

Ibid. No. 460

Ibid.

A. R. No. 267 for 1931- 3 32
Ibid. No. 317 for 1931-’32
S. 1. 1. Vol. VII, No. 205
Ibid. No. 204
A. R. No. 238 for 1931-’32
S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 337
Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 470
K. I. Vol. Ill, Part I, No. 73
A. R. No. 285 for 1931-’32
S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 390
Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 525
Ibid. No. 471
Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 295
Ibid. No. 317
Ibid. No. 331
Ibid. No. 327
Ibid. No. 204

Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 471
S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 254
A. R. No. 579 for 1929~’30
Ibid. No. 599 for 1929-’30
S. 1. 1. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 511
Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 204

W ' id Society and PbopteA+yiAyd \> AV'-V ..• ' j A 247 A

A A A^R ANd.-h 3 AfbAl 931 -’32; A'A? A '
:; , Ep. Gar. Vol. VII I, Sagar No. 55
• A.;.RV No. 579 for 1929- 5 30 'AA;.:
A. R. No. 555 for 1 929-^30 - A; A-'
S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 342 & 344
. Ibid. Vol. IX 5 Part II, No. 423
S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 390 .-AAA
Ibid. No. 204 . A-- ; A.A A. v.A'- .
A. R. No. 531 for. 1928--29 .

A. R. No. 281 for 1931-’32 •

126 :T6laliara-bali {yColdhara~kuld ;

A AAA ■’ WA A
127 'i^fdankiita^imli ; AAvA ' if-'-i .

1 28 : . ^ f ( C/ e/Kj&ftrdr- )

; AA ; h Oduvara-bali) . A ; A .■ " ■ : /, )

129 . Votakand-bali J •

1 30 ; Vikrdntasettiya-bali ■ •

131'; Temiya-bdli

Certain Observations . ... * • .. V

^Tradition: 'Has -it 'that these balls to which the people of Tulu-nadri
belong, were organised by chiefs, who were called Balldlas . The Manual
of Madras Administration informs us that the term ballala is derived from
the Kannada word ball, meaning path and a/m, meaning to rule, with
the conjoint sense ‘He who controls the course of descent 5 and that with
the passage of time ballala became a class title.- It is also stated in it
that a Ballala stands for a spiritual preceptor in Kanara, who exercises
control over the sixteen balls or classes under aliya-santana lawi - But the
appropriateness of this explanation is questionable. Etymologically^ A4
the term ballala is derived from bal meaning strength, firmness etc. 5 and
hence ballala. means the strong man. As is going to be explained later, ;
these Balldlas gained importance in local .administration, after the matri- y;
monial alliance between the Vira-Bahala III, the Iioysala .king and y
Chikkayi-Tayi of the Alupa lineage. Their importance is recognised by . y
; making frequent references to them in epigraphs of T ulu-nadu, especially :Vy
when grants and charitable gifts were made 4 , y.A'AA AArA/VA

It r A; Amongst the balis, the hola-bali, seemed to have assumed consider-;,
able, power and influence and throughout the history of Tuluva, they are A
•gome across .in their relation to political activities. ; It has not been, ; ? : i
possible to interpret the term kola-ball hitherto and in spite of the fact

. tlfcit ' ^ m n I *’ 1 ' -L. 1_ „ ^ « J ' * vi i n ' hVw r

made to : an .official called Tasthidhara. His duty ;is .to . safe-guard thAA

u AT 'd-T \ a yfi 'JA' A . a A A:' x r Ji . ttt dA'-czo T T’ A ' AAb : -A :.■* A. :V : 7 C Y A A AhT\VA;AAbA/:A.

248 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

interest of the assembly when it happens to be in session. It may be
possible that the kola-baH may represent this office. Since this office
was influential and one of dignity, it came to represent a separate group
in society with its parivara or followers. The second hypothesis is that
this group represents the fishing community, which from early times, must
have been of considerable importance in Tulu-nadu. This possibility
may be explained as follows : the word kola in Sanskrit means a small
boat 5 , and kola-bali could represent the community whose chief occupation
is with boats that is fishing. Perhaps, the most plausible inference is
that the kola-bali represented the defence forces and that the term kola
could reasonably mean the name of a degraded warrior tribe 6 . Eradu-
hola -bah would mean the two defence forces and hattu-kola-bali would
mean ten defence forces. The fact that for charters and grants, these
two divisions of balls were included and their consent obtained, reveals
their significance 7 . The Paduvettu inscriptions of the Udipi taluk, South
Kanara belonging to A.D. 1324 — ’25 registers a grant of land and money
by the king Vira-Soyideva of the Alupa dynasty to god Kotisvaradeva
and refers to hatlu-kdla-balis s . The Kaikani inscription of Bhatkala, North
Kanara, dated A.D. 1530, states that Mahamandalesvara Gururaya-Odeya,
the governor of Haduvalli-rajya, invaded the Nagire-rajya with his
samasthayeradu-kdla-bali vira-parivara, and Mahamandalesvara Immadi-Salva
Krishna Devarasa-Odeya, the governor of Nagire-rajya met die forces
of his foe with his yeradu-kola-baliya parivara ». The grouping of the balls
based on number, perhaps, suggesting their union or common belonging-
ness is further corroborated in an epigraph of Varanga of about the four-
teenth century A.D. which mentions nadelu-bali and Varanga, a great
preceptor in connection widi a grant of charity 10 . -

An inscription of Kaikani, North Kanara, dated A.D. 1438, gives us
the information that Kotiyanna in conjunction with die prominent seven

5 Amara kosa Varivarga line 488 - Udupanlu-plavakkolaha.

6 Momer-Monier Williams — Sansknt-Enghsh Dictionary, p. 313— name of a degraded
warrior tnbe (outcaste, one degraded by Sagara from the military order) ; a kind
of weapon.

In the Marhandeya Purana, there appears to be reference to the fighting forces,
known as the kolas and the destruction of these forces by Devi. In all probability
these forces fought with sticks. (Markandcya Purana —Devi Mahalmya - Chap. I).

7 A.R. No. 238, for 1931~’32; S.l.I. Vol. VII, No. 185 etc., Ibid. Vol IX, Part II,
No 470; K.I. Vol I, Nos. 47 & 61.

8 A.R. No. 374 for 1930-’31.

5 K.I. Vol. Ill, Part I, No 71.

10 A.R. No. 525 for 1928-’29.

-f-f iff Society and People Vf Cffkyy} \';f w 249

of : Haduvalli . and Kaikani-nadus, .the samasta. nadu of ippataiidlhi-bdli (the
twenty four divisions) etc. set up the herostonerto his brother’s memory 11 ,:
Reference to ippattandlka-bali is made in another epigraph of Kaikani,
dated A . D. 141 7, which states that the third grant consisted of land
endowed by a body, called elujananigalu of Kaikani and by the uttara-bali
of the twenty-four balls for the maintenance of a Ghaitydlaya and an alms
house 12 . The Durga temple at Bappa-nadu, Mulki, Mangalore taluk,
has an epigraph that records the role of hadindru-bali in a gift of charity 13 .

There are, therefore fair grounds for us to think that these balls were
grouped together into divisions, perhaps tracing their common origin'
or common traditions and customs or based on essential social heeds OA'P'f

Then we come to balisavira. Two epigraphs of the Udipi taluk,
throw some light on the historicity of balisavira. The Manipura inscription 14
of the time of Devaraya (A.D. 1407) registers a grant. made to the family
of Hosabu-muliya in the presence of Dandappa-adhikari, the ruler of the
nadu , of Karakalada-hhala, the Mudilas, Maramma-heggade, balisavira
(bdUsaviradavani ) . , . bay ala entumandi jananigalu and the assembly of thirty-
two members. Here the balisaviras seemed to have represented the thou-
sand families. To which lineage the balisaviras belonged is not specifie but
the tradition is recorded in the Manual of Madras Administration}}. and
also in the South Kanara Manual 16 . According to traditions one thousand ; .
balls or families of Nadavar following the aliya-santana law of inheritance
once lived in this area, that is, near Udupi ~ balisavira - from bait, family
plus savira, thousand - a magane or sub-division of the taluk, comprising a
large area of forty-six villages. Another epigraph of Peraduru of the 7 ;
same taluk, dated A.D. 15 19, of the reign of Krishnadcvaraya records
the witness of balisavira {balisavira ■ sayi) t7 . Again the epigraph found

at Sujeru, Mangalore taluk, South Kanara, dated A .D.1528, points
to those belonging to alisavira and balisavira}*, The problem whether
or not the balisavira constituted the thousand families of tho nadavas is, v
in no way, offered a solution in. these inscriptions, . but one major point

b » /r./.r. voi. i,No. 56. ; ; b :.v f -:by ; ' * ;■;■%}* ' ryyiyif.yf

n iC.I.I. Vol. I, No. 41. bf

: : S'././. Vol. VII, No. 259. : >'b: bp. nf f

; 14 -A.R. No. 403 for 1928-’29. v . W fb w

■ :. x - Manualof Madras Admimslrdtion s Vo\. Jl\y-pp. 37: & .680. vpfv . sZZZZZZ'ZZAS
: /■ : ,} 6 ;Sputii Kanara Manual > Vol. II, p. 266. <*Vv

V : i7 A.R;:No. 503 ior I928- , 29.^;v-' ; bf': vrPb;/';: Op /;

: 0 : 18 Ibid, Mo:':366 ZG Zrff'iZZyZ

250

Studies in Tttluva History and Culture

seems to receive confirmation, that is, the original home of the balisaviras
was die Udipi taluk, South Kanara.

A few remarks need be made relating to the nadu-bali. It may not be
irrelevent to connect a nadu-bali with die nadavas who were a powerful
and dominating class from medieval times. The inscription of Bhairarasa-
Odeya of Karakala kingdom registers a mutual agreement between the
five thousand alus belonging to nadu-bali and the five thousand alus of
hola-bali that they should behave in mutual good-will and unison 19 consult-
ing with the nadu-bali for charitable purpose which is evident in the ins-
cription of Varanga, Karkala taluk, South Kanara, dated about the 14di
century A.D. 20 If tradition is to be believed, the balisavira belongs to
the nadu-baU. “The Bants are divided into twenty balls, which correspond
witii Brahmin gotras except that they are traced in the female line i.e.
a boy belongs to his mother’s and not his father’s bali’’ 2 '. Reference to
ndda-bali is also come across in the Murudesvara epigraph of A. D. 1542,
which records the construction of storeyed structure of the nandi-mantapa
in the temple of Murudesvara by the seven jannis of Vaivani-nadu and the
people of ippatlanada-bali “.

The balls mentioned in the aliya-santana law, as supposed to have
been introduced by the mythico-historical figure roughly correspond to
the ones, we have enumerated above 29 .

A liya-santana-balis

1 Bagettinaya

2 Bonyamaya

3 Pulyatanaya

4 Sal ana) a ( Salabannaya )

5 Bangarannaya

6 Kundalanndya

7 Pahgalannaya

8 Karbarannaya

9 Pergadannaja
10 Kcllarabannaya

Balis mentioned in inscriptions

Bagiselti-bali

Bommiya-bali

Pullisetliya-bali

Sala-bali or Sahyam-bali

Banga-kula (paths a)

Kundageya-bali

Hahgula-bali

Karbara-bali

Hcggadt-bali

Kella-bali

15 S.l.I. Vo!. VH, No 245.

“ A R. No. 526 for 1928-’29.

21 South Kanara Manual, Vol. I, p. 160

22 K.I. Vol. Ill, Part I, No 70.

2! XJ. Knslma Rao - A Treatise on Aliya-santana Law and Usage - Bhutala-Pandyn, p. 27.

251

Society and People

11

Hiriyabannaya

Hiriya-bali or hebbali

12"

Uddarannaya

Uttara-baU

13

Kdchattibanndya

( Kochiramaya )

Kochira-bali or kochala-bali

14

Aiyabanaya

Aidu-bali (?)

15

Nelabannaya

Neli-bali

16

Kmdonibannqya

Kondatana-bali

17

Karambarannaya

Karambali

18

Barmaranndya

Bermara-bali

Other traditional balis

Corresponding inscriptional references

1

Muddarannaya

Mudiyam-bali

2

Guvelannaya

Kuvela-bali

3-

Kohgenndya

Kohga-family

4

Kay at annoy a

Keyyaram-bali

5

Odarannaya

Uduvara-bali

r *

6

Settibannaya

Settisettiya-bali

7

Amchabannaya

Ancha-family

8

Adyirannaya

Adiyara-bali

9

Chautarannqya

Chauta-family

10

jVayarannaya

Nayara-family

11

Adarannaya

Ada-bali

12

Gujjarabannaya

Gojaradi-bali

13

Aivarannaya

Aidu-bali

The discovery of the new inscriptions and their correct interpretation
or reading may throw fresh light on the balis of Tuluva and also on the

traditional accounts of these balls.

- \

‘THE NALK.ES, THE PARAVAS AND THE PAMBADAS 1

r* - - *

The Nalkes, the Paravas and the Pambadas may also be said to
include in the general term holeyas. These are the caste of devil-dancers
in Tulu-nadu.- Their services are essential for the special form of festival
or ritual called kola.

1 South Kanara Manual , Vol. I, pp. 139, 178 and 179.

252

■ Studies in Ttrfuva History and Culture

The Nalkes, being the chief of the devil-dancers, play an important
part in the worship of the Tulu people. They are divided into a number
of balis and they seem to be of Tulu origin. In the Kannada speaking
area, they are called the Panaras. During spare time, they engage them-
selves in making mats, baskets and umbrellas.

The Paravas are another caste of umbrella-makers and devil-dancers.
They claim to be ranked above the Nalkes. It has been suggested that
they are the descendants of those Paravas who fled to the West Coast
from Tinnavelli in order to avoid the oppression of the Musalmans. It
is not possible to say, when they migrated to Tulu-nadu.

It is not known what kinship exists between the Pambadas and the
Paravas. The Pambadas also officiate on behalf of the devils. They
are said to impersonate the so-called Raja-daivas and not the ordinary
ones. For example - Kodamantaya, Raktesvari (Lekkesiri), Jumadi,
(Dhumavati), Koti - Chennayya etc. are treated as the Raja-daivas.

All of these tribal castes are engaged in cultivation as labourers in
their spare time and in historical times they must have been bondsmen.

THE MALE-KUDIYAS 2

The Kudiyas are a mild and meek people, short in stature and gene-
rally fair in complexion. The real hill Kudiya, called Male-kudiya, lives
on the Western Ghats bordering Mysore and Dharmasthala, Sisila and
Ncriya.

The cultivation which they undertake is known as the kumari culti-
vation . This is done on the slopes of hills and also by the system of shifts.
Hence the need for confining themselves to hilly tracts. How long these
people have been in Tulu-nadu, it is not yet known. Neither literature
nor epigraphs enlighten us. They have their own social organisation
under the headship of gurikara, who settles disputes including divorce.
Fines and excommunications are- the usual- types of punishments.

Before we proceed to the examination of the social structure, we cannot
but be drawn toward frequent references in epigraphs to names of groups
of people who constituted distinct communities or castes. The origin
of some of them is hardly known. The most important of such groups

2 A. Aiyappan - Report on the Socio-Economic Conditions of the Aboriginal Tribes of the
Province of Madras , pp. 108-110.

S. B. Joshi — Edegafu Hiluoa Karma fa Kalt - pp. 100-101.

CykSocvetf karui -People^ IfK : A :f-:f 'Y;fGf:y 25 %

sire given below, for the purpose of understanding How the society in
Tulu-nadu was composed. : • -f.f . ; v .y^'V H : y A A' '■ " A’. . ■■■Iff

■ The Ajaras ; Banajigas; Chdvalakaras {barbers) ; Ghemmdras{Gharmakdras);
Ghentiavaras {goldsmiths); Choliyas {people of the Cho la country); Dcsasihas;

- Ganakas {oil-pressers) ; Gahgas; Gobbaras { Gobalas ); Golakas; Gujjaras
{Gurjaras); Halakaras; Kalluhitigas {stone-dressers); Kammaras {carpen-
ters); Kanakas {Kanakaru); Kdmatis; Koravis; Kumbaras {Kummaras) ;
Kurubas {Kurubavaras ?); Malapas {Malahas); Maley alls {people from
Malayala); Mudalis; Nandas; Olekaras {messengers); Sahavasis •

[ {Savasis) ; Simegaras ; Sindas ; Tigulas {Tamilians); Vaddas ; These names
appear in the various epigraphs of the districts of South and North ;
; ; Kanaras.

SURNAMES AND TITLES

Society in Tulu-nadu is fairly complex. The intermingling of the
various social groups through the passage of time, based on occupation
and office, seemed to have resulted in the division of society, into an amazing
variety of groups, which finally stratified themselves into rigid communities,
forgetmg very often their common origin. > • 'V

A study of the people of Tulu-nadu based on the examination of their
surnames in a systematic way is not only interesting but also a need. It
gives us fairly a reliable account of the manner in which society incorpo-
rated in it many folds of sub-groups. Invariably, almost all the social
groups seem to have been formed, in the first instance, out of one occu-
pation or another in various capacities such as the political, economic,
social or religious spheres. The caste of a particular individual -came,
to be generally determined by his calling, though the calling might with
equal truth be said to depend on the community to which lie or she,
belonged. Thus, we find during the period under study, as many castes
; as there were professions. Herein below is given a panoramic picture
of the people of Tulu-nadu, as they appear through their titles and sur-

names 1 .

■ . ; ;/■ f A comparison of epigraphical . surnames, : titles arid cognomen with
those of the present will surprisingly reveal to us. how these names have
been Handed ■ down for centuries and still , survive in society v QS-fjGdfkfi

: : 1 For reliability, only such examples as are found in the ’ epigraphs ar e citecli- f fk

254

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

These family names or surnames may be classified according to their
origins, as ruling dynasties, occupation (office and profession), place of
habitation, community groups, based on plants and animals (animistic
groups) and the like.

1. Based on ruling dynasties

Alupa ( [Aluva , Aha); Ajila; Arasa; Ballala; Baiiga; Chant a; Heggade;
Kadamba; Kambali ; Partdya; Punja; Savanta ; Saluva; Tolahara, etc.,

2. Based on occupation

(a) Based on office: Adaha ( Adapa ); Adhikari; Bhandari; Binnani;
Dalavi; Gavanda ( Gauda ),- Hadmala; Karanika; Nay aka; Padihara
( Padiara ); Sdhani; Senapa; Thakkura; Toladhari; Ugrarti; Madh-
yastha; Janni etc.

(b) Based on profession : Achari; Baliga ; Behari ( By an ); Joisa; Kalkuda;
Kuduva; Rauta; Salya; Selti ( Settigara ); Ugrani; Vaidya; etc.

(c) Based on status: Adiga; Aggi; Ahitagni; Amna; Arika (Ariga);
Asrana; Anyanta; Ballala; Bhatla; Battaraka; Chakravarti;
Hcbbdruva; Karla; Mahanta; Maraluva ; Melania; Miiianta;
Mudiya; MuUya; Moyali; Odeya; Oja; Parivara; Pergade; Prabhu;
Purdnika; Sabhayita ; Sarvaiithya; Somayaji; Upadhya; Urala;
Sabhahita; Acharya; etc.

3. Based on Community groups

Basuri; Gbpa; Hande; Holla; Kanadi; Kannara; Karanta; Kallara;
Mayya; Malapa; Mogara; Moyili; Mulya; Marakala; Ndvada; Nadava;
Sahasra; Tigula; Herala; Tunga; etc.

4. Based on plants and animals

Alasi ( Alase ); Banni; ( Bannitaya ); Goli; Kahginata ( Kahginalaya );
Marindya; Naniltaya; Nelli; Tunga; etc.

5. Based on places of habitation

Gota; Gujjadi; Hahgula; Halvdra; Jndrani; Kadekara; Kananja; Kedila;
Kodakalanaya ; Kongo; ICudukura; Kudura; ICulaya; Kunjalava ( Kunjataya )
Maltindya; Mdyipadi; Mudakare; Mudila ; Naduvantila; (Naduvantillaya) ;
Ncrahadi; Nidambura; Niduvala; Nujiyaluraya; Oramballi; Pade; Padila;
Padiraya; Perala; Suda; Ungurapatli; Vada; etc.

25 *

Scoieiy and People

6. Unclacified

Amcha ; Bharata; Boy a; Dahana; Kanaka ; Kaveya ; Kekuda ; Kodacha,
Komna; Konde ; Mada; Madacha ; Manja; Mumata; Manila; Nambi ;
Nandana; Nandari; Rata; Sahu; Sala; Semita ; Aekha; Suvarna; Tirula;
Tumbikala; Urbali; Chadaga ; Karbara; etc.

According to the communities (castes) in which these surnames
and titles occur, the following chief classifications may be made :

Brahmins: Adiga; Acharya; Ahitagni (Aggi); Amna; Arasa; Asrana ;
Ayitala; Ballala; Basuri (Bayin'); Bhatta; Bhattatila; Goli; Handc ; Batvcha;
Hebbaruva (Hebbdra); Herala; Holla; Indrani; Joisa; Kalembi; Kalknra;
Kadekara; Karanta; Kedila; Kodacha ( Kodamcha ); Kodakalanaya ; Kuhjatava;
Kjamita; Madacha; Manja; Marinaya; Mattinaya; Mayya; Melanta;
Mittanta; Mogara; Nadnvaniila ; Naniltaya; Jfavada; Oja; Padiraya; Puranika;
Sabhayita; Somayaji; Tantri ; Tuhga ; Udupa; Upadhya (XJpadhyaya) ; U grain;
Umgurapalli; Ur ah; Vaidya; etc.

Prabhu ; Kini; Nay aka; Heggade; Avadhani ; Baliga; Pai; Senabova ;
Purohita; Padiydra ; Aenai.

Jainas: Adhikdri; Adiyanta; Ajila; Ajiri; Aluva; Anyanta; Arasa;
Arika; Ballala; Bhandari ; Binnani; Bahga; Chauta; Indra; Kadamba; Kambali;
Kava; Kella; Komna; Konde; Konta; Kothari; Mada; Malla; Melanta; Manja;
Mudiya ; Murayya ; Nay aka; Bandy a; Padivala; Pergade (Heggade); Sdhani
(Samani); Senapa; Semita; Sefti; Aekha; Sdvanta; Tolaha; Upadhya; etc.

Nadavas (Bant): Adapa; Adhikaii; Adiyanta; Ajila; Ballala ; Binnani;
Bhandari; Chauta; Heggade; Kambali; Kava; Kothari; Mada j Melanta;
Nadava; Nayaka; Punja; Puvani; Samani (Sdhani); Setti; Aekha; etc.

Fisherman Community (Mogeras): Marakala; Mogera; Putran ; Saliyan;
Suvarna; Bahgera; Pujari; Baidya etc.

Billava Community: Alva; Amcha; Baidya; Pujari; Putran ; Saliyan;
Suvarna; Bahgera; etc.

There are a number of other communities for whom although epi-
graphical evidence seems to be slender, that have played their role in
society as for as they could. The most important of such communities
are: the Serigaras also known as the Devadigas (pipers in temples), the

256

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

YUnakarmas (an artisan class noted for their fine traditional skill), the
Bonis (palanquin bearers), the khdrvis (Kohkani speaking fisherman, )the
Rdjafiuris (also known as the IConkanis), the Settigaras (weavers) and others 2 .

THE ALIYA-SANTANA SYSTEM

The aliya-santdna system, that has been for generations, the most
conspicuous feature of the social system of Tulu-nadu, especially more
prevalent in the district of South Kanara, is a system of inheritance to
the family property in which succession is traced in the female line. It
is a system of matriarchate. It is more of the nature of a custom, peculiar
to certain classes of people in Tuluva, rather than a general law, governing
the whole of its people. It may be taken into account as a part of the
law of the personal status of the class to which the individual belongs
and the custom cannot be treated as the lexicon of the district of South
Kanara. It is chiefly based upon the usages and practices found in certain
communities and is in fact the recognition by judicial tribunals of certain
well-established customs which have moulded the lives and regulated
the dealings of the community for generations in so far as those customs
are not opposed to rules of public morality and contrary to public policy.

The three distinctive features of the aliya-santdna system, like tire
kindred system of marurnakkatayam of Malabar, are :

i) The tracing of kinship in the family to the maternal ancestor
in the female line;

ii) The non-recognition of the institution of marriage in the family
system;

iii) Prohibition of compulsory division or the impartibility of the
family property.

The only work bearing upon the aliya-santdna system is a small pamph-
let in Kannada containing rules to be observed by the aliya-santdna people
under the name of Bhutala-Pandya’s kaUu-katlalegahi i.e. rules or command-
ments enjoined by Bhutala-Pandya who is supposed to be the promulgator
of the law. It first attracted the notice of the courts in A. D. 1843 and
formed tire basis of the decision in Appeal Suit 82 of 1843 by Mr. Findley
Anderson, Civil Judge of Mangalore, South Kanara. It was printed

2 A detailed study of the origin and settlement of of these communities is out of the
scope of this Volume.

257

Society and People

and published in A. D. 1859 by the German Mission Press., Mangalore
and translated into English in A. D. 1864 by Mr. Chariar, Kanarese
Translator to the High Court, which was published in the Madras Journal
of Literature and Science No. 1 Series III, July, 1864. Another translation
of it appeared in English in about A . D . 1873, and in the same year Mr. T.
Gopalakrishna Pillay, the Huzur Sliiristedar of South Kanara, made
another translation, supplemented by footnotes of the rules of the High
Court.

The book gives us the full description of the manners and customs
prevailing among the aliya-santana people. These customs are divided
into fourteen kattus and sixteen kat tales or commandments. The kattales
or rules relate to the social position of each of the particular balis or tribes,
inter-marriages between these balis, the classes of people who ought to
follow the aliya-santana system, the management of the family property,
the ceremonies to be observed by relations on occasions of the births
and deaths and last to the perpetuation of lineage in the family on failure
of heirs by adoption. The sixteen kattales or commandments concern
themselves mostly with the marriage customs and certain elaborate rules
as to the mode of treatment to be accorded by the community to women
who go astray in the observance of their caste rules.

The origin of this system is lost in obscurity and could now at this
distance of time be only a matter of conjecture and speculation. The
popular belief is that it had its source in the law promulgated by Bhutala-
Pandya, the soverign prince, who ruled this country at one time and that
it was for the first time introduced by him. The popular version of it
is, contained in the Memorandum, submitted to the Malabar Marriage
Commission by one of its members, Mr. Mundappa Bangera. “The Bhutala-
Pandya’s Aliya-santana Law” shows that it was introduced by a despotic
prince called Bhutala-Pandya about the year 77 A.D. in supercession
of the makkala-santana or inheritance from father to son which was then
prevailing (in modern South Kanara). It is said that when the maternal
uncle of this prince called Deva-Pandya wanted to launch his newly
constructed ships with valuable cargo in them, Kundodara,king of demons,
demanded a human sacrifice. Deva-Pandya asked his wife’s permission*
to offer one of Iris sons but she refused, while his sister, Satyavati, offered
her son, Jaya-Pandya, for the purpose. Kundodara, discovering in the
child signs of future greatness, waived the sacrifice and permitted the

258

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

ships to sail. He then took the child, restored to him his father’s kingdom
of Jayantika and gave him the name Bhutala-Pandya. Subsequently,
when some of the ships brought immense wealth, the demon again appeared
and demanded of Deva-Pandya another human sacrifice. On the latter,
again consulting his wife, she refused to comply with the request and
publicly renounced her title and that of her children to the valuable
property brought in the ships. Kundodara, then demanded Deva-
Pandya, to disinherit his sons of the wealth which had been brought in
those ships, as also of the kingdom and to bestow all, on his sister’s son
the above named Jaya-Pandya or Bhutala-Pandya. This was accordingly
done. And as this prince inherited his kingdom from his maternal uncle
and not from his father, he ruled that his own examples must be followed
by his subjects and it was, thus, that the aliya-santana system was established
on the 3rd Magha sudha of the year 1 of the era of Salivdhana called Isvara
about A.D.77. This Bhutala-Pandya, it is said, ruled for 75 years and
Iris nephew, Vidyadyumna-Pandya, for 81 years and the like.

Let us now turn to the inscriptions of Tuluva, before we draw any
conclusions on the origin and spread of the aliya-santana system. No
epigraph any-where refers to the formal introduction of this system by
an arbitrary royal fiat, as the traditional account makes us believe. More,
over, it is most perplexing that the term aliya-santana docs not occur in
any epigraph of tire district of South Kanara nor of North Kanara.
Strangely enough two epigraphs of Koppa of tire Clrikkamagalur district
specifically use the term aliya-santana in A.D. 1403 (The people of Dana-
mula and their aliya-santana)'. Facts are not adequate to decide whether
the danamulis mentioned in the epigraphs were immigrants from Tuluva
or whether they were the natives of that region, observing the system of
aliya-santana.

In the district of South Kanara, it is the Ta]angere inscription of
Jayasimha, ascribable to the 10th century A.D. on palaeographical
grounds, that may be said to give us a clue to the possibility' of tire prevalence
of this system in society by about the lOdr century A.D. This epigraph
refers to a king (we have elsewhere identified him with die ruler of Kumbale,
Kasargod, Kerala) Jayasimha by' name, who is stated to have made a gift
of a piece of land, situated in the vicinity of Putturu, South Kanara, to

1 Ep Car Vol. VII, Koppa, No 51.
Ibid. No. 52.

• ' % ■ Society and People : ; v. - r ■’ V ; -V: ; 259

'Mochabbarasi as kanyadana i;c. gift to the damsel. The land which
was barren and rocky was converted, into fertile field by Mochabbarasi.
Slic constructed a house, laid out a garden and had a moat: dug around
the place. The record ends with the statement to the effect;; that the
right of succession to the ownership of the land should devolve On the
female children in the lineage of the excellent Jogawe and not on the
male offspring. And that in case there were no female issues, the right
Avill; pass to the male children 2 . '

f The editors of the above inscription proceed to state as follows .:
The, exact relationship between Mochabbarasi and Jogawe and king
Jayasimha is neither stated in the record nor can it be ascertained from
the nature of the reference to them made in the record. Since at the
end of the inscription, it is specified that the hereditary rights regarding
the possession of the land should devolve on female issues, it may be,
gathered that Mochabbarasi was either the sister or the mother of Jaya-
simha. If she is to be considered the niece, Jogawe might have been .
the sister. It may then be inferred that this practice of the family property
passing from mother to daughter obtained in this part of the country at least
as early as the 10th century A.D. This law of inheritance, which goes,
by the name of aliya-santana . , is in vogue even today in that area. ;

The arguments and surmise put forward by the editors seem to be
sober and approximate to truth. But two questions arise .which put us
to doubt in regard to the final acceptance of the above inferences. .- . A ';

First, why the need to specify the legal rights of inheritance by the
females occurred, inspite of the fact that according to this system of aliya-
santana , the right of possession of property automatically goes to the females..;
Second, there is no provision under aliya-santana system for male ; children-
to inherit property and in case a family were heirless, a girl of the same;

. bali Would have to be adopted for succession. But in this record, the
male children are stated to be entitled to inheritance if females .were
absent.^ Therefore, it: is also, possible, to think that this record may not 0
be suggestion of the aliya-santana system but one born out of the willingness
Of the; owner of the property to transmit the same to the daughters. We;
may conveniently leave this- matter here;.'; 0 y Oyf >y;;: i.y-: 0;

: ; There are good reasons to believe that in the district of South Kanarh
by about the beginning of the 1 3 th century A .D , the system of aliya-santana-

. . : 2 Ep.Ind. Vol XXIX pp. 203 to 209

260

Studies in Tuhwa Histony and Culture

may have been fairly prevalent. This may be inferred rath the help
of an epigraph, dated A.D. 1205, belonging to tire reign of Kulasekhara-
Alupendra I. It says that Kujanadeva, his son Narenanchanadeva
and his nephew ( ally a ) Vasudeva - these three made grants of land to
Durgadevi of Mudabidure 3 . The inclusion of the alija may be taken
as significant.

Two inscriptions of Mudabidure, South Kanara, specify clearly the
descent of the royal power through the ally as (nephews). The genealogy
of Bhairava, the ruler of Nagire, whose benefaction and patronage resulted
in profuse gifts of charity to the Thousand-Pillared basadi of Mudabidure
and the erection of manastambha in front of the basadi 4 is given as under:
Honnabhupa, alija Kama, brother Manga, alija Haiva, alija Mahgaraja,
alija Kesavaraya, alija Sangama, alija Bhairava. Another epigraph
of the same place puts the genealogy of Saluva-Malla who succeeded
to the throne of Nagiri as follows : Narananka, Nagananka, etc. Honna,
alija Kama, brother Mavarasa, alija Haiva, alija Sapta-mahipala (Manga),
alija Kesavarasa, alija Sangama, alija Bhairava, alija Immadi Bhairava,
brother Ambiraya, alija Saluva-Malla 3 . It is clear from the above
epigraphs that the political succession to the dynasty of the 'Nagari
chiefs, who ruled from Gerusoppe and Nagiri, which were considered
as important centres of Tuluva was through females. Hypothetically,
we may assign at least the beginning of the 13tli century A.D. as the
date of die first rulers of this dynasty.

The Kalasa-Karakala rulers (known as the Bhairarasa-Odeyas) who
covered a period of more than 400 years of rule seemed to have followed
the system of alija-santana « and in the earliest inscriptions which are mostly
on copper-plates at Kalasa, we find queens in supreme power -Jakala-
mahadevi in A.D. 1246 and 1247 and Kalala-mahadevi from A.D. 1270
to 1281’.

The genealogies of other Jaina feudatories like the Chautas, Bangas,
Savantas, Ajilas, Tolahas, all of whom seemed to have hailed from above
the Ghats followed the aUja-sanlana system (See chapter on The Feudatory
States).

3 S.J.J. Vol. VII, No 223

4 S.r.I. Vol. VII, No 202, A.D. 1429.

3 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No 207, A.D 1462.

Efi Car. Vol VIII, Sagar No 55.

6 S 1. 1. Vol. VII No. 207

1 Ep.Car. Vol. VI, Mu<Jugorc, No 67, 70, 71, 72, 73 and 75.

1^9'- b A 1 b - ' 26 1 - V'

v;;; yThedmportance of .amuihhef of epigraphs : ;
in the MalnScl . districts of Karnataka and we do not have proof to decide
that it was the influence of the system that prevailed in the South Kanara
■|rdist^cti;^':V 7 ; . y ■- •; ’ : -y I . JwA

* V; ; 1 f ‘ Construction of a tank by Punni-gosayi, aliya of Koliyamma v.
: yy,^^} : ; -; ; Tand soir of Chappa}^ : 'a in the of Santaraya 8 . •;*. i-y- ,/.;v
Q y ' 2. The court assembly of Boinmarasa with aliya Birarasa and Other
Vh • officials 9 . -■ ; ■' . .

'yy '3. The succession
yyV y ,?'v} : Sofaba taluk seems to be through the females’ 0 /- ' a / - -

; A , of the time of Jagadekamalla, dated A . D .1144,

va r> ; : - r preference is made to the vritti granted to the female (Jionnige-.

/ Jv- T tw -'danhycigi bitfa-vriuty*. ■ .'••••.> ./ • ,

’made- by Basavanna-heggade, his Virappa, his brother
;• V- ■ /"•Ghilcka-Bommanna-heg'gade, aliya Amka-veggade, his brother
•wjyv a;; '': Baichappa-heggadep. •

y V6. The confirment of the sthana to the maternal nephew by Kalla-
Jlya after maiTying his daughter to him in the presence of saptoiia-
1 prnjep. . 'V'.-.'V •

: : 7 . An inscription of.;Marigalavada, dated A . D . 1260, of Irunguna

/ ; ' Y' ; . ■ (named); of the daughters (named) of Tapodana-Somajcya

Madhjiya. It clearly refers to inheritance by daughters (females). ;

; : ; ,■ . Likewise, another: epigraph of the same date and the , same; .place 1 - 4 . ' '

The interesting fact is that the recipients of the charity grants v

YAhYV’Y y'are :; Brahmins. V'. v -\a r ;Y..Y d,Y‘

4$W Bhairaxasa is; stated .to have marched against Iiosagunda

a YYY Y-'Y- . with theMalcyamayakas in ■ the reign of Bommarasa 15 . ; U - . ' /

•^;^v^9h'C;Sdle-deed -by . ■Nagaima-heggade : -.\vith; dhbtcpnse^

f .Ay brothers Balla-heggade, Tamma-heggade and with, the approval .

aliyas ’ and • ’son 16 , w'YYYYYy f Y.V:y: w,.

Y:YY 8 Ep;Car. Vok vil, Sugar No. loo, A.D;9S5-m byybdyyy
:b: ': 9 r:Jhid. No. 67. A.D. 1 103 . . ' / -a YYY

■: : 10 Ep-.Car. VoL VIII, Sagar No. 15, A. D. 1218. Y-wY' .a . ' v ^ v v ^ '' i>;

262

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

10. The inscription, dated A. D. 1488, relates that Sangitapura
ruled by Salvendra, was a place of descent in the female line
in the Tuluva desa ( sudati-santana-janmalaya i)> 7 .

11. The Bhatakala inscription of North Kanara, dated A. D. 1542,
records a grant to Narana-nayaka by Maliamandalesvara Chenna
devi-Ammanavaru, daughter in-law of Devarasa-Odeya, die
ruler of Bhatakala and other rajyas in memor)' of the death of
his brother, Yenkappa, who fell fighting on behalf of her. It
is stated that the land should pass to the female descendants
as a gift ( hennige-dana ) or to the male descendants by right of
succession (gandige-m fda)'*.

12. The 16th century A.D. records another epigraph in Hassan
during the reign of Achyutaraya which states - Channapparige=
aliya-santanam gb-bhu-hiranya-kanyadana-dhara-pravaha-haslamam'^.

We have therefore rather fair grounds to infer that the system of
aliya-santana was not merely prevalent in Tuluva but was also fairly,
popular amongst the people of certain areas of Karnataka, especially in
the Western Ghat

Epigraphical records do not give us good reasons to believe that the
system of aliya-santana was prevalent amongst the Alupas. Facts do not
help us to agree to die inference drawn in the epigraphical report for
1929-30 that the Alupas followed the aliya-santana or the matriarchal
law of inheritance. The arguments advanced in favour of diis inference
are :

1. That certain Alupa princes were called a\iyas, nephew of the
reigning kings 20 .

2. That Ballamahadevi, who had the tide paltada-piriyarasi could
be the elder sister of the preceding ruler, because of the fact
in the royal houses, where the aliya-santana system obtains, the
sister of the king is called the queen and not his wedded wife.
But the above arguments are feeble and slender, for, we do not
have instances of ally as succeeding to die throne in the history
of the Alupas and the term paltada-priyarasi may simply mean

17 Ibid. Sagar, No. 163, p. 334.

58 K I 1. Vol. VII, Part 1, No. 76 or 1930-’40.

19 Ep.Car. Vol. V, Hassan 1, A D. 1532.

20 A It. No 480 and 485 for 1929.

:)yySdcie^ and People l 7yy/y - ^ A .-' V ' 263

■ r.ktj'.y* .'Il'.'-t - ■ -S • - .1 ■ ' "n • ’ '•/. " ’t '.-V'i! >-■’ '-."V:

•' r' ; . : Paiidyadcva-yVlupcndra, who ruled Tuluva between A . D . 1 254
and A.D . 1 277. y - : y " y : j ' ' : ; ; ' - / ' y" : - A: A'; V

i Dr. Saletore in one of bis articles traces the four stages in growth of
A'p c fvjtHi^system of aliyd-santana in Tuluva 21 . \ . ‘ f; •

: 1. : .- This system must have been accepted and practised by the people:

,ht''lea&.t .from the 12th century A.D. The second stage may
fv-be^eeh. in the particular mention of Pandya-mahadevi, the queen
5 ,; ^vK'hof.'Biiujabaiai K.avi-Ahipendra in the record along with the king
y-as •. rulittg Over the kingdom (A.D. 1156). The rule ' of- Balia- •

h 2.; h The, last of: the Alupa kings ICulasekhara IV seemed to have
^transferred the ruling power to his nephew ( aliya ) 'Bariki-
Tk^evarasa,. when he relinquished his authority and this
v • A- •$P r eri£‘ ‘‘may lie taken as the acceptance of the aliya-santdna

A. ; ‘ y, • ... system in the Alupa line as marking the third stage in its dev'elop-
■OrftAy -meht 22 .'.'- h -A • • - ' / t-A

AVA3.' -y :It vwas • Ghaudappa^Nayaka } the ruler of Keladi, who gave a
AAyy' ■'•■y formal arid legal' sanction to this system in the year A.D, 1506.

^ 5v^h^ ; The : epigraph: of this year, caused to be issued by him, says 'that”

■ ‘2y ; the. grant made to Virappayya, his devoted follower should be.

: ' v enjoyed by the aliyas of the donee in Kalasa-grama of the
. • ; .: Chikkamagaliir district. -• ■ • Ay ■

AhyDr.Saletorc’s survey, it .is true, Is based on historical facts but he
does not mention anything about the wide prevalence of this system
amongst the Jaina feudatories when; it appears to have existed from the )
12th ,:. century A. D .' . '.'.The Mudabidure epigraphs of Iiosa-basadi rifely
^profuse hi ¥ofeferice : to the- c/^wA'g'uring a| : .pW

biitidris to the 'coristructibii of the bctSadi™)"') A -A 1 ' ■ •} y ;■ A.y-A.' • -dyl

AykTronri the stand-point of epigraphicaf and literary sources at our A
; disposal, the following views in ay, no doubt inconclusively, be expressed :
.in regard to the system of aliya-santana. '{y AArAi’AriAkA't Ay ".-,1 y A;A

264

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

1. It is fairly dear that the practice of tracing the descent through
the females and inheriting the property through them is not the conse-
quence of any royal promulgation and introduction, because this practice
or custom is not merely confined to Tuluva and its people but is found
in Malabar and was prevalent in parts of Mysore above the Ghats.

“There is no historical evidence to show at what period and in what
manner the usages of a foreign country were imported into this district.
The wholesale introduction of the usages of one country at any particular
period of time in substitution of the then existing law seems to be opposed
to the laws of genesis of society”. The following account given in the
Mysore Gazetteer is well-nigh significant 24 .

“Evidence of the existence, however, at one time, of Mathericht
(or mother-right) is traceable among several of the castes. Under this
system, often called matriarchate, descent was traced and property' trans-
mitted in the female line. Among many castes and tribes in the state,
a man’s family is actually sought to be continued at the present day,
through a daughter who lives in his house. This is so among the Kurubas,

Bedas, Vaddas, Dombas, Madigas, Holeyas and Sillegettas”

“Among most castes and tribes in the state, the important position assigned
to a woman’s brother gives us a glimpse of the days, when the family
centred round the mother and her brother and not her husband. It
might be stated that the universal practice among the castes and tribes
of the state is for a man to ask for the hand of his sister’s daughter either
for himself or for his son”.

2. The elaborate marriage rules laid down in the 16 kattales of the
aliya-sanldna system have also certain corresponding features with the
pre-marital and post-marital license, described in the same Gazetteer 2S .

A close examination of the text of Bhutala-Pandya will unfold to us
certain facts regarding the date of the composition of this work and also
certain historical truths. It is beyond doubt that it is a very late work.

We can venture to say that the composition of the text is a modem
one and that it displays the efforts at concoction and fictitious narration
with the help of a few social and historical truths. Perhaps, it is rightly
remarked by Thurston that the hajlu-kaltale of Bhutala-Pandya is a forgery
composed about A.D.1840 26 .

24 Ethnology and Caste, Vol. I, p 181.

23 Ibid, p 185

25 Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. I, pp. 153 & 154.

th the cpigraphical account oil record we do not come across the
name Bhutala-Pandya.; But in one inscription of Ohokkadi, Uclipi Taluk,
-South Kanara, dated A . D . 1474, one Bhutappandya is mentioned. The
epigraph gives a description of the boundaries of a portion of the village
V odevuru (near Malpe of Udupi) as follows : In the west of goli of haravari;
in the east the thoroughfare ; in the south andve-gadi; in the north jati-gallu
of Bliutappandya. This area is stated to be holding no connections
"either with; the Mudilas or with Nidamburas or with the six balldlus 11 .

A copy of the copper-plate (now lost), dated A. D. 1474, recovered from
Sri Manju Bhatta of the Gujjadi Guhesvara temple mentions Bhutappandya
maharaja. If this record is reliable, we may infer that there, must have
been a ruler of this name in the 15th C.A.D. and later it become Bhutala-
Pandya. : . ■ ' • ■ ■ • • --

yy, y ■ in;the present state of our knowledge, it is difficult for us to connect
with O flaiy ur-fanda-Bhutal-Pandy a of Travancore, mentioned by

Mr. Venkoba Rao 28 for we are completely in the dark, who, this Bhuta
Pandya was, what his activities were and where he came from. Secondly,
between these two Pandyas, there is a time gap of 1200 years, during
which period, no mention is made of him any where in any epigraph.
..But this inscription enables us to fix one point i.e. the name of the king }
Bhutala-Pandya, if he ever existed and ruled over Tuluva, must be;,
Bhhtappandya and not Bhutala-Pandya. ' : ^ V. - . .

: In conclusion, it may be remarked that, whatever may be the origin

of the system, whether the matriarchal theory, as it is called, is sufficient
to explain away all the social phenomena it- presents, there can be - no
doubt that the aliya-santana system indicates a social organization, whose
progress must have been arrested at a very early stage of its course, and",
though the country was occupied by . the Brahmins, their civilized.: neigh-:
hours, yet these latter were , not able to exert any lasting influence upon :
them and modify any of the customs to an appreci able degree; Leaving
the traditional history apart, it seems certain that the whole of the Tulu
country was governed for more than three or four hundred years (from
-the 12th to the 16th century) by the Jaina chiefs, who Were in no way
disposed towards Brahminism and who were themselves the upholders
X\\t alija-saritdna system, as their liistory relates. ' The subsequent

? • 27 -A. R: No. 579 for 1 929-’30
' 28 A.R. for 1926-’27, p. 107.

266

Studies in Tuhva Hisloty and Culture

Mohammadan rule did not make itself particularly felt in Tuluva with the
result, that the customs of the people were left undisturbed when the

country passed into the possession of the British in the beginning of the
19th century.

“Recognition of consanguinity as the sole basis of relationship and
the elimination at each generation from the family pedigree of the husband
m the case of a female and of the wife and children in the case of a male
““’I 6 characteristic features of this unique system of family”.
And definitely this represents a primitive stage of social organization.

One ^ thing is certain. The 16 kattales followed by those who belong
to tlie alija-sanlana system were in existence in the 15th century A.D.
us is attested to by an epigraph of Kantavara, Karkala taluk, South
< nara u c states that the grant made to Rajaraj esvara-tlrtha Sripa-

nZlf urn ^ Ae Prad ' l5na ° f MaA S alQ ™ ^d Timmarasa, the

(Fan! nr ml * . UTC ’ a PP roved by those who belonged to the 16 kattales
{Aanlarada hadinarara katlaleyavara vachana )*>

are *"!? ^ ka! - ta - les > nam ely, ah and uli, which

e • . • ! n f 1C a - l -> a ' sanlana kallu-kaltalegalu of Bhutala-Pandya bear

A D 14ns a ^J CfCrCnCe m 3n ^^P^ 011 of Matpadi which 'is dated

• - dUg .,. lm S arll P a llb a manege arasu vollilada ali ulivu landadarinda

st} aranene grama kudt madida nianjaf^

tlielawis? StlaCt ? n f; ,fj ° n ° f Ae ori S inal set of rules which make up
avv is given m the Madras Manual of Administration, Vol. Ill, p. 18.

as mentinneH°' nn ft," ^ ^ castes ^ iat ed the alija-sanlana system
as mentioned in the kaltu-kat talcs:

Agasa (washerman);

Andekoraga (a hill-tribe);

Carinjarar (a class of pariahs);

Kumbaras (potyters);

Kshaurihas (barbers);

K fit p ' rro ™ “ ,d °» — “ -i**

Hanchetlis (merchants corresponding to Komatis);

Holejar (parayas); ' J

Jainas

Society and People

26?

Malekudis (a hill-tribe);

Malavar (a hill-tribe);

Mdsadikas (a class of Bants who eat flesh)

Munddlas (a class of parayas)

Nayar, Parivdras (an inferior class of Bants);

Panchalas (artisans);

Sdliyar (weavers);

Tuluvar.

A recently discovered inscription from the Setra-basti, Mudabidure
ascribable to circa 12th C.A.D. mentions the younger brother of
Uttama-setti, Santi-setti by name and his nephew Sivadasalva-Pandya.
This perhaps, may be the earliest known record making possible mention
of the importance of the nephew in the social set-up. The fact that
this is a Jaina epigraph is further interesting.

CAAPTEX XII

RELIGION

Inli odaclion

A critical examination of the various names of divinities, worshipped
in the temples, homes and shrines of Tulu-nadu, will enable us to get
to know and trace the features of religious development and understand
the religious tendencies of the people. Knowledge thus gained will
further be strengthened by a detailed study of iconography ol these divi-
nities. Such a survey seems vitally necessary in view of the fact that the
worship of a divinity in a particular form with a particular name is inte-
grally connected with the growth of philosophy and development of
faith. An attempt has been made to classify the most important of such
divinities as receive worship and homage from the various sections of the
people of Tulu-nadu both in the agama temples under the influence of
Brahminism and in other shrines where primitive cults have found concrete
manifestation. Almost house to house and village to village survey of
the area under study has revealed the inner essence of religion and theology
and in substantiation select iconic examples have been included, based
on their style, historical and religious significance, artistic features,
monographic peculiarities and chronological suggestions. The chrono-
logical list of deities given at the end of this chapter docs not claim to be
exhaustive. It only attempts to point to the first occurence of their
names as revealed through the epigraphs, hitherto discovered. Secondly,
the dates mentioned against each are not the dates of the construction
of the temples and the installation of deities in them; instead they only
speak of grants and charity gifts made to the divinities for ritualistic
purposes either by the state or the devotees Therefore, it is not un-
reasonable to suppose that the temples must have existed must earlier
than their mention in records, registering such grants.

- 269 .

: 'V • ^ • : ^ ^ ■ ; "• ' • V r^<» Pytd'fdy ;':. 'S' ■'" . •;/■'■{, ' •-

*$£$ Sambhttkalla-d eva : (Isvar'an), ; Lokesvarq, M^^disvdri^dcvd^^^^t^h-
deva- (Pfagarcsvara), Naiidikcsvdra-dcvct, Huttura-deva (Mahadcva), Kanlcsvara-
deva, Somandthesvara, Manjundlha^ Mahesvara, Kotisvara (ICotlndtha), Vlrehara,
Gokdrnisvard, Senesvara, Sa'nkdia-deva, Sdmqpyq-devu,. Kalasdndtha, . 'Ldptindthd-
IdevdkkApifiiamthd-deva, Taregude-deva, Manaura-deva, 'Uma-mdhesvara, Kotadd -
deva, Tutiwesvara- deva, Gunavantisyara, Murudesvam, Bfiimikesvaf a > Panchalinga-
deva, Kundesvara, : Vimbhadra-deva , ICundanesvatd, Gdvaresvara, Vdyijamlha-devct,
Mahalinga-deva, Bhedrava-deva, Vidyandika-deva, Bankesvarct-deva, Triyambaka -
deva,:: Kavilesvard, Visvandiha-d eva ( Visvesvard ), Tbniresvara, Manjesvard , :
.MdUdfa^ddydA'Idi-Pdramesodra, Makebdfd: etc."

J",: ;.W 2., ' Sakta Deities ,

''■pypDevi. ofrAJeuru, Piolala-Bhattaraki, Durgddevi, Durgd-Bfiagavati , Mahd-
lakshmi, Mukdmbikd, Mangala-devi. Kdla-deyi, Ghandikd-devi, Dnrgd-Para-
mcsvari, Pjaramesvan Chandesvari , Vindhyqvasini, Hingula-devi, Pulupinadeva, . ,
SdraddySapta-mdtrikas etc. ' ' , \ :

3. Vaishnavd Deities -■ -

’ ,• Gopinatha (Cho.hr apdtji), Sri Krishria, Lakshmi-ndrayana, Jamrdana, Anania-
deva pAnantapadmandbha), Rdmanatha , Narayana-deva, Tiruinala-deva, Nara-
simha-deva, Raghunatha-deva, Ghennakesvam-deva, Vishnumurti, Vishnu, Kesava, .
iMahdrqjasvdmi, etc, / ; ■ ■" •

. 'V •.?•. ; ; 4-' .• .Subrahinanpa . ,• . /'. ■ PGlid ■

fid Kukke-Subrahihatjydi [Murugesvard, ‘.Ballmafija-.deva, Shamnuk/ia, .0dabhdndq~
deva, Kundqpula-Bhattaraka, TJllura-dcva etc. ,4 : _- dP'GP'yg ..

Wf'PS: \ V' 5. Safikara-Ndrayana : (Hari-Hara) V ,v/ 'V r

^ dS'-Bi ■ Ganapatya ■■■■■. \ ■' •• •••!:'' V/.rV;-.-';:- ■yPGp&fSitr

■■ di 'py^dyakapS Vignesyara , or Ganapati. g}P ; .

lP\ Sdura v'V-'

pktprd'pS 'v- ■ Bury a and ' Surya-Ndrayaha : v'-i-' I ?' GBPpGi < yddp£: j [Pd

Sasta • ; i ^

: :- : v;5-.;V9 AyDaivas . (Devils')*' /; >' ;v -f

270

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

It becomes fairly clear from the above classification that there has
men a remarkable mingling of various cults and their co-existence We

WithMT Str ° ng SUbstratUm of Saivism in Ae whole of Tulu-nadu

with the ?-T 0 T- C may eVen aSSOCiate Sdkta ’ and Gdm P al ->' a deities
o W ^ IS to be explained presently, the Vaishnava forms

of worslup seem to have commenced at least from the time of ^Sankara-

impetus phiIosopher and the y received an unprecedented

(so caUe^V^h-f ldbvaCharyaj thc P r °togonist of Vaishnla-Siddhanla
f it h_ ‘ a , P hll0s °phy)- A compromise between the Saiva and Vaishnava

w^n Tfi A lmVe . eX, f d 35 far baCk 35 1116 IOth *e 11th century A.D.
(Hari Har f reference t0 dlc worship of Sahkara-Narayana

time fr It a v 1SC thC WOTShip ° f SG rya-Narayana about the same

Vaisimavism SUggCSt ^ dle absor ption of Saura cult or faidi into

shnavism. There are a few temples solely dedicated to this deity.

prevails^omn^T T* baS t0 be made a hout a peculiar practice that
been prenondf t ' * ^T' Dcvil - w orship or Bhutdradhana has always
Tulu 2 ! 1C non ' Bra hminical section of the people of

n-t t^ Lnr d ™"u W i 1, . bC eXpkined at 1116 end of this chapter,
that deserves^ 't ^ mim o aI section. A most note-worthy feature
Hindu oanrhe° U1 ° SCrvatlon 1S tbat some of die great divinities of the
in the form nf°? S -w reCeive ad °ration amongst the non-Bralimins
Vishnu^X n r^ ( <II r ) : ° ne0rtwo examples may be cited. Lord
conformity with d° ^ C . VlIkn0wn as Vishriumurti and worshipped in

tPlatC 301 Bra] - a is Wn as Berme

to be a dtd / T r 011 ^ thC devBs - LiPe ^ se Chamunda is taken
othe s too lake “ ******** ^abhadra Bhairava and some

to be Z S fr°n inC T plaCC ifl the of devils. Durga is taken

xpkinS W t?late 11( W d'his phenomenon may be

exphnned as a result of tire prominence of this pirmitive cult on the land.

ofth7vJtiorcr CeCd n°, d ! SCUSS 1116 Wst0ricaI development of each one
to the visit of ? - 5 <; We had bcttcr remember one important point. Prior
-isr a n ° b f? t radiar>ra t0 Tu ? u - n5d «> there seemed to have
Ganapatja and the IT SCC ^. nan s y stem s such as pure Saiva, Sdktc, Saura,

respSe for d rcfutcd b >' great Acharya who was

responsible^ dm introduction of die Panel, dyatana form ofworship.**

••Atonier-Monicr W.lHams
pp. 411-416.

Anandagiri -t’ZTvijafa - Chip to, 'ty' h’ ^20^424^"'’

• Religion 271

(Therefore, from the 9th century A.D. we can hardly have pure forms
>f Saivism. Saktaism and Vaishnavism and Ganapatya and Saura cults.

THE WORSHIP OF GANESA

“In point of fact, Ganesa has in the present day few exclusive adorers
.e. there are few sectarians who trust to him alone for salvation, though
ill propitiate him for success” 1 . In early times the Ganapatya sect (sect
vliich adores Ganapati as the only god that is capable of and endowed
vith the supreme power of giving salvation to the devotees) was divided
nto six sub-sects, worshipping six different forms of Ganesa 2 .

There are very confusing and mutually contradictory accounts about
he nature and origin of Vighnesvara. He is taken to have been born
lolely to Siva, soley to Parvati, and to both Siva and Parvati. He is also
mated as Krishna in another form 3 . He is also identified with Para-
Brahman. He is Brahmanaspati and Brihaspali elsewhere 4 .

The worship of Ganesa is combined with that of every other god.
For, all sects are unanimous in claiming him as their own. Since, he is
to control and overcome vighna (impediments) his shrines and images
ire generally found in association with those of other deities and are
usually to be seen in the approaches of vestibules of large temples. Almost
every Siva temple has a sub-shrine built for him, which is invariably
situated to the left of the main shrine. Solitary temples of large size
dedicated to GaneSa are considered to be rare 5 .

It has been found that Ganesa was given a form in sculpture only
after the Gupta period, when his image appeared suddenly and also
in the classic form 6 . So the fifth century A.D. may be taken to have
marked the beginning of the worship of GaneSa in die' image form. Alice

- s

1 Monier— Monier Wi II i ams~i> 77 , hm in ism and Hinduism (1891), p. 217.

2 Maba-Ganapati, Haridra-Ganapali. XJchchishta-Ganapati, Navanlta-Ganapati,

, .Svarna-Ganapad and Santana-Ganapab.

3 In ilie Brahma-mivarta-Pmana , it is stated that Ganesa was Krishna himself origi-
nally in the human form. Sani went to him with a child. The head of the child

, in consequence separated and went away to Goloka. The elephant, Airavata,
had then a son in the forest. His head was removed and fixed on the body of the
child. (T. A. Gopinatha Rao - Elements af Hindu Iconography Vol. I, Part I, p. 46)

4 Ibid . *

5 Wai between Poona and MahabaleWara and Ganesa on the summit of the rock
of Trichinopoly are two of the reputed temples dedicated to this divinity.

> (Monier-Monier Williams — Brahminism and Hinduism, p. 217).

6 Alice Getty - Ganesa - A Monogiaplvon the Elephant-Faced-God (1936), Chapter III,

, p. 25. . . - ' - - y „ v - - • •

272

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Getty opines that it seems incredible that the remarkable Bhumara sculpt-
ures of Ganesa should have been created independently without the
inspiration of transitional forms and yet no images of an elephant-faced
deity, have been discovered which could be placed unquestionably earlier
than the fifth century 7 * .

It is rather difficult to say when the worship of Ganesa started in Tulu
nadu. But from the Sankara-mjaya, we learn that the Ganapatya sect
was prevalent in Tuluva* and that they' were reduced in philosophical
disputations by Sri Sankaracharya. Some of the important sculptures
of Ganesa in Tuluva give us an early date. And since most of them do not
take the mount (rat), we may infer that they' may' in all probability belong
to the pre-Hoysala period 9 . Moreover, we have a number of temples
erected in honour of Ganesa as the chief divinity ( pradhana-devata ) which
also suggest the importance of the worship of Vignesvara in Tuluva. 10
Both from the stand-point of iconography and of chronology, we have a
few images of Ganapati, which are really interesting and worthy of close
study. The trunk of Ganesa may be shown toward the left or right and
generally, it is turned toward the left; only in rare cases do we meet with
figures with the proboscis turned toward the right 11 . It looks as though
balamuri- Ganesa used to be prominently shown in sculpture in the district
of South Kanara and all of these go to a fairly early date. [Plates 5(c), 9(a),
10(a), 11(4), 12(c), 14(4), 16(c), 17(a), 18(a), 20(a) etc.] Again, the
following points deserve to be noted for a proper understanding of the
icons of Ganesa in Tuluva, "GaneSa may wear the head-dress of Siva,
the jata-mukuta, a complicated arrangement of braided hair and jewels
forming a high chignon. But his usual head-dress is a terraced-crown,
called haranda-mukuta, which in its earliest conception, was bowl-shaped
but in time became extremely ornate losing its original character. He
is rarely represented without a head-dress except in his most ancient
images, where he may, however, wear a simple jewelled band encircling

7 Ibid p 25.

* Anandagiri - Sankara-mjaya.

9 The rat is found in the company of Ganesa at a very early date in North India
but teas not introduced into South India before the 12th century (Alice-Getty-
Ganeia, Chapter II, p 16).

10 The temples of Ganapati in Kadaba of the Putttiru taluk; Anantaiayana Vinayaka-
bu{tu, Karkafa; Udayavara, Udupi; Barahuru; Idagunji, Honnavara; arc the
most important that fall within this group.

11 T. A. Gopinatha Rao - Elements of Hindu Iconography, Vol. I, Part I, pp. 49-50.

Religion

273

his head on the images as early as the sixlh century”- 12 . Again, it has
to be noticed that Ganesa was usually represented seated but in his most
ancient images he was more often figured standing 13 . A large number
of 6<z/<z-Ganapati and balamuri- Ganapati images and images with jata-
mukuta indicate the antiquity of Ganesa worship in Tulu-nadu 14 . [Plates
12(a), 12(b), 14(a), 16(a), 19(a), 19(6), 13, 29(6), 29(a)* 33(c), 53(a), 53(c),
54(a), 55(c), 55(d) and 56(a)].

A classification of the Ganesa Icons in Tulu-nadu

A close study of the Ganesa icons in the Tulu country has revealed
the remarkable truth that in form and variety, the sculptures seem to
cover the entire range of evolution of the sculpturing of this deity from
the earliest stage of crude representation to His most ornate form. A
general description is given below.

Formless Ganesa representation could be accepted as fairly early
[Plate 6(6), 380 (j)]. The famous GancSa of Anegudde finds depiction
in a huge circular stone, perhaps, symbolic of Brahman [Plate 3(a)).
Another early phase is noticed in a lihga with the mere depiction of a
proboscis [Plates 51 (a) 51(6) and 346ty)]. A rare type of Ganesa is
had in the engraving of Ganapati mandala on a lihga [Plate 5(b)). Perhaps,
this is the only one of its kind in Tulu-nadu. Out of ignorance, this is
worshipped as Siva, the lihga being installed on a pedestal with nandi-
vdhana newly made. Ganapati adored just in an apparent form of the
head of an elephant without cars seems to have an example at Udayadri,
Padubidure [Plate 33(6)].

Scriptural texts classify the forms of Ganesa into certain conventional
categories. But this ldncl of classification appears to be late. While
the early forms of Ganesa do not conform to definite and rigid prescriptions
of the &lpa-sdstras, the later ones embody most of them. An attempt is
made hercin-below, to identify the various types based on certain very
distinguishing and conspicuous features.

w - i

v

12 „ AJice Getty - Ganesa, p. 17.

13 Ibid. p. 19.

14 G. Sivaramamurti makes us believe that the j at d-mukut a feature of Ganesa is found
in Orissa, Bengal and Bihar. But this does not seem true, for we have a good
number of such images of fairly early date in South Kanara also. Likewise, his
statement that the trunk of Ganesa in Kanarese districts is entirely turned to left
is hardly credible. J Ancient Jndia-j No. 6, p. 30).

5 < * ,

274

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

(l) (K) (|)

Poses in GanKa reprcsentat.on (a), (c), (g) and (h) are rare poses, (c) and (I)
‘ TC y*? r,atl ° nS ° anc * W 1 c Padmiisana (d), (j) and (k) are the usual poses of
anesa 1 e a variation of utkufil asana (i) I ahtdsana, a pose both ancient and modem.

Type - A

Icons in sama-bhanga and without head-dress and with two aims: These
tgutes have all die meiits to be regarded as representing the early phase
an«a sculpturing. The chief features of such icons are: sama-bhanga

Religion

275

(a) and (d) may be called bala-bhanga (b), (e), (h) and (k) are variations of
ulkutikasaha. ( j ) and (1) are, again, valuations of lalithasana. (f) and (i) are forms of nrilya
(c) is tri-bhanga.

(standing pose), bald-head, absence of any kind of ornamentation, two
arms, absence of pmbhdvali and a dent on the head (this dent is said to
have been formed owing to Ravana’s knock on Ganesa’s head). To this
category belong the Gokarna, Idagunji, KirimahieSvara and Tlrvn-

276

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Forms of proboscis of Ganisa

(<1) (e) <f)

00

(i)

0 )

v (a) s : (b) and (i) arc further types in bala-muri (c), (d), (e ) 3 (g) and (h) are furthei
types m eda-muri. •vy.Ov

• Vy V,.-;-- • ( a )> (b)j (f ),; (h)j (i) - and (j ). are types ■ eda-mun: :'. .

. .. ' fe)*' (?)>'(*)> :fe)v (k), ;(i) are types ' in: vy '■

Ganesas [Plates 1(a), 2(b) 49 (a) .and 49(^)]/;;l Truly characteristic of this
curious god, -the, figures: 'are', out of proportion..

. : . yidwj in sama-bhatiga with head-dress. and .with two : or four arms :- These
appear to be medieval ^figures mostly bronzes THates- M(b V 40 49^ '

278

Studies in Tirfuva History and Culture

These range in height between

43(a) 48(a), 59(c), 60(4) and 61(c) ].

25 cm and 15 cm. in height.

Tjpc-C

Icons without head-dress in the sitting-pose and with two arms: To this
class belong two variations - the one in the usual utkulikasana and the

0 hei m padmasana. The Attavara, Uppina-pattana, Kasi-pattana, Kigga,

1 a Anan r tapUra and Uppunda, - Ganesas may be said to belong
o the former [Plates 1(a), 2(a), 5(a), 5(c), 8(4), 17(a) and 33(a)], The

Pi T 7 c l representations in the Sringeri and Kella-Puttige-Ganesas
[Plates 7(a) and 7(4)]. " 6

Tjpe-D

* C ° ( nS Wlt ^ 1 lwo arnu an ^ head-dress : These images are mostly
and Jh 19 , St0n< ' and n0rmall y belon g to a period between the 9th
ortwnV CCn ^ leS A ' D - A few of them may even belong to a century
nrn W a u ThCSe a , re re P resented in the usual utkutika pose and die

the left t 1S rt mi” aS tab * ng a * ed turn and eating the pudding held in
the ft hand. [Plates 8(a), 9(4), 10(4), 11(a), 13(a), 53(4), and 55(4)].

Barkflr TT c- aSS,gncd the Udhyfivara, Koravadi Kotekcri of

oftS- r ’ Smy5ra ’ B5}Gn1 ’ Hattiyangadi, and Chaulikeri

turn nn a " apatl Ima § cs - In a few cases the proboscis takes a right

The M,dt CS TT bC T may n0t be ™ the attitude of eating the pudding.
Sed » t ’ 1 r 1 Anantapura - a * d Katil-Ganapati images may be

Inle e"r P CS e S ^ ^ 10 V’ “W. 17(a), and 18(a)],
conical and 7 T 1 iC0nS the head - drcss small, somewhat

In h'e h ^ r n CJ ' WW!7a is <*** and sometimes it is missing,
mobo cftTd T f *** Ra j ar5 j^ vari temple [Plate 21(c)], tile
of it nie n 35 , n0t Cating Ble puddin S- Tb is is a rare bronze
J 1 T SC ’-l C Am ^ ima S e carved out of hard granite

suddcnlv dr P 1116 , hV ° armS) seate d on padmasana with the proboscis
suddenly droppmg and taking a small left turn. The whole figure is a

ctnLatiTmH ” 7* [HatC 58 ^- The Barakuru Chaulikeri
of • L n ntt tV '°' a y mCd 3nd ' VCarS a sma11 Urit - a taking die form

of Sn t t 1 r 1Cad tPJatC 52(<I)] - The interestfng feature
of “L t t ^ r luSivC ° f ^ probos - resembles the face

1 GaSl? Pr f 0b ? SC1S dCpiCted “ put -to the mouth. In

GancSa rmage of the Polali Rajaraje^ari temple, we have a rare

ion

; • • and thrilling example of Ganapati ' sculptured, out of stucco.; f This is;
a a full figure rising to a height of six feet with two arms and a prominent
proboscis. ; The head is small and the kirita is still smaller, perhaps,

/ symbolic only. This figure may be regarded as unique. ■ T' ;;

if type- E \ .

tyty-. Four-armed figures without alankdr a and prabhdvali: There are' discernible
’ Specimens of early Ganapati sculpturing with four arms, devoid of any
f kind of ornamentation and with little proportion. They seem, to suggest
clearly non-eonformity to strict textual prescription. They neither
show the ndga-bandha nor the usual mount ( vahana ). The attributes are .

ty : invariably too small for the size of the figures. Mule-Ganapati of Kotes- .
p vara, Maha-Ganapati of Madhuru, Ganapati of Ambalapadi, Ganesa ,
•Y. of the Durgadevi temple Indrali, Ganesa of the Durgadevi temple of
Chitrapura fall to this category [Plates 4, 5(h), \3(b), 20(a) and 51(e)].

y : Type -F '

. Ganapati icons with four arms, ribbon-like prabhdvali, jata-mukuta and udara-
baiidha : These figures are usually ascribable to the period between, the
yy 9th and the 12th centuries A.D. They are mostly carved out of hard
granite and they present a pleasant and elegant form. This type may
; be illustrated by Ganapati icons from Kadri, Kantavara, Kota, Kotesv.ara
? Basaruru, Yelluru, Nelli-Tirtha, Yedappadavu, Kadaba, Putturu, TJppuru, .

Uchila, Ganga-nadu, Mudabidure, Handadi, Saligrama, Bola, Inna and
A; Padubidure [Plates 12(a), 12(b), 14(a), 16(a), 19(a), 19(h), 23(a), 23(b),

A 1 24(h), 28(c), 33(c), 34(a), 53(a), 53(c), 55(d), 56(a), 57(a)]. Ay' .

dp) Type - G . . . ... / i / A ; :

r.f Ganapati icons with four arms arid with bowl-life kirita or with- conical or if
karanda-mukuta: This type of Ganapati images also is ascribable to the
10th, 11th ; or 12th centuries A . D . Invariably they may not have the
,;V ; mount, nbr. profusion of, alahkara.: The, prabhdvali resembles a semi-circular
tape or is flame - like. The . yagnopavita is thick, and ; the .'udara-bandha , '
prominanth To . this . category may be ascribed = the' figures illustrated A
: in Plates 12(c), 16(6), 24(a), 29(h), 32(a), 56(6), and 56(h), 58(a) and
A 0(d)/ B2(o); v. y >; • ' ; ; r A ;-Ay n: ytyd iFtyPtytytytyi

for:

280 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

There are a few icons of this kind in the area under survey. These arc
illustrated in plates 31(6), 32(a), 38(c), 39(c), 39(d), 60(a), 61(6) and 64(a).
Ganapati from the Adinathesvara temple, Basaruru is another excellent
example.

Type- 1

Ganapati icons with the usual naga-bandha , vahana, karanda-muhita and
conventionalised form of details: These figures are assigned to the period
between the 14th and the 18th centuries A.D. They represent the
various forms of Ganapati according to the textual prescription. A few
typical examples may be had in illustrations represented by plates 35(d),
36(6), 37(6), 37(c), 37(d), 38(6), 41(a), 41(n), 45(a), 45(6), 46(6), 48(6),
48(d), 62(c), 63(6), 64(c) and 64(d).

Type -J

Ganapati icons in tri-bhanga: Hitherto, four bronzes have been dis-
covered in the tn-bhahga pose. Three of them are ascribed to the 10th
century A.D. [Plates 17(6), 17(c) and 18(c)], Although they are small
figures the stylistic features are worthy of particular mention. The fourth
one [Plate 44(d)] is a medieval bronze. Ganapati icons in the tn-bhanga
pose carved out of stone have not hitherto been discovered m the area
under survey.

Type - K

This type is represented by relief figures. They may be early figures
or late ones [Plates 14(6), 15(c), 28(6), 31(a), 31(c), 30(d), 32(6), 34(c),
37(a) and 51(6)].

Type-L

Hritya-Ganesa : This type may be said to be represented by the natya
form of Ganesa. Only two icons of this type have come to light so far.
One is a small 20 cm. high stone icon at Harihara-hshetra, Subralimanya
[Plate 30(a)] and the other is a bronze in the Raghavendra Matha, Udupi
[Plate 25(c)]. The latter is a bronze of considerable iconographic merit.
In features, although it presents conventional forms, its theological back-
ground is somewhat unique.

Ganeh bronzes : Ganapati bronzes in Tulu-nadu are found in thousands
They mostly fall to one or the other of the categories described above. Most
of the bronzes have separate prabavalis which arc detachable. Since

'■ .281

arc . miniature in size. Some of them arc remarkably ; good bronzes of
' eaflylriedieval perio d [Plates52(/A,52 (a), 59 (c), 60 (&), and 60(a), 34(/),
28(«) J 26^), 25(«) } 22(tf) ; 21(a), 21(Z>), 21(d)].

^aftit^ar merition may be. made of the three uchchishta Ganapati
bronzes that have come to light recently [Plate 21(a), (b) and (d)].
; Theso : are undoubtedly of about 11 C.A.D. The Gancsan bironze
: ■ [Plate 22 (Z>)] from the Chitrapura Matlm is a class by itself and stylistically,
^at^iklassighable to circa 11th C.A.D. and is 7.5cm. high. Likewise,
sthc bronze from the Ganapati temple, Pandesvara is a unique one in the
yiysenshthat apart from the ferocity exhibited in the figure, its lower hands
i^are: .without: attributes, the right one being in the varada pose and the
'^•dejh/'ietldown; [Plate 25(a)]. The only bronze in the typical Kalyani
ylvGhalukyan style is the one recovered from the Kantesvara temple, Kanta-
y . vara [Plate 25 (/;)]. In the bronze from the Suralu temple, wc have an
;V:;;;example of Balachandra^Gane^a [Plate 26(«)]. There have come to
% liglit tliree images of Heramba-GaneSa, each one being different from
the other. The one from the IColluru Mukambika temple does, not have
y;. thenecessary lion mount [Plate 35(a)] and the relief figure from Hosa-kere
iy; Ganapati temple has only one face, unlike the usual five . [Plate 37(a)].
[j|*Heramba-GaneSa from the Anantapadmanabha temple is a very good
d; specimen ; of.. this.; type • [Plate 38(a)]. An attractive medieval bronze
; :O from Hebri [Plate 41 (6)] is an interesting example of Mfe-Ganapati, nude
(yAimijormiy. Although a late .figure, Vinayaka of the Durgaparamesvari
;yy)templej ';lVlanchi is iconograpliieally significant, The pose, is unusual

in both the legs being let down and the proboscis being put into the mouth
[Plate 47(d)]; : One of the Ganesa bronzes from the Kantesvara temple . ,
is six-armed and on stylistic merits, it may be ascribed to the 1 4th G . A . D . . .
[Plate. 36(a)]. : Two examples of Ganesa' mounted on the elephant are
had from Basaruru and . Panamburu [Plates. 46(a) and 61(a)]. The
abhaya-varada hasta .Ganesa bronze from the Saravu Ganapati temple
;]i^re^^y;fMcinatiiig ;.[Piate 4 59(c)].i;: } ; MaKagahapati, - bronzes ' with four Y
arms only and Vallabha seated on the thigh have also their representation ;

282 Studies in Tuluua History and Culture

high and is seated on padma-pitha , while the latter is in lalitasana on padma-
pitha and has unusually twelve arms. The manner in which tire aishamdla
is shown is unique (held in two hands surrounding the head of Gancsa)
The bronze with a very thick set and jata-mukuta and prominent
proboscis and 25 cm. high [Plate 52(A)], ascribable to circa 9th - 10th
centuries A D. could take its place amongst the rare and best bronzes
of the period. The Ganesa bronze from the temple at Pemankila
[Plate 373(A)] is four-armed and is depicted in sama-bhanga. The head-
dress is receding. Holding the proboscis vertically coiled and
haring pudding in both the projecting lower two hands, the figure, 20
cm high is majestic and dignified.

This classification has not taken into account the various attributes
borne by the deity. Invariably, the djudhas are selected and formed
into a combination from die following list — huthara ( parasu ), pdsa, arthusa,
aksliamdla, danta, modaka , trisula, sanUia, chakra , vela , ratnakalasa, phala,
wlotpala and il.shu-chapa. Abhaja and varada mudras are rarely shown
YjaJhjdna mudra is shown in the Vidya- Ganapati image [Plate 39(f)].
In Plate 26(c) is seen Maliaganapati carved out of hard granite with
circulai prabhavali, or er-topped by liooded-serpent. Perhaps, this is a rare
sculpture so far as the Tulu country is concerned.

worship or Shiva

It has already been said earlier that there has been a strong substratum
of Samsm in die religious disposidon of die people of Tulu-nadu. This
is evident from the large number of Siva temples, spread over the whole
of Tulu-nadu (These are known as Mahadeva or Mahalingcsvara temples)
Moreover, as is going to be explained presendy, the spread of the Jdatha-
Pantha, beginning from the 10th C A.D. and earlier, the dissemination
of the philosophy of Sri Sankarachary a and the acceptance of the smarta-
sampradaja by the higher classes of people may' be regarded as the chief
reason for this popularity There seems to have been die influence of
the KalamuUias m the earlier centuries. Although it is hard to say when
temples dedicated to Siva came to be rounded, we may' safely' surmise
that as far back as the 7th C.A.D. the first of the Siva temples must have
been built. The Gokarna, the Sivalh and the Udtavara Sambhukallu

my.

; --283

; v Siva dempics could at least be ascribed do G.A.D . if not

to an earlier period. "The apsidal form, of the 0 dy avara S amhhu-ka 1 lu :
and Sivalli Anantesvara temples is also, a vindication of their antiquity.
Most of the Siva temples in Tidu-nadu belong to the pre-Madhva period
(i.c. to the period anterior to the 13th G.A.D.) Another liistorical reason
-for the '^popularity of Savism may be discovered in the 200 year mle of
: the NSyakas of Keladi who were devout worshippers of Siva and Saktf.

f :Worship in propitiation of Siva fakes place in three or four significant
forms : _ y ' ' ; ; y ■ \ -■

(1) Worship of Siva as Mahadeva (in the li hga form). . ; ■ ;

v V (2) Worship of Siva in the Panchalinga form. yV .

. (3) Worship of Siva, in the Uma-mahcsvara form. •

]. ' (4) Worship of Siva in the Bhairava, Virabhadra and Ardhanarisvara ■

5 y / ■ • form. .

Most of the cigama temples are dedicated to Siva as Mahadeva and
Panchalingadeva. Temples erected in honour of Virabhadra are also
found in large numbers^ But most of them belong to the period .between
the 15th and 18th G.A.D. Bairava shrines are few in number, and,
like-wise shrines dedicated to Ardhanarisvara. While hardly half-a-dozen
temples are built in honour of Siva in the Umamahesvara form, Siva
is mostly worshipped in this form as household god in a large number
of homes all over Tulu-nadu. Almost all the ancient Siva temples,
have, in their close proximity, Sakti temples as well (temples dedicated
to Mahisha-Mahishasuramardini). -y . /■' • d f «/'• f ; ;.d

Saiva Iconography

( Types: in Siva-lihgas)]

Surveying the Siva temples in Tulu-naclu where the inulasfhana deity
is in thtlingh form, 'five main'fypes' are 'iioficeabi^

284

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

Type- A

Svayambhu-lihgas : These are supposed to have been natural and not
made and installed [Plates 97(a), 97(6), and 98(a)], They do not have
a regular form nor do they have brahma-sutra on them. There are reasons
to believe that there lingas are ascribable to early date.

Type - B

Lingas with round tops: Some of these have the brahma-sutra and some
do not have [Plates 105, and 101(a)].

Typc-C

Lingas with semi-circular tops [Plates 100(6), 100(c), 101(6), 101(c),
and 101(d).] These lingas have usually long shafts ( Rudra-bhaga ).

T)pe — D

Lingas with slightly carved tops: The surface of the tops are either
flattened with bends all round or given a curvature like the country
umbrella [Plates 99(a), 99(6), 99(c), 99(d), 100(6), 101(6) 102, 103 and
104(d)],

Tjpe-E

Lingas with flat tops: These arc very few in number. It looks as
though such lingas are horizontally cut [Plate 97(c) and 104(6)].

It is not necessary here to dwell upon the formation of the lingas
and the principles involved in it. Suffice it to say that they are mosdy
made out of smooth black stone, but some lingas are made out of rudraksha-
sila. They are full of pores on the surface of the Rudra-bhaga [Plate 99(a)
and 99(6)]. Based on the manner in which the brahma-sutra is incised,
several categories may be formed as illustrated in Plates 103, 104(c) and
104(d). It is significant to note many of the early Siva lingas do not
have the usual biahma-suira. A word has to be expressed regarding die
Siva-hnga of the Kantesvara temple, Kantavara [Plate 99(6)]. It is
one metre in height and is made of ever-lustrous metal. Perhaps, it is
the only one of its kind in Tulu-nadu.

The lingas in the PanchalihgeSvara temples are invariably irregular
stones. All the five lingas representing Sadyojata, Vamadeva, Aghora,
Tatpurusha and Tsana are installed on the same pedestal which is a unique
practice in the Tulu country. Sometines the central linga seems to have
five sides (faces) as illustrated in plate 108(a). In a few instances, the

i lludra-bfiaga of the #%c is just exposed and the rest of the portion is embedded
[Plates 97(t/) and 100(c)] . Siva ■; temples . erected during
; the Keladi period have invariably 'small oval-shaped lingas '. Many of
■ythesc shrines are

: dd' ri: icons, both (carved out of stone and cast out of metal may be

[.classified into the following categories:

Type y i/Ty : 7./V: ' ' •

yfv.ilcohfinjlsmm^bhahga . Most of these icons are bronzes. In Tulu-nadu,
^dalmostall; die s temples [have bronzes as utsava-murtis ( bali-devata ). They
V are the counter-parts of the mulasthana deities. A close examination of
^vriiesebfmizes could give us indications of their age. [Plates 66 (a), 67, 68(6),
iy 71(4- 72 ? ; 73, 7G(^)/ 76(r), 82, 83(c) and 83(e), 84(6), 84(d), 84(d), .84(6),
% 84(c/) etc.] •• • They invariably hold kuthara and mriga in the upper right
and left hands and the lower left and right hands are shown in the varada
. and abhaja (or abhay a and varada ) poses respectively. In rare cases, a ball
;vb£ifire is held in the right lower hand or the left lower [Plates 87(6) and

■, inc xduy ui uicsc .nguics uavc juiu-mutiuiu duu muucH uiuruaua.

There are figures with, kirifa-mtikuta [Plates 67(c), 67(c), 68(c), 69, 7.3, 74(c),

-Vr v- » f » r ,• t -r\ , i . . i

7 5 (c), 75 (6), 76 (c) . etc. ] and karanda-mulcula also. Drapery takes three styles-
tvitli slant-wise folds [Plate 67(c)], in the pair a form [Plate 84(c), 85(c)],
yrdyitlmut folds ; and tucked at the bottom [Plate 73(c) and 73(6)], and with
•[ horizontal folds [Plate 90] while some of the early bronzes conform to the
; general style of South Indian bronzes. A number of them are characterized
;;7.^y:ihdj^heOus^ariariom[Plates 82, 83 (c), 84(6), 94(c), 85(c), 96 etc.] Based
: on the position of the attributes, nature of the alahkdra y siraschakra, hair.

7 style, knot of the yajndpavita, drapery, and the characteristic features of .. . .

i, J n j 1% wjirtV//-. S' t* 4 " ivv* /4 fU’o n o ti i v/ri nC+la a k V

ptherv.; bronzes belong to the Vijayanagara style. The typical feature '

• : v Seated^ icons ::s These may be Sadasiva icons with Sakti or wit!

or ? without; 37-77

286

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

v s~

92(a), 92(b), 93(a) and 93 (A)] or in the padmdsana pose [Plates 66(c),
71(a), 78(c), 81, 84(a) and 88(c)]. There is an excellent example of Siva-
Sakti (Bronze) in the utkuiikasana pose [Plate 66(1?)] which is a rare repre-
sentation. The Sadasiva bronze from the Putturu Mahalingesvara
temple is, again, a celebrated example of Siva in the raja-lila or sulhasana
pose (Plate 69). Two figures are represented in this pose with naga-
ardhayoga-patia [Plates 75(c) and 76(a)]. All these seated figures with
one exception are shown without the vdhana ( nandi ) [Plate 87 (c)] . Although
20 cm. high, the bronze from the Chandramaulisvara temple, Udupi
typically characterizes early Pallava-Chola style(Plate 65). The two Uma-
mahesvara stone images worsliipped as the principal deities, from Panam-
buru and Vittala [Plates 66(c) and 81] are remarkable figures of about
the 10th C.A.D. as depicted by the anatomy. The bronze from the
Anantesvara temple, Udupi, is 30 cm. high and bears the features of the
Kalyani Chalukyan style [Plate 68(a)]. An example of Siva-Sakti with
jnana-mudra is had from the Siva temple, Bantra [Plate 88(d)]. The stand-
ing Sadasiva icon from the .ftmesvara temple, Bainduru has also jnana-
mudra [Plate 89(A)]. A medieval Uma-mahesvara bronze from Suralu
[Plate 88(d)] is flanked by Ganesa and Shanmukha. The two seated
Sadasiva bronzes in padmdsana, one of the 10th C.A.D. and the other
of the 13th G.A.D., are rare pieces of sculpture [Plate 84(a) and 88(c)].
The figure of Mahadeva from Bainduru is a Chalukyan master-piece
[Plate 71(a)].

Type - C

Nandi-vahana-m urti : To this class belong only a very few sculptures.
One is an inscribed bronze [Plate 71(A)] supposed to have been recovered
from the sea. It is about 30 cm. in height. The other is a relief figure
of an early type [Plate 83(d)].

Type - D

Alingana-murli: We have hitherto discovered only one bronze of this
type and it appears to be of the late medeival period [Plate 94(c)].

Type - E

Nataraja form of Sadasiva also is rarely found in sculpture in Tulu-
nadu. 'Die only one independent sculpture that belongs to the Kalyani
Chalukyan style is from tire Mahalingesvara temple, Basaruru [Plate 86(A)].

287

1 ' Religion

There is a Chola bronze of Nataraja in the Chitrapura Mai ha, Sirali.

It is 50 cm. high and is ascribable to circa 12th G.A.D.

Type-F

The Ardhanarisvara figures : A few shrines are dedicated to this deity
and from the stand-point of sculptural excellence, the figures are not of
much appreciation (Plate 80). Yet they speak of local ingenuity in
carving out and casting such images. The Ardhanarisvara image irom
the Kantesvara temple [Plate 87(a)] happens to be an elegant sculpture,
3i' in height and may belong to circa 11th- 12th C.A.D. It is said
that tills image was the mulasthdna deity in a neighbouring shrine, before
it was brought to this temple. The image from the shrine at Halnadu
[Plate 80(c)] is flanked by the reliefs of elephants on either side.

Type — G

Virabhadra: The Vlrabhadra images of the Tulu country may be
divided into three categories - two-armed, four-armed and twelve-armed
figures. Two-armed figures are normally rare [Plate 78(a)]. Likewise,
the twelve-armed Virabhadra figures. The one from Udyavara
[Plate 79(a)] is made of wood and is, indeed, a rare piece. It is of life-size
and could belong to chca 15th C.A.D. Two other Virabhadra images
should draw our pointed attention. In plate 78(c) is illustrated Vira-
bhadra in the padmdsana pose and the plaited hair style is unique. In
plate 78(a), we have one of the best and the earliest of the Virabhadra
sculptures in the Tulu country. It is four feet in height and is exceedingly
charming. In style, it seems to represent the transition between the
Hoyasala and Vijayanagara periods. It is in the alidha pose.

KOTISVARA (KOTESVARA) AND THE KALAMUKHA INFLUENCE

Perhaps, it is the epigraph, dated A.D. 1324-’25, that informs us
of the divinity Kotlsvara for the first time in the history of Tuluva, so far
as the records at present enlighten us. The name applies to Lord Siva
of Kotesvara, a place belonging to the Coondapur taluk of the district
of South Kanara. Tradition ascribes to it the name Dvajesvara and it
is taken to be one of the seven places of pilgrimage in Tuluva [Plate 334(a)].
(This temple may be assigned to the 8th A.D.) The name Kotlsvara
may be" taken to have been obtained owing to the influence of Kdlamukhas
whose greatest centre in the Karnataka State was situated at Kuppettur

* t - *

}

288

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

of the district of Simoga. The political and social contact between
Tuluva and Simoga having been very close, it is possible to surmise that a
section of the Brahmins migrated from Kuppettur to Kotesvara and after
settlement popularised the name Kotisvara in Tuluva.

The Kalamukha influence over Tuluva (South Kanara in particular)
may be traced as far back as to the 8th century A.D. for an epigraph
of Udayavara, Udipi taluk, South Kanara belonging to the 8th century
refers to the Goravas ‘. These Goravas were, in all probability, the heads
of the Kalamukhas 2 . Another inscription of the same place seems to have
granted to the Goravas the right and privilege of collecting cesses for religious
purposes 3 . This epigraph, too, may be assigned to the 8th C.A.D.
Further-more, it is stated in another inscription of about the same period
of the same place that Ranasagara’s servant, Vinja-Praharabhushana’s
son, Kame-Koda was one who pulled out the tongue of those who were
not attached to the Pasupata lord 4 .

Kuppettur, besides being a great centre of these Kalamukha Saivitcs,
was also reputed to be a Brahminical centre with a famous agrahara 5 .
Kotisvara of Kote&vara was also known as Kotinatha and the influence
of this divinity was so well marked that in a number of inscriptions of
Tuluva, the imprecatory portion includes the name of Kotinatha or
Kotesvara 6 An important epigraph of Kotesvara, dated A.D. 1546, attests
the significance of Kotisvara by the mention that in the tudiya-habba of that
temple, the Tulu-rajya had assembled 7 .

It is quite possible that Gagana-Sivacharya who was gifted lands in
Kudurabelambettu at Karakala, South Kanara by Dattalvendra Srlmara
(A.D. 1050-1070 ? ) and the halaru of hatlu-keri was a Kalamukha priest 8 .
An epigraph of Panamburu, Mangalore taluk of the time of Vlra-Bahkideva,
dated A.D. 1305, seems to record a gift of land for offerings to god Nakha-

1 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 283.

1 Kapatarala Krishna Rao -Karnataka Lakula Saiva Siidhanta (1955) pp. 124—125.

Gorava - a class of Siva beggars (Kittel, p. 568).

Though any teacher could be called gorava, a convention came into being by

which a particular community of Saiva teachers, priests or mendicants, came to

be designated as the Goravas. (P.B Dcsai- 7ainism in Soulh India, Foot Note, p. 133).

3 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 279.

4 Ep.Ind. Vol IX, Vol. IX, p. 19.

5 Ep.Car. Vol. VIII, Shikaripur No. 25

6 S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part II Nos. 407, 430, 435 etc.

7 S 1. 1. Vol. IX, Part II, No 431. Tuthja Uabba is the most celebrated festival of

KoteSvara, which is attended by the people of both Coondapur and Udipi taluks.

8 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 314.

Plate 1

MM

Mahaganapati, Gokarna, North Kanara
(C. 6th C. A. D.)

Ganapati, Mahaganapati —
Vishnumurti

Temple, Attavara, Mangalore,
South Kanara (C. 7th C. A. D. )

[it*** *Qt*jL*.

Ganapati Temple, Uppinapattana,
North JCanara ..

(C. 7th C. A. D.) ;

Mahaganapati, Ganapati Temple,
Itfagunji, North Kanara
(C: 6th « 7th C. A. D.) ,

Ganapati, Ganapati TempJe^ Ancgud^e,
Kumbhakasi, Coondapura Taiuk, ’
Soiith Kanara (C. 7th C. A. D.) ' • ' .;

x* vw? ^a*u©5»3KKaf

sssglr

;( b) . ,. . ^v;;t ;;.;v-

. Ganapati .■•• \^'s'c-X-‘- ■■■;.■. <y - : ;

.{RockJEngravihg)';.';^'' .;■•
KaranjeSvara Temple/
Bantwal Taluk, South Kanara

(G. 7th C. A. D.) • ; ,;;• ........

t y>

Mulc-Ganapaii, Kotmatha Temple,
KojCsvara, Coondapura Taluk
South Kannra (C 7ih C. A, D.)

<f <S l' 4, •>£

mm

% S:mm

Wf;

;K-vV

^ ^pv£< ^ t 1 / £\ :>;y; r'l

lligtlf

m&SmMm

:( a ) ; • ^ . '•■ ■ \

Ganeia ; . ;’• : .'v

Devi Temple,. KaSipatna /-,

Bel than gady Taluk, South Kanara

(c. 8th c. a. d.) - ; ; • :

Plate 5 ;

:^\iZ}

.Cy.v^y;

>}&?'> &

wM&m.

0%'> :: A:'. Sin fSAAA

fS}4:M : ^nv}y-f~’4%4

?-,'“ s?& 'AK “ *& 'As V H • i

\<t'' -'Hp/ijfr'- *£*■% ' .*■ r.?*

■s&i'K *>'’?'* ',7-, is <' -' 'S.'^.f S' -"A 1 (

&$<$*& £v*<*3Hr ft * v ?>„ • • v

§H i « <s^y/<*\r, vH ><t\%
m->sy : ;s\AAA4 vi «|jsm t5s

I ,

ic $g -

I ' I $ I i

Mra : m. >?< >% n» £*w ^

fc^'Wss

J

,:' Gapapati - •’• '.' :

Ganapati Temple, Uppuru, ';- '

' ~ Udipi Taluk, South Kanara « -'• - -

. (C. 8th G. A. D.) . .. i ‘- ;.

Piaie 6

mMMmkPn

Wm

;^Bh

mm

.Gariapati.

Srlngeri , College Museum;
Sringeri

(C. 8th C. A. D.)

' . :

Vithala .Temple,
Kclla Puttige, , .;

■Front View

Oblique View

_• ,( a ) Ganapati, 3iva Temple, (b). Ba^e-Vinayaka, K 6 |eks r *> BarakOrii,

Bc\mannu, Kavkala Taluk, : ._ J r Udi pi- -Taluk, South Ki* nara - • . \

South kauara(G. 9th C. A : t>.) \ ■ /*' - 7 (Q. 9th C. M ; ; <V \

Mahaganapati, Sadasiva Temple, .... .r 1 : . 4" '* ■ ‘ " -V ! x %

Suratlcal, Mangalore Taluk, . . ^ V ' • ' ' ' '• ' . Y ( b ) Ganapati, Mahadeva Temple, Bantra.

South! Kanara (C. 9th - 10th C. A. D.) ' Y Y ' ! ' ■■ Puttur Taluk, South Kanara ’

; • : ; , ! Yy';. V,?vV. • " -W ''Y-' . • ^ - • ‘ (CL 9th d A. D.) - Y

Plate 13

k 1 i *

f &

(a)

GapeSa, Ganapati Cave Temple, Siriyara,
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara
(C. 9th - 10th C. A. D,)

> 5 ,' * s. ' * " V f , ->1

' f i 'if**
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(b)

Ganapati, Janardana Temple,
Ambalapadi, Udipi, South Kanara
(C. 10th C. A. D.)

Plate 16

GanHa, KantKvara Temple, Kmtavara, Ganapati, Suryanarayuna Temple,

Karkala Taluk, South Kunara March, Mangalore

(C 10th C AD) (C 10th C* A_ D )

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Gane4a # Anamapadmanabha Temple,
Anantapura, Kasaragod Taluk,
Kerala (C. 8th C. A. D.)

Ganesa (Bronze), . DurgadevI Temple,
Kunjuru, Udipi Taluk, South Kahara
(C. 10th C. A. D.) V. ■

goa^tr^onzejLGa^athTemp!^'

Ch a u!ikcr7Bar ak u r u,- So llt l 1 Kanara
(C. 10th C. A. D.) --;c

Plate) 8

Front View

(a) Vinayaka. Durgaparam&svarl Temple,
Katil, Mangalore Taluk, South Kanara
(C. 9th-10th C. A. D.)

Ganapati, Krishna Majha, BSlurn
Coondapura Taluk, South Kanara
(C. SOth.C. A. D.)

Gancia (Bronze), Durgadcvi Terop!?>-
Kurijuru, Udipi Taluk, South Kanara

(C. 10th G. A. D.)

Plate 19 ,

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Uchishtha Ganapati (Bronze)
Worshipped in the House of &T
Rajanna Tantri, Kalatturu, Udipi
...Taluk, South Kanara
f (CM 1th C. A. D.)

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i em R ,c t PojaH, Bdntwal Taluk, South'.:.-

Ka h ara • (C..11 th G A. D.) . ' •" : ;; /: V ; ; -: ; 5 : ':

Plate 21

;l’? V%v

Uchishtha Ganapati (Bronze) , in the
Collection of Sri Irodi Radhakrishna
Pai, Udipi ((C. 11th C. A. D.)

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Uchishtha Ganapati (Bronze) .
worshipped in the House of Sri ,
Ganapati Bhat, Basaruru’ ■ -

Coondapura Taluk, South Kanara

(c; j i th c. A. d.) M •■•• / ; : ; ; ; ; . . .

Plate 22

parmpati (Bronze) ’ Visvanatha Temple; - - • Ganapati, Mahalinge^vara Temple,

Yciluru- r Udipi Taluk, South Kariara Basaruru, Coondapura Taluk, South '•

(C. 11th C. A. D,) Kanara (Now kept in the M, G. M

'■ : ■ GoHege Museum, Udipi (C. 1 1th C. A. D.)

Plate 25

Ganapati (Bronze).. -
Worshipped by the Chadaga
Families, Pandesvara,
Sastana, Udipi Taluk,

South Kanara
(C. 1 1 th G. A. D.)

* ‘-6', AS A,

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Ganapati, (Bronze) Kan te^vara Tempi
Kantavara, Karkala Taluk,

South Kanara (C. 11th C. A. D.)

Nritya Ganesa , Raghavendra Matha,
Udipi, South Kainara . . " ■ '*.

(C. 11th C. A. D.) - y/te

Plate 26

(a)

Ganesa (Bronze)

Mahahngesvara Temple, Suralu,
Udtpi Taluk, South Kanara
(C llrh C A. D.)

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Ganesa, Vishnumurti Temple,
Yedappadavu, Karkala Taluk,
South Kanara (C Uth C A D.)

( c )

Mahuganapati, Narasimha Temple,
Mtmnuril, Mangalore Taluk,

South Kanara (C Uth C.VD)

Ganapati, Mahal ingc^vara Temple
Putt tir. South Kanara
^C. 11th C. A, D.)

Ganeia, worshipped in the house of the
Archaka of Durgaparame^varl Temple,
Uppunda (G. II th C. A. D.)

Plate 29

Vallahha Ganapati (Bronze), Balakuduru
Matha, Hangarakatte, Udipi Taluk,
South Kanara

(C. 11th C. A. D.)

Ganapati (Bronze), worshipped in the
House of Sri Ramanna Tantry, Arkula,
Parengipete, Mangalore Taluk,

South Kanara (C. 11th G. A. D.)

mnsk-ti

Ganapati (Bronze), Visvanatha Temple,
Yelluru, Udipi Taluk, South Kanara
(C. 11th C. A. D.)

Ganapati, Krishna Temple, Gundmi,
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara
(G. 11th C. A. D.)

W Sri Rama Temple, Basrauni,

Ganapati, Ganapati Temple, -IJppuru Coondapura Taluk, .

Udipi Tahik, South Kanara South Kanara

(C. 12th-13th C- A. D.) (C. 13th C. A. D.).

; Udyavara, Udipi Taluk; South Kanara

' ,(G.\ 12th ' C. A. D,) \ : .

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Ganapati, Siva Temple, Japti,
Cooririapura Taluk, South Kanara,
(C, 12 thC. A, D.) .

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GapapatUGahapati Temple, Eariuru,

’dipi .Talukj. South Kanara • .' ' .'

(C.:i2th c. a; D:) ; •

Ganapati Kokkada, Beltangady
Taluk, South Kanara,

{C. 12th G. A. D.)

Ganesa,Karanjesvara Tehiple,
Bantwal Taluk, South Kanara
(C. I2th C. A..D.)

Gancsa.Subrahinanya Temple,
Pcpampajli; £tvaj|t,

Udipt Taluk; South Kanara
(C. 12th- 1 3th C. A. D.)

Ganapati Janardana Temple, Ye]anje,
Mangalore Taluk, South Kanara
(C. 12th-13th C A. D.)

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( a ) Ganesa, Durgaparamesvari Temple,
Uppunda, Goondapura Taluk,

South Kanara, (C. 8th-9th C. A. D.)

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(b) Ganesa, Udayadri, Padubidurc,
South Kanara (G. 9th G. A. D.)

c ) ^Ganesa

Saptamatfika Group, Kotinatha •
Temple Kotesvara '

Coondapura Taluk, ,

South Kanara

(C. 8th— 9th C. A. D.)

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(c) .Gancda (Bronze).in thtr collection of
Sri Iro<Ji Radhakrishna Paj, Udipi

(C. 13ih-I4th C. A. D.)

(d) Gane5a (Bronze) , Adamaru Matha,’
Adamaru, Udipi Taluk, South Kanara
(C. 13th-I4th C. A/ D.)

(a) Gan&a (Bronze)

Kant&vara Temple, Kantavara,
Karkala Taluk, South Kanara
(C. 13th— 14th C. A. D.)

(b) Ganeia,Hosak«e, Barakuru • ' '

South Kanara (C. 13th- 14th , C. A* D)

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; ;' %'■ ,^tS?-Viriayaka , ..Gokarna;- JNTortli Kanara

: 4c,:-i4th^e. a. d.): ' /

(d) Ili-Gahapati, Ganapati Texnple, .! ’ / ^

: Barakuru, South Kanara (C.14th G A;D

Plate No 38

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Plate No. 39

SSf^feS

&«*

Ganc^a (Bronze), Bramhmaling&Sv;
* em f c > Sastana, Udipi Taluk,

• omh Kanara (C. 14th C. A. D.)

Ganesa (Bronze), Siva-Ganapati Temp!
Arehole, Coondapura Taluk, ■

South Kanara (C. 14th C. A. D.)

(c) Vidya.Ganapati Bhatakala, North
Kanara (C. 14 th C. A. D.) -y.-

(c) Ganapati (Bronze), Ardhanariivara
- Temple, Halnadu, Coondapura Taluk,
. South Kanara (C. 14lh C. A. D.)

Plate No. 41

(a) Ganesa, Panchalingesvara Temple,

Kombaru, Puttur Taluk, South Kanara
(C. 14th C. A. D.)

is «

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Bala Ganapati (Bronze), ArdhanarlSvara
Temple, Hebri, Karkala Taluk, South
Kanara (G. 14th C. A. D.)

(c) Gapesa in the Colletion of Sri Irodi

Radhakrishna Pai, Udipi, South Kanara
(C. 14th C A. D.)

Plate No. 42

(d)

Vinayaka (Bronze)

Worshipped in the House of Sri ..
Harikara, Basaruru,

Coondapura Taluk,

South Kanara

(C. 14th— 15th G. A. D.)

Ganapati Temple,
Anegu<)de, Kumbhas'i,
Coondapura Taluk,
South Kanara
(C. l4th U. A. D.)

tip

. (Bronze), Ganapati Temple,

Udyavara, South Kanara
(G. 15th C. A. D.)

1

Ganapati, Anantesvara Temple;v.;Udjpi
South Kanara (C. 14th - 15th. G A. D.) ;

HI

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Mahaganapati (Bronze), worshipped .by. ...
the Tantri Families, ' ; Paduru, : : Udipi
Taluk, South Kanara (0.. I5th G. A: D.)

(c) Ganesa (Bronze)

. Brahmalingesvara Temple,
Sastana, Udipi Taluk-
South Kanara (C. 15th G. A. D.)

(d) Ganesa (Bronze)

Udayadri, Padubidurc,
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara
(C. 15th C. A. D.)

V . .

Ganes'a, Ganapati Temple, Bangadi
Belthangady Taluk, South Kahara
(C. 15th C. A. D.)

(Bronze), 'worshipped in si-Vs
e ‘ °" <:e of Sri. LaksHminarayana Tdntri, .*
Udipi Taluk; (C. 15th C. A. D.) >f

■ in , the; iColiectioh -of Jsri Irodi- '

Kere Ganapati, Kofesvara, Coondapura
^T^lpkj Sduili Kanara; (C. 15tli C.A.D.)

(c) Kambada Ganapati (Bronze), Mahalingcivara (d) Mahaganapatf, Gopinatha Temple,

Temple, Basaruru, Coondapura Taluk, Guiidumi, Udipi Taluk, Soutli Kanara-

SouUi Kanara (C. ,15th— 16th C. A. I>.) (C. 16th C. A. D.) '

!

1-’’- 1<-

vancsa (Wooden), Durga Temple,
Kcinmannu, Udipi Taluk, South' Kanara

(C. 17th C. A. D.) A vv'.^ • >; ■

Manchi, Bclthangady Taluk, South -Kanara
(C. 1 7th C. A. D ) : ■ -i. : .f v • 1 ■ :

(aj Ganesa (Bronze)

Durgabhagavatl Temple,
Nilavara, Udipi Taluk,
South Kanara
(C. 17th C. A. D.)

(b) Viriayaka,. 3iva Temple, Uppinangady
Beltangady Taluk, South Kanara, :
(C. 18th G A. D.)

(d) .Ganesh, worshipped 1 in the .ancestral ,
house of Sri B. Vasudcvayya, Baikadi,
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara,

(G 19th C. A. D.) .

(c) Vinayaka (Wooden), PanchalitigeSvara
Temple, Ka£i patna, Belthangady
South Kanara ' ' ' ,

(G 1 9th C. A. D.) ,

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Ganesa, Panchalingosvara Temple, Urva
Mangalore, South Kanara
(G. 7th - Bih C. A. D.)

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Garicsa, Brahmasthaha, Beiuru, -?M-
Coondapura Taluk (C. 8lh C.A.D.)

GaneSa, Ardhanarisvara Temple, Hebri,
Karkala Taluk, South Kanara
(C. 9th C. A. D.)

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Gancsa, Siva Temple, Munduru, .
Puttur Taluk, South Kanara .
i (C. 8th - 9th G. A. D.)

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(C 9th C A D )

(b) , ,
Ganesa, (Bronze)u orslupped m tilt

House of Si I Sadastva Kalkura, Kurfuli

Udipi Taluk, South Kanara

(C 9th CAD)

( c /

Gancsa (Bron/e) jn the collection of
Sri Irodi Radhaki islina Pai,

Udipi, South Kauai a
(C 10th - 11th CAD)

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Ganapati, Ganti Temple, Mudabidure,
Karkala '1 aluk, South Kanara
(C. 10th C. A. D.) : •

'j-anapad, Ganapati Temple,
^‘attiyangacli, Coodapura Taluk,

South Kanara (C. 9th - Wrli C. A. D.)

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Platc;53

Ganapati, Gopinatha Temple, Handadi
;=v- Udipi Taluk, South Kanara

(C. lOtii - 11th G. AJVi Y ■ .V-V'G-G.;

Plate 54

Ganapati, Mahatobliara Mahaliiigesvar
Temple, Brahmavara, Udipi Taluk,
South Kanara (C, 11th C.. A. D.)

Ganesa Anantapadmanabha Temple,
Kudupu, Mangalore Taluk,

South Kanara (C. 11th G. A. D )

\U/ V'*/ .

■ Vallabha Ganesa, in the collection or Ganapati, Lakshminarayana Temple,

Sri Irodi Radhakrishna Pai, Udipi, Karkada, Udipi Talttk,

South Kanara (C. 11th C. A. D-) South Kanara (C. 11 th C. A. D.)

7&GS&S

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Ganapati Siva Temple, Perampalji,
Sivalii, Udipi ; ;m ,12th C. A. D.)

(b) Bellacla Ganapati, Ganapati Temple,
Kota, Udipi Taluk, South Kanara
(C. 12th G. A. D.)

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Somanathesvara Temple, ; :
Mangalore (G. 1 1th C. A. D.)

• , (d) Ganeia, Guru Narasimha Temple, ■ \vG
• , ;: ;: : Saligrama, Udipi Taluk/. South Kanara
u (a lith c. a. D.) r

Plate 56

Plate 60

(a)

Ganapati, Ganapati Temple, Muduhcn,
Barakuru, South Kanara
(C 12th - 13th CAD)

(b)

Vinayaka (Bronze), Somanatha Temple,
Muduken, Barakuru, South Kanara
(C 11th - 12thC A D)

( c )

Ganapati (Bronze), Mahalingesvara
Temple, Suralu, Udipi Taluk,

South Kanara (C !2th C A. D.) ( c )

Plate 61

.#T- iv

A vt-Tf s< foj-A’fciVr. . VlL -fefW

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Ganapati (Bronze) , Nandanesvara
Temple, Panambiiru, Mangalore
Taluk, South Kanara
>(G.12th C. A. D.)

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Ganapati, Siva Temple, Alangani
Mudabidure, Karkala Taluk,- ,
South Kanara (G. 12th C. A. D.)

Ganesa (Bronze) j Handc Deyalaya, Kola
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara " : ’ r .

(G. loth C. A. D.) ' . .*. - ; . vh-V-u-/' 'K :

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Plate 62

' ' , ' - ...
Ganapati, Ganapati -Temple, Kota,

Udipi Taluk, South Kanara

(c. 12th c. a. d.)

Gane&t (Bronze), Narasimha Temple, .

Haladi, Coondapura Taluk, .

South Kanara (C. ]4th - 15th 0. A-

(cj . •

Ganapati, Ganapati Temple, Gum, m>, .
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara
(C. 13th - 14th C. A. D.) i

Plate 63

'Sv ■

Mahaganapati (Bronze)

.Ganapati Temple, Kemraannu, Udipi
Ta, uk, South Kanara (G. 14th C. A. D.)

(b)

^ * Va Tem pl e >. Pcrampa|Ii,
bldipi Taluk, South Kanara
y< c - 45th Cl. A. D.) -

(Bronze), Ghitrapitra
North Kanara

( c )

Ganapati, Ganapati Temple, Ganjimatha,
Mangalore Taluk, South Kanara
(C. 14th C. A. D.)

(b)

Ganesa (Bronze)

Ganapati Temple; Uppuru,

South Kanara (G. 14th C. A. D.)

(c)

Abhaya Ganesa, Bajakuduru Matha,
Bajakuduru, Udipi Tahik, South Kanara
(C. 15th C. A. D.)

(d) ,

Sunkadakatte Vinayaka, Vinayaka
Temple, Kallianpura, Udipi Taluk,
South Kanara (C. 14lh - 15tl> C. A. D.)

< t- . r ".is’s i - l ■<■• rs

;• V: Sadasiva (Bronze). Chandramau]i£vara Temple,
Udipi, South Kanara (C. 9th .G. A. D.)

Sadasiva (Bion/e)

Siva Temple, Bantia, Puttur Taluk,
South Kanara (G 9tli GAD)

(b)

Siva - Sakti (Bronze)
RajaiajCsvari Temple, Polali,
Bantwal Taluk, South Kanara
(C 10th CAD)

(c)

Umamah&vara
Umamaheivara Temple,

Padu Panamburu, Mangalore Taluk,
South Kanara (C 10th C A D.)

Plate 68

[ymr,

Mahadeva
Senesvara Temple,

Bainduru, South Kanara
(G. 13th G, A. D.)

(b) .

Umamahesvara (Bronze)

Kotinatha Temple, Kotesvara,
Coondapura Taluk, South Kanara
(C. 14th C. A. D.)

(c)

Trisulesvara (Bronze)

Trisulesyara Temple, Mangalore
South Kanara (G. 14th-15th G. A. D.)

Plaet 72

(b) Umamahcsvara (Bronze)

(a) Sada&va, Mahalingesvara Temple, Vishnumurti Temple, Shirva,

Pavarye, Mangalore Taluk, Udipi Taluk, South Kanara

South Kanara (C. 14th C A. D.) (C. 14th C. A. D.)

(c) Dakshinamuru (Bronze)
Chitrupura Matha, Sirah,

North Kanara (C. 13th C. A. D.)

(d) Sadaiiva(Bronze),Visvanatha Temple*
Yelluru, Udipi Taluk, South Kanara

(C. 11th- 12th C. A. D)

(») • ;,/ :• •: ■

Sadasiva (Bronze)

Mntyunjaya. Temple, Bola, Karkala Taluk,

South Kanara (G. 13th G. A. D.)

(b) Umamahesvara
Mahalingesvara Temple, Suralu,

Udipj Taluk, South Kanara
(G. 14th-15th G. A. D.)

(e) Sadasiva, a relief
Lakliml-Narasimha ’
Temple, Bhatakaja v- ;
North Kanara . ?. >' ; o
(C. 15th G. A: d.)' ’

(a) Sadasiva (Wooden)
Panchalingesvara Temple,
Barakuru, South Kanara
(C. 15th C. A. D.)

(c) Sadasiva (Bronze)

Siva Temple, Agrahara, Brahmiiyara
Udipi Taluk, South Kauara(C. 16th G-

(b) Sadasiva (Bronze)

Vittala Temple, Kella Puttigc, . .
Karkala Taluk, South Kanara .
(a 17th C. A. D.)

Plate 77

(a) Chandramaujisvara (Bronze)
Chandresvara Temple, Udipi,
(C. 17th- 18th G. A. D.)

Ulnaniahesvara . , ' /
Umajnahesyara-.
Matha, Basaruru) (;•-
Coondapura Taluk, ; ' •
South Kanara
(C.. 14th- 15th G.A.D.l

i ffcCf *-

wSwstP 1

. 'V., •;

(c) Bhairava, Rock Engraving, .Nandikuru, !
: ; : .: Udipi Taluk; South Kanara U '

(G. 10th C. A. D.) ■;•'•• G : -v!

(d) Bhairava, iV-; : .f5 U":.;:-;'.

Senes vara Temple, Bainduru,
South Kanara (C. I3th C; A. D-)

Front View

Back View

Plate 80

(a) G. 1 7th C. A. D. (b) (Bronze) C. 17th C.A.D. (c) (Bronze) G. 14th G.A.D.

Ardhanarisvara Temple, Hebri, Karkala Taluk, South Kanara

(d) Ardlianarlivara (e) Ardhanarisvara Temple, Halnatlu

(Bronze) ^Brahmasthana, . Coon da pura Taluk, South Kanara

Hebri <C. 17th C. A. D) . - : (C. ,l5th C. A. D.) i \ . :

Plate 81

/••''. :.' ■ <■ ;> Uiiiamahcsvaia '' • . ; . •• .;

. . ■■ '. Uinainahcsvara Siirinc,- .VittaJa) - ■:"-' •*„ . -'

South Kanara (C. ‘10th C. A. D.) v

Plate 82

Front View-' . X Back' View.

(a) Sadasiva (Bronze) . ’ . ' v V

Mahalingcsvara Temple, Patjubidure* South Kanara (G. lOthG. A. D.)

-i-i v'-W,

. • From View • ... \ . \ • ; ‘ , Back V ‘ c ' v

•. ' , , ... • . Kantcsvara (Bronze)"- /

K antes vara Temple, Kama vara, ' • Karkala Taluk, South Kanara '

(C. 10th C. A. D.)

r?i

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I 1 ™ ^ahti. (Bronze) iri' the
Si t Jrocji Radhakpshni Pai
. South Kartara -~.y '.■ •
i 1th C. A, D.)

(d) Sadsiiva (Bronze) '■ /’ :V; - iv
If Dur e^ Parameivarl Teinple, Be
; Karkala Taluk, South Kanara
;A V (C. 10th - lith C. A. D V'

Plate 86

(a) Sadasiva (Bronze)

Panchalingesva'ra Temple, Barakuru,
South Kanara
(C. 10th C. A. D.)

M

(b) Nataraja , . • . ' * -V-* , v
Mahal in gesvara Temple- Basaruru
Coondapura Taluk, South. Kanara
* , (C. 11th— 12th C. A.D.jv

psjpi

m

J ' •

(c) Sadasiva (Bronze) .■

Panchalingcsvara Temple, Charxnadi,
Bclthangady Taluk, South Kanara
. (C. llth— 12th C. A. D.)

(d)Sadasiva (Bronze) "

3lva Temple, Banjra, Putttu- Taluk,
South Kanara -•

(C. 11th— 12 lH) - ' ,

Pi ate 87

4 $) Ardhanarlsvara' r ■. • J . ’
;>V Kantcsvara Temple,Kantavara
■ ; . *' Karkala ■ Taluk, : South' Kanara
(C. 1 Ith— 12th e. A. D.) - '

S&3

u mmm

',A'

spiffs?!

n KAMI H Hi SI

:

mm&h r-i

m

Pm

li

I '•£. •

tm

! Urn arhahfiivara ■„•■''-• t : . 1 ■ * ■’ •

SCricivara Temple,. Bainduru,
Ooondapura Taluk, South Kanara ,
(G.'lSth C. . A. D.) '

(b) Mahadeva (Bronze) • %

Somanathcsvara Temple, V. ■ : ••'•,
.'• Mudukeri, Barakuru, South Kanara
(C. 12th C. A. D.) . . ,• • C . : ’>

Plate 88

Sada&va (Bronzes)
Mnhalingesvara Temple, Suralil,
Udipl Taluk, South Ranara

(a i3tii a a. d.)

(d) Sha-Sakti (Bronze) r , .

• ' Siva Temple, Taiitra, Puttur Tat ilk,
. South Kanara (G. 1 3th C. A- D-) .

(c) Sadaiiva (Bronze) ' .

£iva Temple, Madhtiru,

Kasargod Taluk, Kerala (a 13th C, A. B.)

Plate 89

(a) , .. .

SadaJiva (Bronzes)
KantKvara Temple, Kantavara,
Karkala Taluk, South Kanara (C. 13th - 14th C.

A. D.)

(d) Scneivara

Seneivara Temple, Bainduru,
South Kanara
fC. 14th C. A. D.)

(e) Sadasiva (Bronze)

Mahaiingc^vara Temple,
Kalaituru, Udipi Taluk,

South Kanara (C. 15th C. A. D.)

• ’ ' '' Front View

(a) . Sadasiva (Bronze)

Mahalingcsvara Temple,
Banninje, Udipi
. (d I4th C.-A. DJ

(b) Sadasiva (Bronze)

» . Siva Temple, Uppinangady t
, JBchhangady Taluk, South Kanara
, (C. 14th C. A. D.) ' . ,

f&i** f&x

i

3 WF

it$i$

C a ' Umamahcsvara (Bronze)
worshipped in the house of
Sri Tippayya Harikara, Basaruru,
South Kanara (C. 14th G. A. D.)

♦ ^ i

(b) Sadahva (Bronze)
f - Mrityunjaya Temple, Munduru,
Puttur Taluk, South Kanara
(C. 14th C. A. D.)

im

^vwSfc.-''

%

: , fs «.

M. i

:-’i ;

' rs

•i* .

‘*r-

m ;m

V

^ c ) Umamahcsvara^ (Bronze)

Subrahmanya Temple, Subiamanya
South Kanara (C. 14th C. A.T>.)

■&,<C

•ava

(c) Mafiadeva (Wooden) , (d) Sadasiva (Bronze) iMahaUngHvm Temple,

,M. G. M: College Museum, Parka ja, Udipi Taluk, South Kanara

Udipi (C.l4th— 15th C. A; D.) . (C I4th— 15th C. A. D.)

y ' *' * A

c«n

|§& 111 ®I

iifpillMl

jf&i&mb&ii •;*

fs) Umamahesvara (fironze) •'. '•-
' ■ Sarabhe^yara Temple,. Saravu,
Mangalore (G. 1.4th C. A. D.)

;(b}'TGmamahe^%ra/(Br6rize). : ;;';V;:' £*/f.

; Mayagundi Matha, Putturu, Udipi,
. ■ - South; Kariara (C. 14th Cl.AVp.).: ^

' 'l **: *V ."A* :

\

(?) Sadasiva (Bronze) Arehole Temple, ;

?'. S -’, '

?outli Kanar .1 (G/15th G.;A.^D.)

■Si

AA-iwr-

IH 1 '."' J’.: » vt: ijiv-j
■ -••-• -.v, t - a ' 1

- £v-£[. :???*(&' X*

I#

) X-.pi - : HiriadJcair TJdijn'Tal ul^ -V *$t
• : , South : Kahara (C. -1 5th G. A. : D.) ..

Plate 94

(a.) Sadasiva (Bronze) , Siva Temple, \
Chokkadi, Udipi Taluk,. South Kanara
(C. 1 5th C. A. D.)..

(c) Alingana.Murti '

(£>iva- — Sakti) (Bronze) .
Urnamahc^vara Temple,

' Padupanamburu - ■* *• _ - , » •

Mangalore. Taluk, South Kanara
(C. 16th C. A. D.) ' 1 V

b) Maheivara ’ . ‘ ‘ '

Devi T emple, .KaSIpattana,

" Belthangady Taluk, South Kanara.
(C. 16th €. A. D.) .

Plate 96

Sadasiva, Siva Temple
Ganganadu,
Coondapura Taluk,
South Kanara
(C 18th CAD)

( c ) Saduhva (Bronze)

Panchahngcivara Temple,
Chlrmaqh, Belthangad> Taluk,
South .Kanara (C 18th C A. D )

(b) Sadahva '(Bronze)

Siva Temple, Kutyaru,
Belthangady South Kanara
(C 18th CAD)

Hfin

( c ) ViiSvanatlia - v } -,l ‘"'.V.

yisyanatha Tcxnple, Yelluioi

Udipi Taluk, South Kanara

(d) Sadasiva' \

• -* Sadasi va— Parichali hge^vara
Parijai South .Kanara *-

Plate 98

Sw

(a) Risyasringcsvara,

Rilyasririgesvara Temple,
Rigga, Sririgeri

(b)Kantcsvara

Kautesvara Temple, Kanteivara,
Karkala Taluk, South Kanara

yiv *7 , * '*■& \ > if j''* 3 >‘1, , * .

(c) Mahadeva, Mahadeva Temple,
Chokkadi, Udipi Taluk,. - ■
,* ySouth. Kanara ■- '• -y.~- '

(<3) Mrityunjaya, ' Mr! tyunjaya Tempi
i ’'-l Munduru, Puttur'Taluk,';: "L.;; A ; 7:
' . South Kanara . • .. ;

Plate 100

(a) DommeSvara

Panchalingesvara Temple,
Vittala

South Kanara ; '

(b) Mahalingesvara

Mahalingesvara Temple, Kalatturu,
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara

(c) Mahalingesvara

Mahalingesvara Temple,
, Udipi South Kanara

Banriinje,

ittH

,/v -V i*,-/, . " ’V* x * ** -£•£■ > .

'£> <'•'*!,. h ■.'* V? y>* . '•i ,',-^'(\j. v",- , yV,% . \'v* Wv ' ' ,/-'- f .t-V'\ V'-.* ; '<’< ‘*'^ : f**5^V»V’*.

:". -^ '•>'»■' ! - ; - "' V •^’* ;.-<^. „ .' ? **. j, >' ,»:-.*/\j *,■'*•, y s yt -.' -y o£ jX'^^j;s.'^'V>^

^ *»»* -t '/y- .

T ‘-'■li ;* "/■£»# -•'?<'■ / V <J -^., v *jC“"' /;•■• '-.“ .^•VV'''.'*'3’ '•^•'^•^v' "i’<X\-V -AV'-y k ^-i.v'fi Ll>.i -.

(a) Chandramauli^vara

Chandramaujlsvara Temple, UDIPI

Mahadcva.V-hilahadeva Temple/ V - •;'::
Madk'a, 'Bpjmannujvf; . ; /

Kachala Taluk, South Kanara ‘J: ,/ '■ .-Kv

:>•:■ (<*) >■ ?\ - :*•■ • <-^jfuSfy4^rM.

; >. ' ■ Mahalihgadeva ; .; /..\>T; : -X

■; Mahalihgesvara Temple, Brahmavara,

- ■ ,X_Jdipi Taluk, South Kanara: . •-.-. ; -

(b)

Kirimunisvara

Kirimanjesvara Temple, Kirimanjcivar
Coondapura Taluk, South Kanara

(a) Mahalinge^vara

Mahalirigesvara Temple, Parka ja,
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara

(b) Mah£Hnge$vara

Mah^Hngeivara Temple, -s'

Idya, Mangalore Taluk, South Kanara

(c) SadaSiva .

Sadaiiva Temple, Suratkal,
Mangalore Taluk, South Kanara

(d) Tuluveivara * - _ -

Tuiuveivara Temple,
BassrurUi Coondapura Taluk,
.. South KAnara

mMMm

Plate 103

(b) Sene^vara • /•' ■ •’ &

Senesvara Tejjiple, v £aincluru, ’> - \
Coondapura Taluk, South Kanara

(a) Mahalingesvara,

Chambukallu, Udyavara,
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara

-i:

■ tiM

Mahalingesvara , V; *
Siva Temple, Ganganadu,
Coondapura Taluk, South Kanara

(d) Mahadeva, Siva: Temple, TCauduru,
Karkala TalukJ-So'uthvKanara^-. -'-.v-:'

'Jg|

P’M

- ; vr T

||^h5

' tills

rsB

j K*Sfm

%/jj ‘t: i %

• ■'■’■ • It *

(c) Srikantha, ' J *

£rikantha — Mahaganapati Temple,
Kadaba, South Kanara

(d) Mahadeva, Siva Temple,

Gariga-natfu, Coondapura Taluk
South Kanara * •

(a) Sada^iva

mzr.i 'rt

(b) KundeSvara

Amujinja, Po]ali,

~

Kundeivara Temple,

Banttval Taluk, South Kanara

Coondapura Taluk, South Kanara

\ ^ ‘ Plate , 105 "

Prasanna Somcsvara, tSambhu Kallu,
Udyavara, Udipl Taluk, South Kanara

(b) Mahadcva

Mahadeva Temple,
Manchi, Bantwal Taluk,
South Kanara

§i§M£

(c) Adi Mahabalesvara
, Mahabalesvara Temple, Gokarna.
. North Kanara

(b) Brahma, Vishnu & Mahcivara
, Brahmcivara Temple,

Sastana, ^ ■.

Udipi Taluk, South Kanara

Plate; 107

Panchalinge^
Urva, Mang

if~i t>ir«t-

£mi&f J$

',:, . (c) ParichalirigeSvara >;<'>.■ '

; Y-.U- ; Brahmalmgeilvara Temple, Sastana“ - ; ;

: 5 Udipi Taluk, 'South -Kanara V'.v\ ’• • :■ ' .

Plate 108

fa) PanchalingeSvara,

Panchalingesvara Temple,
Vittala, South Kanara

(b) Panchalingesvara

Panchalingesvara Temple, Kavu
Puttur Taluk, South Kanara

(c) Panchalingesvara,

Panchalingesvara Temple, KnsTpaJtana,
Belthangady Taluk, South Kanara

.£■%>

MM

' ttfij

|§#J

(a) Panchalihgesvara

Panchalihgesvara Temple, Kambaru,

Puttur Taluk, South Kanara

(b) Panchalihgesvara,

Panchalirigeivara Temple, Charmadi,
Belthangady Taluk, ’

South Kanara

( c) ,P ancha li ngesvara

Panchalingcsvara Temple, Pj
Puttiir Taluk, . South Kanara

SVRhbS

J 3

4-

P

|ft{

p

p

resvarada-Ganapati by one. Naga-Sivasaivacharya. This priest was
• undoubtedly a Kalamukha head 9 . ; Another inscription . of the time of ;
Pratapa-Devaraya, dated A.D. 1431, rcgisters. gifts of lands, .oil, honey :J: : .
etc. to god Mahadeva of Putturu, South Kanara by one Annappa, the ;
two hundred parivara, the four nayakavadi. for worship and offerings to. the : '

. temple and feeding Brahmins in the feeding house attached to the temple. A ■
The gifts were made on the occasion of the visit of the preceptor Kriyasakti- ;
deva to Putturu, when Annappa, son of Devaraya was governing
Mangaluru - rajya 10 . This preceptor was, indeed, the Kalamukha priest. :. fj;

Thus from about the 8th G.A.D. up to the. 15th. G: A. -I)., the influence -v;
of this purely Saivite faith and order seemed to have been exercised from : y
time to time and augmented the Saivite tendencies in Tulu-riadu.:; - ;.

MAHAlMGADEVA AND VIRA-SAIVA INFLUENCE
Epigraphical records reveal the fact of Vira-§aiva influence over
Tuluva to a considerable extent. Many of the Siva temples in Tuluva
j are known as the Mahalinga temples". Needless to say that the name
Mahalihga applies to Siva, who is also called Mahadeva. Based on our ■
knowledge at present, it may be said that Lord Siva came to be associated
- with the name Mahalinga by about A.D. 1463 n or a bit earlier^; Beforh \
this nomenclature Mahalihga came to be applied to $iva, He was known
: as Mahadeva only 13 . We may attribute this change in nomenclature to
the Vira-Saiva influence. The sthala, described in the Vira-Saiva cult, ; ,
consists of anga-sthala and lihga-sthala, the latter comprisin g 'bhavarlingay... .
which, in turn, is divided into prasada-lihga and mahalihga 14 . ..-‘-fshta-lihgaA
becomes achara-lihga, the practical and guru-lihga the preceptive; prana-
lihga becomes £iva-lihga y the auspicious and chara-lihga, the . dynamic
• , and bhava-lihga becomes prasada-lihga, the gracious and maliaAihgayff^.
great 5 ’ 15 . That the jahgamas were held in esteem is evidenced by one of
the epigraphs 16 belonging to Kdtesvara, dated A.D. 1372, which records . \

V: .that when the Mahapradhana Goparasa-Odeya was ruling the Barakuru- It •

y rajya, . . Nandinatha, Bringinatha, ; Virabhadradeva;., and : . Ganakmnara- ./\.A

iiv '• : 9 • R. No. 229 for 1949-’50. ' v "T •' G?’ VA-

• : : ,0 Ibid. No. 344 for 1930-’31. / VV '4 v N >; -.*>& :

/ 11 Ibid. No. 504 for l928-’29. . : : . -V'-

'■ 12 Thi/J TMr, fnr iQ9fi_’9Q r ■%; A 1 -''-- •; V'"'.’

13 Ibid. Nol- 531 "for 1928- 5 29; J2>#.>Np.?5O0 :for;1928-’29 \ :

. 14 Dr. T. G. Siddapparadhya - Shatsthala-Siddhania - Appendix, r'y / ./

I s The Cultural Heritage of IndiaiVol. WAVir^Saivwri y .p.mAA<: : S : A

290

Studies in Tuluva Histoiy and Culture

heggade purchased some plots of land of specified boundaries in Kotlsvara
and made a gift of it in the temple of Kdtisvara for feeding ubhaja-jangamns
during the festival called the katiya-habba. The advent of the Keladi
chiefs (Nayakas) after the downfall of the Vijayanagara empire and their
possession of Tulu-nadu may have considerably enhanced the Vira-Saiva
influence over Tuluva, for the Kajadi chiefs were devout Vrra-Saivas.
A copper-plate inscription, dated A. D. 1690, mentions the name of tlie
Tolaha chief as Mahalinga, who made grants to one Revanasiddhadeva 17 .
It is also possible that the popularity of this name Mahalinga in Tuluva
may be due to the acceptance of the Sivarahasya , most current in Tulu-
nadu, which states that the Mahalinga form of Siva is born of the Sadyojata
face of Siva 18 .

The strong and deeply rooted Saiva leanings of the people of Tulu-
nadu may be taken to be one of the reasons for the worship of hundreds
of bhutas (devils or daivas ) whose overlordship is said to be possessed by
Lord Siva, who is known as Bhutanatha.

THE WORSHIP OF rANCHALINGESVARA

A number of temples in Barakuru, Mangaluru, Panja, Eda-mangala,
Isvara-mangala, Sastana, Kasipattana, Vittala, Kavu, Kambaru and
Gharmadi (Plates 107, 108 and 109) are dedicated to Panchalingedcva,
representing the five forms of Siva, namely. Sadyojata, Vamadeva,
Aghora, Tatpurusha and Isana. The peculiarity in Tulu-nadu is that all
the five liiigas are installed on the same pedestal instead of in five separate
shrines. Amongst tire various temples belonging to this category, tlrose
of Barakuru, Urva (Mangalore), Vittala and Kasipattana [Plates 107(a),
108(a) and 108(c)] are undoubtedly more than a thousand years old.
Although ancient, the lingas of the Panja temple have been replaced after
destruction by fire.

manjunAtha and THE NATHA-PANTHA influence

A few temples in Tuluva are dedicated to god Alanjunatha 1 and tire
temple named after Him at Kadre in Mangalore has been one of tire

« A R. No 4 for 1931-’32. . .

|S Su arahasja. Chapter 49. From the Sadyojata face of Siva, Mahahngodbhava,

Dahsliina, Ekopadesvara, Sukliaslna and Anugraha-m Grtis emanated
1 A.R. No. 584 for 1929-’30; Ibid No. 469 for 1928-’29;

Ibid. No. 432 for 1928-’29; Ibid. No. 344 foi 1930-’31;

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 189 etc.

'Religion^ ^i\A ^ ; v • y,' 29 j

•y most reputed in Tuluva. . [The Marijunatha: temple at Dharmaslhala
) [Plate (398 4 )] has to be regarded as one of - the hundred and eight
■dariious £ahd. centres of India]; Here Manjnndtha d s worshipped in the
form of linga made of irregular storie. This deity in Tuluva is associated
; with Siva, But according to Hindu pantheon, god Siva; is never known
. as Mahjunatha V Therefore, we are confronted with the problem of identi-
fying this deity with Siva. This -leads us inevitably into the. history of
i- the birth and development of a; Saivite faith, known as tii&Ndtka-Pantha.

But it. is not the purpose of this account to trace the origin and development
y of and comment on the philosophy of this cult Hor is it relevant here 3 ,
y But the degree of influence , exercised by this faith over the religious ten-
dencies of Tuluva has to be measured in its right perspective since it was
, so well marked. h'-.- - -- .

The cult of Nathism is known to have developed itself out of. the
v; Vajrayfina system of the Mahdyana form of Buddhism and thus it was in
its origin a form of Tantric Buddhism, before it transformed itself into
Tantric Saivism-*. It seemed to have originated first in Bengal by about
the 9th or 10th century' A. D. and: before long spread to the different
parts of India with remarkable rapidity. This was because of the fact
that the leaders of this cult were great, travellers and their peregrinations
, marked the course of long distances. There is no unanimity of opinion
among scholars regarding the spiritual leaders of this faith nor of their
dates. But about Adinatha, Matsyendrahathaj : Goraklmatha . and
y Ghaturariginatha (Stiriginatha) as the first names in the pontificate of
the Jsdtha-Pantha, there is no doubt. Matsyendranatha and Gorakha- .
" natha were the most celebrated of these spiritual leaders and they seemed
y to have been responsible for the spread, and wide popularity of this cult
V; in India. ■ The date of Matsyendranatha arid y Gorakhnatlia has ’beeii .

; : a. highly controversial subject but we may with .good reasons assign the

2 The /l/HaraTAwaribes iiot call Siva Manjunatha., .y.;- >-.y . d ; Vyvyy ;
A A brief history of the Naiha-P.antha is .given -in ‘ ihework the V Cultural;., Heritage ,yafy
; ; India, Y ol. IV, pp. 280-290. The account given -by Sri M. txanapati,K.ab Aigil.'-
in his Itihasa (pp. • 72-84) is also fairly reliable from the stand-point, of chronology,

... although much credence itced'.riof.be given to the legends, y W y df V.Vy 'dri
■ ©rV Mohan Singh’s Work, Gorakhnatha-md-Medieval Hindu. Mystiidxrn:( ^^1937) is .'indeed

F! rpleKi'nfPrl wnvlr In tliiit; fiplr? T.Uff'wIqp Ciftrnl'hnnnth n rtnrJ f /><’ T,” r... ~

Vol. j; VniyNo. ; I' (1946). . . ....

TheCulluraiHerilageoflndia, Yo\:lY -TantrikaCultureamongihe Buddhisls,p'259.

292

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

first half of the 10th century A. D. as the period of their vigorous activities 5 .
Much of this controversy centering round their chronology may be tackled
with reference to the history of theManjunatha temple, Kadre, Mangalore
and the examination of the sculptures therein with a particular study
of the inscription found on the pedestal of the Lbkesvara image (Plates 300
and 301) which is dated A.D.968, perhaps, the earliest dated epigraph
of Tulu-nadu 6 . (This bronze of Lokesvara may be accepted as the
earliest dated bronze of South India). Suffice it to say here that the
image of Lokesvara was installed by the Alupa king, Kundavarma, in
the year A.D.968 in the vihara of Kadarika (Kadre). And that this
image of Lokesvara is neither Buddhistic nor Jaina as contended by scholars
but Saivite, to be identified with Siva or Matsyendranatha himself in
accordance with the philosophy of Nathism. It is self-evident that Nathism
must have spread and well received in Kadre, South Kanara by the
middle of the 10 th century A.D. so as to be successfully' able to exercise such
influence on Kundavarma, the Alupa ruler, as to cause for the installation
of the image of Lokesvara. This is further proved by the existence of
the stone image of Matsyendranatha now kept in the Government
Museum, Mangalore, which is undoubtedly an early sculpture. [Plate 302(A)].

The reference to /farfa/yw-Manjunatha in one of the inscriptions
of Kadre, dated A.D. 1386, confirms the influence of the Natha-Pantha
over the temple of Manjunatha, for the term kadali does not necessarily
indicate plantain and hence kadali-vana, as the traditional account has
it for us but is supposed to be a memory of the country of Kadali women,
which was taken to be ruled over by Minanatha (Matsyendranatha),
the guru of Gorakhnatha 8 . Thus, we can in all certainty and reasonable-
ness infer that this cult of mysticism started getting disseminated in the
district of South Kanara about the 10th century A.D., having Kadre

5 The Culture Heritage of India, Vol. IV - The date of the Siddhas, p. 276.

B A. Saletore -The Kanphaja Jogis in Southern History - article published in the
Poona Orientalist, Vol. I, p. 16

M. Govinda Pai — Hate of Gdrakhnatha-Hcw Indian Antiauary, Vol. VIII, No. J>

January 1946 )

6 Details of this inscription are discussed under Political History of the Alupas.

7 P. R. Snnivasan - Bronzes of South India, p. 166.

B A. Saletore - History of Tuluva, p. 382 _ ,

P. R. Snnivasan — Antiquities of Tuht-nadu — ai tide published in the Transactions oj
the Archaeological Society of South India (1955), p. 84

A.R. Part I, Sept. 1921, p. 8. „ , „ „

8 S.I I. Vol. VII, No 189; The Cultural Heritage of India, VoL IV - The Hatha Cult,

p. 283.

Religion

293

as the biggest centre of the cult in the whole of South India. On the
slab set up near the Matha of the Jogis is an inscription which records a
charity gift made to Mahgalanatha, the then head of that monastery
for certain purposes, one of which was to provide for the offering of food
and light for the image of Gorakhnatha. It is dated A.D. 1475 and
Maugalanatha-Odeya, the disciple of Chandranatha-Odeya is spoken of
as Kadariya-a lu-arasuga lu*.

An inscription of the beginning of the 1 1th century A.D. 10 belonging
to Chandrapuri (Chandavara of the Honnavara taluk, North Kanara)
is very important from the stand-point of the dissemination of Nathism
in Tulu-nadu. It gives the following account of the Natha-Pantha : “At
the foot of the sacred big tree ( £ri-vrksha ) in Chandrapuri, situated by
the Western Ocean, was stationed Adinatha, by only thinking solely on
whose lotus feet are destroyed the results of the (evil) deeds committed
in former births (Sri-Paschimdbdhi-sthita-Chandrapuryam-m vrksha muledhi “
krtadindthali ). His disciple, waited on by kings, among the circle of great
ones, the greatest was Chayadhinatha, whose head the keenest rays (< chdya )
of the sun ( dinandiha ) do not effect. An intoxicated bee at his lotus feet
was Dvipanatha, the world renowned. His disciple, invincible by other
disputants, was Manninatha, in the form of Rudra. The disciple of the
last named Vamanayya”. This epigraph clearly testifies to the fact
that the Natha-Pantha was strongly rooted in Chandavara in the 11th
century A.D. And that Adinatha, the first of the Natha-Panthis was
known to Tuluva at least by about the 9th-10th centuries A , D . There-
fore, it is no wonder that at Kadre, Mangalore, this cult should prevail
in the 10th C.A.D.

Another temple of Lokeivara is mentioned in an inscription of Mundu-
kuru of the Karkala taluk, South Kanara, dated A.D. 1293. It refers
to a gift daily of which details are lost probably made over to the slhanapati
of the said temple (Lokesvara) 11 . This appears to be another stage in the
spread of the Ndtha-Pantha influence.

As early as the 12th century A.D. both Barakuru and Basaruru, ,
the two important towns of Tuluva, appeared to have been _under the
influence of the Ndtha-Pantha. The epigraph found in the Pahchalihgesvafa

9 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 194.

10 Ep.Car. IX, Nelamangala, No. 1.

- » A.R. No. 530 of 1929-’30. ‘

294 Studies in Tuluva Histoiy and Culture

temple at Barakuru, dated A. D. 1140, states that the Tolaha of Suiala
was the recipient of a gift for the maintenance of a nivedya-sale built by
one Sivananda-yogi in the presence of Markandesvara. Obviously thi s
Sivananda-yogi belonged to the Natha-Panlha} 2 . The inscription of Kotes-
vara, dated A.D . 1372, records that during the governorship of Goparasa-
Odeya of Barakuru-rajya, Nandinatha, Bringinatha, Virabhadradeva,
the mahant of Barakuru tayisthala and Ganakumara-heggade made a gift
of charity to the temple of Kotesvara for feeding ubhaya jangamas n . The
donors were Natha-Panthis, as known from their names. An interesting
incident seemed to have taken place in A.D. 1490 in Barakuru. An
inscription states that when Subuddhinatha-Odeya, disciple of Anupama-
natha-Odeya was being taken to Kadre, perhaps, for the palta (chiefship)
or pontificate of that place ( arasutanada pallakke), he was deterred from
going by the five chiefs of Chauliya-keri and a gift of land was made to the
malha of Anupamanatha-Odeya for the worship of GorakhnathaA An
epigraph of Basaruru, South Kanara, speaks of certain Mauna-yogi, who
is stated to have granted some land to god Nakharesvara of Basurepura 15 -
[Even now tire ruins of the malha (monastery) which is known as Sadananda-
yogi-matlia are seen in Basaruru]. The Doddakattc-kere inscription
of Basaruru, South Kanara, dated A.D. 1531, records a gift of charity
for the conduct of worship for Ambalada-jogi 16 . At Vittala, Bantwal
taluk, South Kanara, is a Jogi dynasty, the representative of which is
still called Jogi-arasu. At Ambaru, Mahgalapadi, Kasaragod taluk,
there is still seen the ruined monument of god Manjunatha. The cult of
Nathism in Tuluva is further manifested in the temple dedicated to
Hihguladevi 17 in the town of Barakuru. Hinguladevi is the goddess
of Hing-raj. “Hing-raj, the last holy place of the Hindus towards the
West, situated on the Makran Coast, about 80 miles from the moudr
of the Indus and some twelve miles from the sea is visited by Gorakhnathis.
They consider that a pilgrimage to this place, is necessary for all rsho
■wish to perfect themselves and to become adepts in yoga 7 ’. Hing-raj
is one of the 51 pilhas or places celebrated as spots where the disseveied

12 S I I. Vol. VII, No. 381.

13 S.I.I. Vol. IX, Pari II, No. 415.

14 A R, No 269 of 1931-’32.

13 S.l 1, Vol. IX, Part II, No. 393.

16 Ibid. No 570.

” A.n. No. 179 of 1901, A D. 1425.

; ■ . Religion . V • 295 :

■ylimbs yofi sail were scattered. The shrine is dedicated to 'the . terrific»Agni-
^devivof'.Hing-rajV known, also as Hihg-raj-devi, Hingudadevi andthe.red
.'■• ■goddess 18 . Hingudadevi is none other than .Hinguladevi to whom a .

• shrine was erected at Barakuru and we may rightly presume that this
was attributable to the influence of the Natha-Panthis. Unfortunately,
there isn’t the least trace of this temple at Barakuru except that its mention;
is made in the epigraph noted above and that there is a beautiful Naga.

, stone in the area. - • ; . t l ■ .

The reasons for the wide popularity of the Natha-Pantha in Tuluva
■ are not far to seek. The entire basis of the religion of Tulu-nadu, as noted .
above, is Saivite and also Sakta. It goes without saying that the Natha-
Pantha, predominantly Saivite in fundamentals and practice, should
commend itself to most classes of people in Tuluva,. There is yet another
reason. Not only; the Gorakhnathis recognised and worshipped the
. greater and lesser gods of the Hindu pantheon, but also they followed’
the popular forms of Hindu belief, having concern for saints and spirit
powers, especially those that are evil; practising magic, exorcism*' witch-

* craft, and some primitive medicine, giving attention to lucky and unlucky

days and following the superstitions of the place and populace. Some
Yogis would not eat fish even 19 . . Abstinence from taking fish and the
practice of yoga should have been the reason for its popularity .amongst
the Jainas of Tuluva as well. The Adduru inscription of Mangalore,
dated 1434 A.D., records the gift of land to one Jugadikundala Jogi-
Purusha by Jogi-Odeya alias Chauta 20 . : • ; ;

- . The following account is given by Briggs about the Jogis of Tuluva.
“The Jogi-Purusha is a recently formed caste that speaks Marati and Tulu.

V Their head monastery is at Kadri, but they have, several other establish-
ments. The individuals of the caste are disciples of various jnathas and
f Worship Bhairava and GSrakhnatha.. There are both eelebates; and ;

house-holders amongst them. The former wear rings of rhinoceros
-■ horn, or of clay. The^ house-holders do not split the ears but put pieces
of clay over the cartilage, where it is internally split in initiation. : They
use. tile sacred thread to which is attached the whistle of brass or of copper •. j
or of silver. ' The whistle is used when the worshipper offers prayer to
Bhairava, t Brahmins are employed for their marriages. The dead are ;y.y'

■/ ’George; ;W,'; Briggs - GSrakhnatha and Ihe.Nahphiia \ (1938), P- : 406; ■ :V 'fV-hV, y .yhfyfi- ?

Ibid. p. 58. ' : : - t'u y :

: 20 A.R.. No.. 476 of. 1 928-’29,

296

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

buried in a sitting posture and a funera] feast is held on the 12th day, a
Brahmin priest officiating. Food is offered to crows and gifts are made
to Brahmins. The purificatory' rites of the deceased include worship
at the grave each day from the third to the 12th days” 21 . A section of
these Jogis is also known as Jorada or Jaradani 11 .

It is not yet clearly known, how Siva of Kadre is called Manjunatha.
Perhaps, the Alevuru inscription of the Alupa queen, Ballamahadevi
(A. D. 1277 -A. D. 1292), refers for the first time, so far as we know
at present, the name Manchinatha, in which she calls herself the worshipper
of the sacred feet of Sri Machinatha 23 . Two other forms of this name
also occur in epigraphs - Manjinatlia-deva and Manjesvara-deva u . The
name Manjunatha in its origin was applied to the Buddhist Bodhisatva
Manjusri or ManjughoshaP . The Natha-Pantha, having developed itself
out of Vajrayana betrays no less affinity with Buddhism than with the
Brahminical tanira. In the process of transformation, it not only appro-
priated the Buddhist terminology (and vihara is evidently one of those
terms) but also assimilated rites and tenets from both the sources and
its early gurus were assimilated to the deities or teachers of Vajrayana u .
This, perhaps, could be the plausible explanation for the association of
the name Manjuntaha to god Siva, which association is considered to be
a unique feature in South Kanara 27 . (It may be possible that the Prakrit
term manju, meaning beautiful, loving, pleasing and pleasant, may have
been employed in relation to Siva and hence Manjunatha 28 .) It could
also be reasoned out that the name, Matsyendranatha took the form
Macchi(e)ndranatha which, later, got altered into Manjinatha and then

21 Ibid. p. 58.

22 S.I.I. Vol. VII, Nos. 345 and 375.

23 A.R. No. 584 for 1929-30.

24 S.I.I. Vol. VII, Nos. 179 and 190. As a matter of fact the form Manjinatha is
rarely found in the South Kanara epigraphs.

25 Kern : Manual of Indian Buddhism, pp. 122 and 124.

M. Govinda Pai— Tulu-nadu (Purvasmnh) — article published in Tehha-nadu (1947).

25 M. Govinda Pat - Date of Gorakhanalha — article published in the few Indian Antiquary,
Vol. VIII, No. 1.

27 It may’ not be entirely true that the name Manjesvara or Manjunatha is employed
in Tulu-nadu only as we are made to believe by M. Govinda Pai ( Tenha-nadu , p. 37)
for an inscription from Manjarabad Bekbana-ha]li dated A. D. 1413, speaks of the
grant made to Mafijinatha (M A.R. (1939) No. 39). Another epigraph from
Kurugodu, Bcllary, mentions ManjKvara (A.R. No. 56 for 1904: S.I.I. Vol. IX
Part I, No. 197).

28 Sabdha-Mahamava (1925), p. 821.

' V. into Manjunatha^.' The temple which may .originally ' have beeii known . ;
7 as the Matsyendranatha temple . after the name of the renowned spiritual
leader, Matsyendranatha (whose image is the - celebrated Bronze of
v Lokesvara which must have originally been in \l\o- . garbha-gnha)y after,
v sometime, perhaps, took the form Manjindlha temple, the name Manjinfitha .

: ; getting associated witli the lapse of time .permanently with Lokesvara, ,
whose , image was installed in A.D. 968 as already discussed 30 . ; Thus
the influence of the .Natha-P ant-ha must have Teen responsible for the
popularity of the names Manjunatha and- Manjtsvara, the. latter also signi- :
fying place-name, as is evidenced by the place, Manjesvara, in the
• Ivasaragod taluk (now in Kerala), . Whatever be the basis for the assoeia-
.J • tion of the name Manjunatha the §iva linga dn the ; famous temple of. ’
Dharmasthaja belonging, to the district of .South ; Kanara, it may be-
surmised that this name too . may be ascribed to the influence of the Jsfatha- y
Panther"'. Discovery of further sources may throw sufficient^ light on this. .

; important question, which lias not hitherto received due attention from

the scholars.

. Lokesvara (Plates 300 and 301)

This bronze, locally called Brahma by the priests of the temple of
Manjunatha, Kadre, Mangalore, is 150 cm. high from top to bottom and
may be regarded as the best of its kind in the country. The elegance;,
grace, resilience, poise and. tranquillity reflected in the image are a source
of inspiration and render to it a celebrated place in the bronzes of the
world. ; '■ v " . .• - f-'

Lokesvara , is a very imposing figure .with three faces and six arms.
The attributes are lost excepting the two which are: now kept in the hands
of the two attendants flanking Lokesvara .. What the other attributes W
y ■ Were it is difficult to' imagine now. jMani is held in one of the hands. : y.

v'v : ; 'J 29 M.Gvvinda Pai - Date of Gbrakhndlha - -f arficie pufllisiiecUh^ tlie jfewlLtldian Antiquary jzC-- : v,
y; w-y v 0 i. vni, No. i.; v . v. ,w. ydyy,, r ::N; wf yny w K ;
ffv ' ' 30 . If a surmise is possible, We may infer that the Lokesvara image Was installed inside - .
/} the ^rbhagnhaststlfwhere at present there is the Siva-lu'iga Sri; the; form ofan irregular : ■

i' ..... j; ' stone (Plate - 98 (a); and later removed and; kept out in the south cell adjoining the 1 . 7 ;
'stiltjiamsn^'Dre BVA* Saletore seenis

■7 ." , y -v Kanphata Jogis in . Southern History - article pubHshed:;in the Poo;/« 0)'i«?tehjy7Volv. : Iyy::;;

' 31 : M; Govinda Pai discusses fully in one pf his; articles how the Kadre and Dharma- . f. ;;
si; ywy77-sthala; .$ya-/n^(77' acquired. thc,:name yManjunatKd)J(pA^^

■<>:•'•. y- ; y But ir is difficult to share.his views. 7 Py ',5

298

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

The image is shown in the paryankasana pose on padma-pitha. Over his
chest flows the uttariya of deer-skin with the symbol of the gazelle head
displayed very prominently.

The tliree faces are adjoined to one another, the central one being
prominent. This longish face is three-eyed with lustrous, enamelled eye-
balls. Th cjata-mukula accommodates in front the figure of D/ywm-Buddha.
The whole figure has a flame-like prabhdvaR in the form of a palanquin.
At the centre of the prabhavali also is depicted the relief of DAyani-Buddha.

On the pedestal is an epigraph in the grantha characters horizontally
carved which informs us that tire image of Lokesvara was installed in
A.D. 968 by Kundavarmarasa, the Alupa king. This is the earliest
dated bronze of South Kanara and perhaps of Karnataka. Lokesvara
represents Matsyendranatha who is none other than the, spiritual son
of Siva Himself according to the Nalha-Pantha which seemed to have
rooted at Kadre by die 10th centiry A.D. The relief of Siva lihgas
on the prabhavali on either side of the image is a significant feature of
this sculpture.

Manjughosha (. MaiijuM ) [Plate 302(a)]

This bronze from the Kadre Manjunatha temple, Mangalore is
another celebrated example of circa lOth-llth G. metal casting. Local
tradition calls this Narayana but it is evident that the image is of Manju-
ghosha. It is 3 J' in height and is, in every respect, comparable to Vijaya-
narayana of Betamangala in -workmanship (M. A. R. 1911 Plate IV-1).
Seated in the paryankasana pose, drapery is shown wound round the w r aist
covering the thighs. It is a four-armed bronze the upper two hands
suggestive of the dismay a pose (It looks as though the attributes are lost).
The left lower has the vyakhyana mudra and the right lower has a gun] a on
the palm. The jala-mukuta which is considerably tall has in front the
relief of D/yam-Buddha. The nature of the arm ornament, kati-siitra,
kundalas, brace-lets, yajndpavita and facial expression - all suggest that this
bronze could stylistically be ascribed to circa lOth-llth C.A.D.

Lokesvara (Bronze used as the bali-devala of the Manjunatha temple)-
[Plate 337(6)] This bronze is about 25 cm. in height and is in sarna-
bhanga. The upper two hands hold akshamdla and padma? and the lower
two are in the abhaya pose. The lower garment is very well folded and
displayed on the sides of the waist, while the main part of the drapery

the top and i)/^.^?- Buddha is seated in front/ f This icon is enough proof
that the m ulasihand deity : is non-Brahminical and the inscribed Lokesvara.

was? the pradhaM-devaia of this . temple. ; This bronze may be placed
between the TOtfr and the 1 1th C.A.D. • "A ■ ;.f A :

■Mfi$en#rattuika ■ ; ; ; ■■

There are; two' stone sculptures, of this Nathci-Pantha ydgi.r One is
slightly mutilated and is now kept in the Govt. Museum, Mangalore
[Plate 302(£)]J . -It is 3^' high and the resilience of sculpture delineation
is simply captivating. ; -This is partly a relief figure and true to the name,
the yogi is seated on the fish (matsya). The left hand holds danda and the
right is ih the^h3!^,:p6seif ^ Thelpther one is being worshipped in the
Manjunatha temple, Kadre in the southern niche (Plate 303). It is
also 3' high and is m padmasana. The sculptural features do not help us
to identify this figure as Matsyendranatha. This image may be of the

f G. A.D. :

Sringinatha (Plate 303) .... , ... . • .j

V .;. Another sculpture belonging to die Naiha-Fantiiti is .that of $ringinatha.
This is installed in the northern niche of the temple;.. The upper. hands
hold akshamala and sankha and the lower are held in the. abhaya and, varada
pose.- The interesting feature ..of this image is the three hooded-serpent
sheltering the head of Srihginatha.. . . v; AA/H '

Gorakhandtha- [Plate 304 (a) j , ' v.,-, A;;A. ; 1 - A

AAf This is a life size sculpture m. sKanda-bhahga and is kept to the’ west
of the sanctumsanctomm of the temple, in the circum-ambularory passage.
The features: are suggestive of its medieval, character.. /Boar is the vdia'na ;
shown ih relief on the pedestal. fey y A.‘.b fy A-Av.T

§AK.T I y W O RS HIP

■’^A'A A/A. ' •( Worship of Derfi) ; f AAAAA .f >/A;/y >A\A’;f ' A;

300

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

emphasis laid on the monographic features of Mahishasuratnardini 1 .
The worship of Devi or Durga was in practice, at any rate, during the
Kushana period and we have concrete evidence of Durga representation
on sculpture starting from that period 2 .

“Among the numerous sculptures that stand as monuments to the
cultural greatness of the Pallava and Pandya rule, from the 7th to the
9th century, are the panels, representing Mahishamardini, carved in the
monolithic and cave temples of South India. The Goddess is generally
represented with a benign countenance, eight-armed, astride Her lion,
and aiming a spear at the bottom. In the Siva temples of the early
Chola period, a separate sub-shrine was assigned to Durga and in the
later epochs, a shrine or niche to the north of the sanctum , where she is
generally represented with four arms and standing on the head of Mahisha’T

The common-folk propitiate Durga under different local names,
too numerous to mention, and enshrine Her as the guardian deity of
villages. The initiated pray to Her for liberation. She receives adoration
in one or other of her nine forms ( Navadurga ) or Bhadrakalt, the auspicious
Mother, who passes beyond the range of time causation. She is being
worshipped in the form of a mystic diagram in pancha-varna and the worship
includes all the Tantric rituals beginning with self-purification 4 and ending
with oblations 3 .

We have almost definite proof of temples dedicated to Devi in the
distiict of South Kanara in about the 7th - 8th centuries A.D. The
recently discovered Bclmannu copper-plate belonging to the 8th C.A.D.
makes mention of Vindhyavasini, who is none other than Mahishamardini
of the Durga temple of the place (Plate VIII). Both the mulasthdna
image and one of the three bronzes give unmistakable proof of their being
ascribed to the Chalukyan period (Plate 113). Likewise, one of the
inscriptions from Polali gives us the invocation to the Sapta-matrikas and
it is beyond doubt now that the deity invoked is Rajarajcsvari of Polali,
who is the ICaumarl form of Durga (Plate 138). The Mahishamardini
icon from the same temple and tire recently discovered epigraph on the

1 Dr. M. Seshadri - Mahishasuramardini - published in the Half-Yearly Journal of the

Mysore University — Section A-Aits, pp. 1-28 (March, 1963).

2 The account of Sahti Worship given by Dr. S Srikanta Sastn in his Bharatiya homskriti

is enlightening (pp 148-152).

1 The Cultural Herttat;e of India, Vol, IV, pp. 252-253.

4 BhaiaSuddhi and Atmasuddlu.

5 J3ah and lilma.

301

lintel of the temple prove the surmise of the existence of the temple in tlih
place by about the 8th CbA.D . [Plate 11 8(c) "and Plate XI(h)]. . The
antiquity of Durga worship is substantiated by the presence of an inscription
assignable to the 10th century A. D. belonging to Padu-Ale\hiru of the
Udipi taluk of the same district. It records a grant by one Abbe of
Kokkarani to the goddess of Padu-Alevuru. on the day when mKumbha
was Bfihaspati in, the month of D hanu of the year Virddhikriiu c . y Perhaps,
this epigraph may be taken to be the earliest, hitherto, discovered making
reference to the name Devi 1 . Kolluru (Kuvalayapura) in the Coondapur
taluk of South Kanara is stated to have been visited by $ri Sahkaracharya
who condemned the Sakta secretarian system and the Sarasvata sect.
The fact that Kolluru in the 10th C.A.D. may have been a centre of
Sakti worship, could also be proved hi the light of an inscription, ascribable
to that century and discovered in Kolluru 8 . It appears to mention a
gift, probably of land and we may surmise that it was a gift made to the
goddess. It is doubtful whether the . metallic image of Mukambika (now.
found on the pedestal, of the sanctumsanctorum) was consecrated by the
great Acharya himself as tradition informs us, Tor iconographically the
image of Mukambika belongs to the Vijayanagara period and not to an
earlier date 9 (Plate 112). Yet, it is unquestionable that Kolluru must
have been visited by Sri Sarikar acharya, owing to which, it has, ever since
then, been a place of pilgrimage for the people of Malabar, to which
district the great Acharya belonged. In all probability, the name of
Mukambika first occurs in an epigraph, dated A. D. 1482, and it is difficult
to say when this name came to be associated with the goddess of Kolluru ,0 .
$ri[ Vadiraja-svami (A.D; 1480 - A. D. 1600) of. Sode Malha> >• Udupi,
invokes this divinity. as. follows : 11 A: ;.V. . • ; y • : ^ By:

y.jy H . " • Mukambika kripalokadakarnkshita phalaprada . ■ y ’’ yr'.-tBy; A

% w. /'Mukqha-krittirie-fairunekdntika janapYiyd P i'y MB:- ■ v

>y. p's ■' Kvachitprithivyam paritascharanti y "y. •■■■ ■': y •• :: d-;- • y ,• >• i yMy

'/. rtyA.lt: No. 585 for 1929-’30. by • ' •• . ;A'.b A; - y '

, y • 7 The first dated epigraph mentioning Devi belongs , to Payive (Haive) which later
.yk-iy hecamopart of Tuluva. This record is dated A.D.97I inwhich it is said, it; had af
Vj . vf temple dedicated to the goddess, :Gundadabbe (Ep .Car. V ol. Vllly Sorah- N6V479) .

8 ABi:<No. 319 for 1 95 3-’54. "ybd Ydy'’: A. -by) Ayd;

-S Tn the Smiupnir rniKlishprl hv' thftt IVfvsdre' •.T'.awviers’ '• Gfm'f^rrrirp'. f-li/T ti>nrrh>lnr/*

302

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

nabhashyalanchapi muhurvrajanii
Vipahshavidhvamsavidhan-sphuranti
KatyayM kantukavatvibhdli.

(Mukambika is the deity, who bestows upon Her devotees the fruits
of their desire; She is one who will silence those (devotees) that do not
vanquish her enemies and she is gracious toward those who are devout
solely to Her. In the course of vanquishing (the asuras ), she moves from
earth to heaven to earth, dazzles (the path of Her movement) and shines
resplendant like Kantuka). The survey of the Durga temples in the
Tulu country, especially temples dedicated to Mahisha-Mahishasura-
mardini form of Durga has disclosed to us the hitherto hidden truth
of their great antiquity, many of them being ascribable to the Western
Chaluhyan period (Plates 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122,
123, 124, 125 etc.)

Based on an examination of the sculpture of Devi installed in the
temple of Mangaladevi, Mangalore, and also the representation of Ganesa
in the sub-shrine of the same temple, we have sufficient grounds to believe
that the temple must have existed in the 7th or even 8th century A.D. 12
The name Mangalapura occurs in the 7th century A.D. for the first
time in a Tamil epigraph, as already mentioned and tradition associates
the name of Mangalapura -with Mahgajadevi. Although we do require
more substantial proof to vindicate that the image could belong to the
7th G.A.D., there may not be any doubt that it happens to be one of
the earliest pieces of sculpture in Tu]uva [Plate 137(a)].

There may not be any divided opinion in regard to the acceptance of
the cult of Sapta - mdlrikas as one of the most ancient in India. The seven
Dcvis were believed to be the faminine counterparts of the seven great
Braluninical gods (Brahma, Mahelvara, Kumara, Vishnu, Varaha,
Indra and Chamunda) and their origin is explained in mythology as
follows : 13 Andhasura, the chief of the asuras, was capable of creating

11 Txrlhaprabhanda-Paschimaprabhar.da Verses 5G & 58.

12 This temple of Mangaladevi is completely renovated now and only the images

of Devi and GaneSa and also the iirthadiara indicate ancientness. The image or
Devi seems a bas-relief about 3 "3 ' in height seated in the padmasana pose and having
only two hands GaneSa too bears early features with a thick set, half bowl-like
kirifa and virtually squatting on the as ana. .

There is vague reference to the Sapta-matrikas in the Rig-veda. But it js
doubtful whether the later concept of the Mothers was represented in it. A
complete description of the Saptamatrikas is given in the Saradd-txlaka.

13 Alice Getty - Ganisa, A Monograph on the Elephant-Faced God, Chapter II, p. II.

303

Religion

one asura out of every drop of blood falling to the earth from the slain
asuras and Siva, fearing that he would be overcome by them, created out
of the flame, that issued from his mouth in battle, a Saktu Yogesvari
by name. The other seven gods did likewise and the seven $aktis } thus
brought into existence, headed by Yogesvari, caught each drop of blood
as it fell to the earth and thus was the chief of the asuras vanquished.
The goddesses were given the names corresponding to the epithets of the
Seven Great Brahminical Gods, of whom they were supposed to be the
counterparts. They carried their cymbals and the vahanas and were
also looked upon as inheriting the qualities of their original powers.
Brahml - pride; Mahesvari, - anger; Kaumari - illusion; V aishnavl ~
covetousness; Varahl-envy; Indram - fault-finding and Ghamunda-
tale-bearing. The leader of the Sapta-matrikas, Yogesvari, was taken to
represent desire.

In the Harivanisa , there are prayers offered to the Sapta-matrikas , who
are implored to give protection to little children in form of their real,
mothers 14 . It may be said that this would be the reason why tire Seven
Saktis were called the Divine Mothers. Dr. Shama Shastri rightly opines
that in ancient India the Mother of the world was called Mdlr and the
symbol which stood for her was called Matrika 15 .

We have the existence of a temple dedicated to a group of the Sapta-
vidfrikas at Udayavara, with colossal stucco images of Brahml, Mahesvari
and Vaishnavl and Chamunda. In spite of the modern appearance
of the structure of the temple, 1 ’ we may have to admit that the cult of the
worship of the Sapta-matrikas in Udayavara must at least have come
into practice from about the 10th century A.D. as evidenced by the
features of the images and also by the fact that the Sapta-matrika worship
as principal divinities had practically disappeared from about the 12th

14 Harivarhsa. The Chalukyas of Badami described themselves as Hariti-putrdnam

Saptamatribhirabhivardhitam. In the Brihatsamhita of Varaharnihira - (A.D. 505 -
A.D. 587) we find the monographic rule that the Mothers are 1 to be made with
cognisances of gods corresponding 'o heir names (K.A.N. Sastri - Development
of Religion in South India , pp. 65-66.) - -

15 Irid. Ant. Sept. 1906, p. 253.

16 The epigraphical report relating to this temple is erroneous in that the images

are almost identified in it with Gayatri, Savilrt and Sarasvali and the whole group
of representations is taken to be modern. Moreover, the wooden Virabhadfa
placed in one of the cells, who received grants in- an inscription of the
15th century ( S.I.I . Vol. VII, No. 295) is reported to be *Bhairava. But
this has no basis. ‘ " * -

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Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

C.A.D. 17 That this crult could even go back to the 8th C.A.D. is
suggested earlier by citing the example of the Rajarajesvari temple, Polali.
Despite the fact that the Chalukyas were much in favour of the cult of
the Sapta-matrikas , few sculptures of the Seven Divine Mothers are to be
found in their temples and more than that, there are very few temples
erected and dedicated to them entirely as pradhana-devatas. No doubt
they figure as subsidiary divinities, their images being installed in niches
or sub-cells 18 . Such Sapta-malrikd groups are also found during the Hoysala
period 15 . And in Tulu-nadu two of the early temples - the Kotinatha
temple, Kote^vara and the Somanathesvara temple, Somesvara, Ullaja-
contain the representation of the Sapta-matrikas in separate, full sculptural
forms which, judged from the workmanship, may be assigned to the early
medieval period. The point of interest is that from fairly early times
the cult of Seven Divine Mothers must have been popular in Tuju-nadu
(especially in South Kanara). That at Barakuru too this cult was in
vogue is evidenced by the existence of a shrine popularly known as the
Mahalakshmi temple (Plate 145(6)) wherein we find the stucco images
of Brahml, Mahesvarl and Vaishnavl in life size.

Udupi (Sivalli) and its environs were a big centre of Sakti worship
from early times. The temples of Mahishamardini, Kadiyali (Plate 1 16,)
of Jayadurga or Paramesvarl, Kannarpadi [Plate 166(a))]; of Durga-
Bhagavati, Nilavara [Plate 125(c)] 10 ; of Mahishasuramardini, Bailuru
[Plate 152(c)]; of Durga, Putturu [Plate 162(c)], of Mahishasura-
mardini of Udyavara 21 (Plate 122) and of Mahishasuramai dini, Kunjaru

17 The Cultural Heritage of India, Vol. IV, p. 254.

18 The best preserved Chalukyan representation of tiie Sapta-matrikas is at Lakkanflt
in the temple of Kafi-Visvefvara, where they are all imaged with four arms holding
their respective attributes and having their respective vahanas (Alice Getty -Ganesa -
A Monograph on the Elcphant-Faced-God, Chap. Ill, p. 27) One of the finest of these
is found in the Kailasanatha temple in Kanchipuram.

19 Saptamatrika panels in Halebiqiu and Bcliiru.

20 The first epigraph making grants to Durga-Bhagavati of Nilavara dates A.D. 1279
(A .R. No. 491 for 1928— ’29), Yet we could reasonably assume that at least a centup'
earlier, the temple must have been erected, as may be proved by iconography
features of the image of Bhagavati which is indeed awe-inspiring. Profuse guts
were made to this deity both by the Aiupas and the Vijayanagara governors oi
Barakuru (A.R.Nos. 491, 492, 494, 495, 496, 497, 498, for 1928-’29 etc.)_ An
epigraph from Nilavara, dated 1400 A.D , mentions that the temple ofDurgadevi
was renovated by the sixteen of the grama and others It may be surmised that
at least three centuries must have elapsed before this renovation took place (A. R-
No. 499 for 1928-’29).

21 This temple is in complete rums and the image is broken into bits.

305

Religion >.

i

[Plate 121(6)] amply prove the preponderant influence of Sakti -worship.
Kunjaru to which Pajakakshetra, the birth place of Sri Madhvacharya,
belonged has been noted for the worship of Dew at least from the 9th-
10th centuries A.D. 22 .

Likewise, it appears that Mudabidure and its environs were also
reputed for tire cult of Saktism. An epigraph of Kariyahgala, Mangalore
taluk, ascribable to the 11th century A.D. states that Ivumara Jayasiiiga-
arasa made a grant of land to Holala-Bhattaraki 23 . A full description
of the stucco images in this temple is given elsewhere. Suffice to say
that our surmise that the temple may have been in existence by about
the 8th century A.D . as stated earlier, may not be untrue 24 . If Bhavani-
pura of the Sankara-vijaya 25 were to be identified with this place (as done
according to tradition) i.e. Polali, then we may venture to infer that
Sakti worship was prevalent here by about the 8th century A.D. It
may not be far wrong to discover early features in almost all the icons
enshrined in this group of divinities of Polali [Plates 138, 139, 140(a), 50(6)].
That Mudabidure was under the influence of the Sakti cult is evidenced
by an epigraph of the same place, dated A.D. 1205, which refers to the
deity as the Devi of Bidure ( Bidiriyada-Devif 5 [Plate 124(e)]. This
epigraph is only a dedicatory one and it goes without saying that the
temple may have been constructed earlier.

We find a large number of temples, dedicated to the goddess, Devi,
(as pradhdna-devata) all over Tulu-nadu. The popular names associated
with Her are Durga, Durga-Bhagavatl, Durga-Paramesvari, Mahisha-
mardini and Mahishasuramardini and Ghandikadevi 27 or Chandesvari 28 .

, Until the advent of Madhvaism the most popular form of worship
was Panchdyatana , and invariably it included the worship of Sakti

22 In the Sumadhva-bijaya, it is mentioned that Sri Madhvacharya’s father was devoted
to, this divinity. ( Sarga II - Sloka II). The temple is completely renovated at
present.

22 A.R. No. 390 for 1928; S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part I No. 399.

24 The 12" high icon of Mahishamardini enshrined in one of the sub-cells in Polali
is indeed indicative of early features. Mahisha is pierced with the Irisula and the
tail is lifted up. The Lirila is a tiered one [Plate 1 18(c)].

25 Anandagiri - Sankara-vijaya, Chapter VI.

26 S’.J.I . Vol. VII, No. 223. The temple is in ruins and it is apsidal on plan, con-

structed out of laterite bricks. The image of Devi (who is Mahishamardini) bears
all features of about the 10th century A.D. [Plate 124 (c)]. ,

27 S.LI. Vol. VII, No. 318.

28 A.R. No. 282 for 1931~’32. '

306

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

( Ambika ) either as the chief divinity or as a subsidiary one. Along with
Saivism, the cult of Sakti worship flourished in great popularity and both
of them combined seem to have given a strong stimulous for the multipli-
cation of devils (b hut as) worshipped by a vast majority of the people of
Tuluva.

Types in Durga forms

Devi or Durga is worshipped, as explained above in a variety of
forms, according to the nature of Her actions. It is known to scholars
that each form of Durga is worshipped in fulfilment of an objective
cherished by the devotees for which invocation is offered.

The most important form of Durga, universally, worshipped all over
Tulu-nadu, particularly in the temples of public worship is Mahisha-
mardini — Mahishasuramardini. Very early sculptures of this form are
discernible, indicative of the great antiquity to which this cult of worship
may be assigned. Four characteristic types may be noticed in this form
of Durga.

Types m Mahisha-Mahishasuramardini
Type- A

Durga is depicted, according to this type, as vaniquishing Mahishasura
(the demon) in the form of Maldsha only (that is the demon is represented
in the form of a buffalo). Generally speaking, this form of Durga, known
as Mahishamardini may be accepted as an early phase of the sculpturing
of tliis deity and this kind of representation may be assigned to a period
between the 5th century A.D. and the 10th C. A. D. [Plates 113, 114,
115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 123(a), 123(c), 124(a), 124(c), 126(6), 127(a),
127(6), 128(a), 134(a), 134(6), 134(c), 135(a). 135(6), 136(a), 136(6),
165(6), 175(a)]. The illustrations cited above prove that a great
deal of ingenuity is employed in the sculpturing of this form of Durga.
Sometimes the demeanour is calm, sometimes the vigour depicted in
vanquishing the demon is severe and sometimes the action ingrained in
Die. sculpture is shown as terrible. Even in this type of representation
various chronological denominations may be noticed based on the nature
of the position of the attributes, the drapery worn, the size and form of
hiritd, the features shown in the prabhdvah, the characteristic features depicted
m Mahisha and m Iris being handled by Devi, and the alahkaras carved

307

* Religion

in. the sculpture. One or two examples will further clarify the point.
Qie figure of Mahishamardini in the Durgadevi temple, Kunjuru
Plate 115(a)] is devoid of all alankara and is a very primitive form of scul-
Htire. Likewise the figures from the Ambaru Devi temple (Plate 115(e)]
md S5manathesvara temple, Ullala [Plate 114(c)]. The Maliisliamardini
con from the P a rich alinges v a r a temple, Barakuru is just a relief figure
iscribable to a fairly early date [Plate 114(a)].

In all these examples, whether Devi is represented with two arms
)r four, the common characteristic noticeable is cither the lifting of Mahisha
yy the tail or the seizing of the snout of Mahisha by Devi, while Mahisha
s being pierced with the trident, whose frongs are invariably, held upwards,
rhese early figures do not have the prabhavali , ; in rare instances there is
found an apology of the prabhavali which is more in the nature of a support
for tire attributes held upwards. As an example of the severity in van-
quishing the demon, may be cited the figure from the Mahabalesvara
temple, Gdkarna [Plate 114(6)], wherein Mahisha is depicted as being
seized by his leg by Devi. The whole body of Mahisha being held topsy-
turvy and the neck being sandwiched between the piercing trident and the
pedestal. The Mahishamardinim from the Durgadevi temple Kannaru
may be said to form a type in itself in that it is exceedingly elegant
and is totally free from head-gear, while the hair is shown in the form of a
knot to the right of the neck. It looks as though the figure is carved anew.
The prominent siraschakra showm in the figures from the Mahabalesvara
temple, Gdkarna, M. G, M. College Museum Udupi, the Baggavadi
Mahishamardini temple and the Durgadevi temple, Puncha, may prompt
us to infer that these figures could be classified again as a type within
the type, ascribable to an early date. [Plates 115 (6), 117 and 120 (6)]

Type - B

In this type Mahishasura is represented in the anthropomorphic
form. Tins may be either in the form of human body with the head
of Mahisha or the body of Mahisha with the human head. The former
is more common. Mahishasura is depicted as attacking Devi, While
tile demon is shown as being seized by Devi by his snout or the' arm and '
pierced by the trident. The vanquishment of the demon is further shown
by Devi’s foot or knee being placed on the back of the demon [Plates 121 (6),
122,* 123(6), 124(6), 125(c), 129, 132(a), and 133(6)]. While we may be

308

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

cautioned against too sweeping a generalization, it may be inferred that tins
type of representation comes chronologically a little later than type A.

Tjpe-C

When Mahishasura is depicted as jutting out of the slit neck of Mahisha
and attacking Devi with all the power under his command, the sculpture
lends itself to be classed as a separate type. Normally this type is assigned
to the 11th, 12th and 13th centuries A.D. In this type Devi has a dual
role to play - the emerging, Mahishasura to be vanquished and the
Mahisha to be slaid. Normally the latter task is accomplished by the
mhana of Dew [Plates 126(c), 127(c), 128(A), 130, 131, 132(A), 133(a),
133(c), 135(c), 146(A), 168(A), 169(d), 170(a)], In all fairness it may
be inferred that the Mahishasuramardini image from the Senesvara
temple Bainduru carved out of jet black stone and rising to a height of
3 feet may be regarded as one of the best of its kind in Karnataka. This
belongs to the 13th G.A.D. and reflects the characteristic features of
the Kalyani Chalukyan type.

T)pc~D

In this type Devi is represented as standing on the severed head of
Mahisha. This form of representation normally belongs to the 9th and
the 10th G.A.D. Devi is shown as holding the trident vertically placing
the same on the head of Mahisha. This stage of Devi’s representation
represents the face of her final fulfilment. So far as the Tulu country
is concerned only two sculptures belonging to this type have been dis-
covered. [Plates 171(a) and 161(d)], The bronze image from the Durga
temple Karanje may also be said to belong to this type in its slightly altered
form [Plate 159(a)],

Particular mention may be made of Mahishamardini images with
the representation of the vahana (the lion) taking active part in the action
and of the vahana, remaining silent without participating in the action. The
former category may be said to belong to a bit later period than the latter
[Plates 122, 123(A), 126(a), 127(c), 129, 128(A), 130, 132(A), 135(c), 168(A),
169(d), 170(a)], The typical example of the vahana being silent and in
observation only may be had in the mutilated Mahishasuramardini image
from Udhyavara (Plate 122). Sometimes even in very late figures the
vahana may be shown in an attitude of inaction [Plate 135(c)],

'Jvs Mligion /

■: : Amongst the good and vigorous Mahisharairamardini bronzes assign-/

able to the medieval period, may. be mentioned those from ^;G
'Plate .1 28 (a)], the Balakuduru Maiha [Plate' ; 128(&)]> the Ivotinatha
:emplc, Kotesvara [Plate /165(b)]. the Gauapati temple Pandesvara
[Pi ate/l 1 65 (i/)] , the Somanatlia temple, Puttige [Plate 170(a)] and the
biirga temple, Karanje [Plate 159 (a)]. ... • ;V, '?///■;./[ f/

Types in the Safita-matrika Icons ■/ ■■/ , , ,/V. ; ,y . ' /

/ff. Stucco images with. two arms and the Idhcharia: As, already .mentioned
elsewhere these figures have their colossal representation in the Virabhadra .
temple, Udyavara. Here amongst the Sapta-matrikas Brahml, Mahesvari
Vaishnavi and Ghamunda have been shown in life-size, figures with their
respective vahanas, . namely, hamsa vrishabha , garitda and srnha. These,
afe unique two-armed figures. The first three. being wrongly worshipped
as [Gayatri, Savitri and Sarasvati. The practice of periodical painting
lias covered up the monographic details of these figures. Perhaps, the
stucco images from the Mahalakshmi temple, Barakurn [Plate 145 (/>)]•
also belong to this class. Goddess Rajarajesvan of Po|ali, as already
mentioned, is none other than Kaumari, one of the Sapta-matrikas. , Tins
two-armed image is made of stucco and is nearly 12 feet in height (Plate 138),
the features of the image (two arms, simha-pitha, attendants and the
anatomy) suggest its ascription to circa 8th C.A.J),. And. perhaps,,;
this happens to be the highest of its kind in Karnataka. (Plate 138). The
image of Bhadrakall to the left of Kaumari may be .Ghamunda with fox ;
as the vahana (Plate 139).

■-■Ji

-rB

- armed stone figures with ; or

without ; Imchahd: The f; Kotesvara'

Sapta - matrika figures (Plate 141) may be considered as of all - Karnataka ; ;

i fnA j ih X: Rdt/o A-lm f*AnV he Ati to ft An . , of- - tild-Cir -

importance and they do not have, the representation c

310

Studies in Tulima. History and Culture

Type - C

This type comprises the Sapta - matrika panel. The panel from the
Senesvara temple, Bainduru characteristically depicts the Kalyani
Chalukyan style. The Sapta - matrika figure from the Chitrapura Matha,
Sirali is of particular significance. It consists of six Matrikas only and
includes Ganesa only instead of Gancsa and Virabhadra. This is a rare
phenomenon. The recent discover)' of an isolated Varahi bionze
[Plate 111(a)] should draw the attention of any iconographist. This
is a six-inch high bronze, seated in the padmasana pose and has the lion
as the lanchana instead of the usual elephant. It is also unique in having
eight arms. The figure may be assigned to circa 11th G.A.D. Two
isolated Chamunda figures could also draw our particular attention.
The one from the Senesvara temple, Bainduru [Plate 146(a)] is a master-
piece of the 13th C.A.D. and the other one, a bronze [Plate 175(d)] is
from the Virabhadra temple, Udhyavara. Both these sculptures depict
all the characteristics of the terrible form of Durga.

Any account of the worship of the Sapta-matrikas will be incomplete
without reference to the peculiar and at the same time ancient practice
of worshipping the Seven Mothers in association with Naga i.e. with
Subrahmanya. The Sapta-matrika gioup in the Somanathesvara temple,
Ullala includes the effigy of Naga as well. In Tulu-nadu, as explained
elsewhere, the worship of Naga is identical with the worship Subrahmanya
and it has to be particularly noted that almost all centres of Skanda worship
are renowned for Naga worship. In other words, the mulasthana of Subrah-
manya is valmika. And tlieiefore, the ancient cult of worshipping Subrah-
manya with the Sapta-matrikas which is a rare phenomenon elsewhere
in South India is still a living culture in Tulu-nadu. That is why Skanda
is worshipped along with Kaumari (RajarajeSvarl) at Polali. Moreover,
in many of the famous Sakti centres, the association of Skanda is a very
significant aspect. Skanda is the bali-dcvala in the Durga-Bhagavati
temple, Nilas ara. [Plate 293A-(c)] Like-wise, valmika is vervi mportant
in Kannaru and Mandaiti Mahishamardiru temples.

Types in other forms of Durga

Four images of Durga with chakra, sahka, gada and padma in the upper
right and left and lower left and eight hands respectively as attributes
have been noticed and tills type seems to represent the Vaislinavl form

311

Religion

of Durga, as come across in the Devi-Mahalmya of the Mdrkandeya-Puram
[Plate 148 (6), 164 (< 2 ), 146(6), and 1 72(c)]. Stylistically the figures illustrated
in Plates 164(a) and 164-(6) could conveniently be abscribed at least to
the lOtli G, A.D . A variation of this type may be noticed in Plate 148(c)
where Devi is depicted as being seated in the padmdsana pose, a nd gada
is missing, while suggestive of symbolic representation.

Two illustrations of the form of Jaya-Durga may be had from the
Kannarapadi and Ambalapadi temples [Plates 166(a) and 174(a)]. The

former is carved out of stone and the latter of wood. While the latter

»

has the skull ornamentation, the former is a flowing neat figure with
very modest carving and with the rampant lion on the prabhdvali. Five
Kali figures [illustrated in Plates 139, 140, 151 (a), 151(6), 159(6), 161(a)
and 171(6)] are worthy of particular note. The Kali figure from the
RajarajeSvari temple, Polali is made of stucco, two-armed and is of life
size. This, perhaps, is a unique figure of tills type and has the fox as the
vdhana. One foot of Kali is placed on the vahana. Perhaps, this is
Chamunda. The Kali figure from Barakuru [Plate 151(a)] again is unique,
in that it has camel as the vahana carved on the pedestal. Tins figure
is an exquisite specimen of the Vijayanagara style. To the same style
belong the figures from the Kalikamba temple, Karkala and the
Kalikamba temple, Mangalore. While the former has the three
human-head reliefs on the pedestal, the latter represents the bull as the
lahchana. The Kali image, popularly, known as Manga ladevi from the
temple at Sujeru has its own characteristics in being represented in
the samabhanga pose holding serpent , damaruka, pdnapatra and khadga in
her hands and wearing a garland of skulls. The lower portion of the image,
having been mutilated, is rendered stable by a metallic plate, with the
result the original features seem to have been lost. But the icon is really
ancient at least ascribablc to the 9th century A. D.

Special mention may be made of the form of RipUmdri Durgd from the
temple of Durgadevi , ICemmannu. This is a two-armed figure bearing
fairly early features with the trident in the right hand and the left raised
on the waist ( katyavalambita ). This can be ascribed to the 9th and 10th
centuries A.D. [Plate 165(a)]. We have an exquisite bronze of Parvati
in the typical Kalyani chalukyan style in the small shrine of Lakshmi-
Narayana of Barakuru [Plate 167(6)]. Although worn out, it has a
distinct place in the bronzes of the Tulu country. Another early piece,

310

Studies in Tuhma History and Culture

Type-C

This type comprises the Sapta - matnka panel. The panel from the
Senesvara temple, Bainduru characteristically depicts the Kalyani
Chalukyan style. The Sapta - matrika figure from the Chitrapura Matha,
Sirali is of particular significance. It consists of six Matrihas only and
includes Ganesa only instead of Ganesa and Virabhadra This is a rare
phenomenon The recent discovery of an isolated Varahi bronze
[Plate 111(a)] should draw the attention of any iconographist. This
is a six-inch high bronze, seated in the padmdsana pose and has the lion
as the lanchana instead of the usual elephant It is also unique in haring
eight arms. The figure may be assigned to circa 11th G.A.D. Two
isolated Chamunda figures could also draw our particular attention.
The one from the Senesvara temple, Bainduru [Plate 146(a)] is a master-
piece of the 13tli C.A.D. and the other one, a bronze [Plate 175(</)] is
from the Virabhadra temple, Udhyavara Both these sculptures depict
all the characteristics of the terrible form of Durga.

Any account of the worship of the Sapta-matrikas will be incomplete
without reference to the peculiar and at the same time ancient practice
of W'ordiipping the Seven Mothers in association wdth JPaga i.e. with
Subralimanya. The Sapta-matriha group in the Somanathesvara temple,
Ullala includes the effigy of J\ r aga as w>ell. In Tulu-nadu, as explained
elsewhere, the worship of Naga is identical with the worship Subrahmanya
and it has to be pai ticularly noted that almost all centres of Skanda worship
ai e renotv ned for Pfdga worship In other words, the miilasthana of Subrah-
manya is vahnika. And therefore, the ancient cult of worshipping Subrah-
manya with the Sapta-matrikas which is a rare phenomenon elsewhere
in South India is still a living culture m Tulu-nadu. That is why Skanda
is worshipped along with Kaumari (Rajarajesvari) at Polali Moreover,
in man) of the famous Sakti centres, the association of Skanda is a very
significant aspect. Skanda b the bali-devata in the Durga-Bhagavatl
temple, Nilatara. [Plate 293A-(c)j Like-wise, valmika is veryi mportant
in Kannaru and Mandarti Maliishamardini temples.

Types in other forms of Durga

Four images of Durga wdth chakra , sahka , gada and padma in the upper
right and left and lower left and eight hands respectively as attributes
have been noticed and this type seems to represent the Vaishnari form

Kcligion 311

of Durga, as come across in the Devi-Mahaimya of the Markandeya-Purana
[Plate 148(6), 164(h), 146(6), and 112(c)']. Stylistically the figures illustrated
in Plates 164(c) and 164(6) could conveniently be abscribed at least to
the 10th C . A . D . A variation of this type may be noticed in Plate 148 ty)
where Devi is depicted as being seated in the padmasana pose, and gada
is missing, while suggestive of symbolic representation.

Two illustrations of the form of Jaya-Durga may be had from the
Kannarapadi and Ambalapadi temples [Plates 166(c) and 174(c)]. The
former is carved out of stone and the latter of wood. While the latter
has the skull ornamentation, the former is a flowing neat figure with
very modest carving and with the rampant lion on the prabhavali. Five
Kali figures [illustrated in Plates 139, 140, 151(c), 151(6), 159(6), 161(c)
and 171(6)] are worthy of particular note. The Kali figure from the
Rajarajesvarf temple, Polali is made of stucco, two-armed and is of life
size. This, perhaps, is a unique figure of this type and has the fox as the
vdhana. One foot of Kali is placed on the vdhana. Perhaps, this is
Chamunda. The Kali figure from Barakuru [Plate 151(c)] again is unique,
in that it has camel as the vdhana carved on the pedestal. This figure
is an exquisite specimen of the Vijayanagara style. To the same style
belong the figures from the Kalikamba temple, Karka]a and the
Kalikamba temple, Mangalore. While the former has the three
human-head reliefs on the pedestal, the latter represents the bull as the
lanchana. The Kali image, popularly, Imown as Mangaladevi from the
temple at Sujeru has its own characteristics in being represented in
the samabhahga pose holding serpent , damaruka, pdnapatra and khadga in
her hands and -wearing a garland of skulls. The lower portion of the image,
having been mutilated, is rendered stable by a metallic plate, with the
result the original features seem to have been lost. But the icon is really
ancient at least ascribable to the 9th century A.D .

. Special mention may be made of die form of Ripumari Durga from the
temple of Durgadevi, Kemmannu. This is a two-armed figure bearing
fairly early features with the trident in the right hand and the left raised
on the waist (katyavalambita). This can be ascribed to the 9th and 10th
centuries A.D. [Plate 165(c)]. We have an exquisite bronze of Parvati
in the typical Kalyani chalukyan style in the small shrine of Lakshim-
Narayana of Barakuru [Plate 167(6)]. Although worn out, it has > a
distinct place in the bronzes of the Tulu country. Another early piece,

312 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture .

representing Parvati is preserved in the Durga temple, Mandarti
[Plate 161(c)]. Our attention cannot but be drawn towards the sculpture
of Durga which is ascribable to circa 10th G. A. D. if not to an early date,
having akshamala in the lower right hand [Plate 163(t/)]. A five inch
high icon, carved out of grey soap-stone, recently recovered from the
river at KatU has the merit of being assigned to an early date ' and this
two-armed Durga is depicted as being seated in lalitasana on the lion.

There are a number of Mukambika figures in the area under survey
This form of Durga is represented with four arms and in lalitasana. In
the upper hands chakra and sankha are shown and the lower ones are held
in the abhaja and varada pose. Siriiha is invariably the lancliana. The
celebrated icon of this type is the bronze from the Mukambika temple,
Kolluru, which is three feet in height and depicts all the excellent charac-
teristics of the Vijayanagara style. This bronze has a distinct place
in the history of the bronzes of South India.

The Annapurna type of Durga finds its representation in a [number
of bronzes in individual homes and a typical example of a medieval bronze
of this type is illustrated in Plate 339(c). Although a late figure the
bronze illustrated in Plate 154(A), may be accepted as a good example
of this type. A beautiful stone image of Annapurna, ascribable to the 16th
G.A.D., is worshipped in the temple of Visvanatha, Yelluru [Plate 154(c)].

We do not have in the Tulu country many icons depicting the Lakshml
form of Durga. The Gajalakshmi sculpture, however, from the Tirumala
temple, Basaruru, is a good example of the Vijayanagara style [Platel 73(c)] .
The one recovered from the KantcSvara temple, Kantavara is a pre-
Iloysala bronze of considerable merit [Plate 167(a)]. To this category
may be assigned the bronze in the collection of Sn Airodi Radhakrishna
Pai, Udupi [Plate 169(a)], Strangely enough, the wooden image of
Lakshml is worshipped as a devil in the temple at Hebri [[Plate 175(c)].
The bronze of Lakshml [Plate 149(A)] from Indraji is in the tribhanga
pose (18 cm. high).

There are a few excellent sculptures, representing the Sarasvatl
form of Durga [Plates 155(a), 155(A), 156, 157(a), 157(A), 158(a), 158(A)
and 158(c)], The figure from the Somanatha temple is two feet in height
and depicts all the characteristic features of the Kalyani Chalukyan style
[Plate 155(a)], The Sarada image from the Balakudura Matha is made
of wood and bears all the features of the same style [Plate 155(A)]. This

Religion

313

is three feet in height. The figure of Sarasvati illustrated in Plate 157 (< 2 )
is unfortunately covered with silver plate and therefore its real stylistic
' features cannot be appreciated but the bronze of Sarasvati from the same
temple [Plate 157(2)], is singular in its standing pose. Another figure
of the same style, but a bit later in features comes from Gokarna
[Plate 158(6)]. The Sarasvati image from the Scnesvara temple, Bainduru,
four feet in height, may have the real merit of being accepted as one of
the best of its finds in Karnataka. It is a typical example of the Kalyani
Chalukyan style of sculpturing. A word has to be said of the bronze
from the Durgadevi temple, Alevuru [Plate 158(c)]. This is a medieval
figure and represents the three forms of Durga - Kali, Lakshmi and
Sarasvati, Such figures are few in number. Bronzes of Sarasvati bearing
the Chalukyan features are very few in Karnataka. It is gratifying that
there is an excellent bronze of this period in the Tantri family at Kudupu,
Mangalore. It is 15 cm. high and is exceedingly elegant [Plate 168(c?)].

Durga figures with Saivite attributes are fascinating. One such
figure is illustrated in Plate 137(c) wherein Durga is depicted in the padma-
sana pose and kutliara and mriga are shown in the upper right and left
hands, while the lower left and right hands hold the pana-patra and khadga.
This is three feet in height and bears jata-mukuta and partakes of early
chola features. The bali-devata bronze from the Mangaladevi temple,
Mangalore happens to be an excellent medieval icon with kuthara and
Irisula as attributes [Plate 171(a)]. An outstanding bronze icon comes
from the Durgadevi temple, Herga [Plate 338(6)]. It is about 20 cm.
high and Devi is shown as riding the lion in action, one foot of Devi being
placed on the back of the lion and the other on the head. The bow is
held in the left lower and it is also supported on the head of the lion.
In all probability, this icon could go to circa 9th C.A.D. Three
Gauri images are illustrated in Plates 147 (6), 339(b) and 152(c).
As specimens, these are rare images meant for cult worship.

A very significant aspect of Durga worship in Tulu-nadu is ' the
identification of Durga in the linga. Almost all the ancient Sakti centres
of worship have lingas as the mulasthana deity [Plates 162, 163(c) and
163(A), 168(6), 168(c), 169(c), 172(6), 112, 339(c), and 338(c)].' These
lingas' take varied forms -round lingas, lingas in conical form, oval form,
and irregular form. It is difficult to explain why Durga is being worship-
ped in the form of linga ; yet it may be surmised to suggest the ultra-Saivite

314 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

tendency in Tuju-nadu. The form of Durga worshipped in these shrines
is judged from the form of the bali-devata icons - such as Mukambika,
Lakshmi, Mahishamardini, Vaishnavl, Bhu or Sri, Ripumari Durga etc.
For instance, the Durga form at Indrali is Lakshmi [Plates 147(a) and
149(f>)], similarly, it is Mahishamardini in Putturu, Udupi. The
Sapta-matrika stone to the south of every dgama temple is a typical example
of Durga representation in the lihga form. This may be the MaheSvari
form of Durga. A striking example of Durga worship in this form is had
in the sub-shrine of the SSmanathesvara temple, Ullala, where Pancha
Durga is adored in five Hugos installed on the same pedestal.

THE VAISHNAVA CULT
(Worship of Vishnu and His various forms )

The adoration of Vasudeva in South India' may be said to be at least
as ancient as the 2nd century A.D. as evidenced by an inscription. The
name Pallava Vishnugopa in the 4th C.A.D. is indicative of the Vaishnava
influence. A temple seems to have been in existence in the second half
of the 4th C.A.D. in dedication to Narayana, as proved by an epigraph
of the Guntur district. The records of the Gupta age occasionally mention
temples or dhvajastambhas of god Vishnu-Narayana-Vasudeva in the
different parts of our country, from Nepal in the north to the trans —
Krishna regions in the south and from sea to sea. History has proved
that the early Pallava and Gaiiga rulers were devout Bhagavalas. The
early Kadambas patronized the Vaishnava cult, although the popular
religion appears to have been Jainism in the Kadamba territory. Katya-
yana, tire renowned grammarian, opines that the word Pandya originates
from ‘one sprung from an individual of the dan of the Pandus or the king
of this country’. Here is an association of the Pandya country with the
Pandus, who arc linked with Vasudeva in epic traditions. Again, Greek
tradition makes us believe that the name of the Pandya country is derived
from its queen, named Pandaia who is supposed to have been the daughter
of Heracles (Vasudeva-Krishna). The name Madura brings to our mind
, the famous Mathura of the north and it is possible to believe that a section
of the Vrishni people may have colonised Madura long time past, making
Madura, the Mathura of the South. This may be one of the reasons
why and how the Tamil country became one of the greatest strong-holds

1 Th' Cultural Heritage of India , Vol. IV, pp, 141-144.

315

Religion

of Vaishnavism under the Alvars, who gave birth to wonderful composi-
tions in Tamil on bhakii and Krishna cult. The popularity of the worship
of Krishna and Baladeva is also proved by the ancient Tamil works.
The Silappadikaram of about the 6th C . A . D . refers to Krishna and Bala-
deva at Madura, Kaveripattinam and other cities.

The most popular Vaishnava divinities of Tulu-nadu arc Krishna
(Gopinatha), Janardana, Anantapadmanabha, Vishnumurti and
Narasimha. References to Lakshmhiarayana are also found in adequate
numbers. On epigraphical basis, it is very difficult to assign the practice
of Vishnu worship in Tulu-nadu to a date anterior to the 11th G.A.D.
But based on the study of architecture and sculpture of Tulu-nadu, we
may, on fair grounds, infer that at least from the 7th or the 8th century
A.D. the Vaishnava cult must have been popular. The image of Janardana
from the Vishnumurti temple, Kakkunje, Sivalli may be regarded as
one of the earliest of its kind in Karnataka. The presence of this icon
in Sivalli could suggest the first settlement of Brahmins in this area.

According to the Sahkara-vijaya 2 , Hastamalaka, the disciple of
Sri Sahkaracharya, was responsible for the establishment of V aishnavism
on the' West Coast ( Vaishnava maia-slhapanam). Arguing with his guru
on the supremacy of* Vishnu (Narayana), Hastamalaka, received the
spiritual injuction from Sri Sahkaracharya to spread Vaishnavism on the
West Coast. He seems to have first visited Rajatapltha, which, perhaps,
later came to be known as Udupi, and installed the image of Krishna
[Plate 220] and spread the Vaishnava cult, probably, in conformity with
the principles of Pane hay alanaK This icon of Venugopalakrislma is a relief
figure and should be accepted as the earliest of its kind in South India.
But Rajatapltha or Udupi became the greatest centre of Vaishnavism
only after the perpetuation of Vaishnava-siddhania (popularly known as
the Dvaita school of philosophy) by Sri Madhvachary a, who by about the
3rd quarter of the 1 3th C . A . D . installed the unique image of Krishna
in the mat ha at Udupi. The Vaishnava predominance of Ranchayatana
can further be attested to with reference to the image of Guru-Narasimlia,_

i

2 Anandagiri - Sahkara-vijaya (1868) Chapter 68. Hastamalakaslu bhumadhyat paschhna-
khanda digvijetyam kriivd ; panchamudi aiika virajitdn Bhagavadashiakshai a mcinpajapasakian
kdmschit Brahmanadin kriiva JRajatapithadisthalesu Krishnddi-deva pratimam kriivd rtuUam
vijnapayitum pcmcha paramctgtit um prapa. , „ <•

l3 There may not be any doubt that this image of Venugopalakrislma has got the
merit of being one of the earliest Krishna images in Karnataka.

316 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

installed in the Guru-Narasimha temple at Saligrama. This divinity
happens to be the family deity of all the Kota Brahmins of Tulu-nadu 4
who are smartas. The iconographic features of this image of Guru-
Narasimha are really interesting and they speak of its ancientness at least
assignable to the 8th C.A.D. There arc a few images of Narasimha
which happen to be very uncommon and which could belong to a very
early date [Plates 210(a), 211 and 312(a)]. The Vaishnava predominance
is further evidenced by the twenty-four Vaisltnava temples in the Kota
area ( Kula-mahajagattu ).

The Ananthapadmanabha or Paravasudeva temple, Anantapura,
Kumbale, Kasaragod taluk (now in Kerala) instructs of its importance
as a big centre of Vaishnava cult as far back as the 10th C.A.D.
(Plate 369). This is amply proved by the characteristic features borne
by the temple structure and the sculptures in the shrine. The image
of Krishna (Parthasarathi ?) in a sub-shrine of the temple is a unique
one and perhaps, it may be one of the earliest of the Krishna images in this
part of the Tulu country'. The cult of Para-Vasudeva seems to have
been centred round Udupi as far back as the 9th-10th C.A.D. as
evidenced by early icons of this divinity and this may be one of the chief
reasons for the growth of the Krishna cult in Udupi. The temple of
Gopalakrishna, Kumbale (popularly known as Kanvapura) enshrines
the image of Navaruta-Krislina, which also seems unique. Krishna is
represented in the half samabhahga pose and he holds a ball of butter in
both the hands. All the iconographic features of this image prompt to
assign this image to the 9th-10th centuries A.D. although, at present,
the exterior of the temple structure has undergone changes owing to
renovation. It has already been mentioned that this divinity was the
state deity of the Kumbale rulers.

A temple at Maravante, [Plate 194(b) and 343(c)] Go ondapur taluk,
South Kanara, is dedicated to Varahasvami (Vishnu). In no other
temple of Tulu-nadu do we have the representation of Vishnu in the animal
form (actual pig form) and its worship in the agamic temple. This temple
contains three garbha-grihas in a row (unpretentious and renovated excepting
the garbha-grihas) enshrining Varahasvami in the south cell, Janardana
in the central cell and Ugra-Narasimha in the north cell, the principal

4 The Kota Brahmins do not accept the headship of the Sringeri Malha as generally
believed by most.

'ligibn

317

divinity being Vafahd^ .we • lack, inscriptional evidence,

tor the date of the construction of the. ternj)le. it may be possible for us to

suppose that the temple may be ascribed to the Uth-l 2th centuries A . D .
if. not earlier/ " (This assumption is based on the examination of the sculpt-
ures and in' consideration of the early practice of worshipping the avatar

of Vishnu in the/animal form itself).vv- A very badly damaged inscription 5
seems to record a gift of paddy to the temple. .> But neither the name of
the king nor the date nor any other detail is found. in the epigraph.

’/: • An inscription of Talkad of the' Honnavara taluk, North Kanara, in
the characters of tlie llth-1 2th century A.D. i records that during the
regime of Bahkiyannarasa, who may be a scion of the Alupa family, a
certain Singa-Boya of Holeyabe-bali made a provision for one agra (first
offering naivedya), offered apparently to - god' Vishnu by setting apart
20 gadyanas 6 0. Perhaps, this temple may be accounted as one of the earliest
on hecord, dedicated to Vishnu in Tuluva. • ’ : :

; Arthapura (Attavara) of Mahgaluru, South Kanara, appeared to
be a fairly big centre of Vishnu worship, where : a temple of Ghakrapani
was erected in honour of Krishna (Gropinatha) 7 The epigraph that men-
tions Ghakrapani-f/aw/j^ is dated A.D .13678. It speaks of the grant
made to Ahjaneya of. the temple - of Ghakrapani and refers to the grant
made to the same temple in earlier times during the reign of Kulasekhara,
the Alupa : ruler, (miinna adikaladalu Kulasekharadeva. . .redu kotta b/i umi) .
We have strong grounds to infer, that it must be Kulasekhara I (A . D . 1170—
A .D i 1215), who endowed the temple with grants and charity gifts, because
the image of Gopinatha of this temple is typically early Hoysala in sculptu-
-t-cil l m A fi« iltt 4 .': T;P1 999

or even earlier, the temple of Ghakrapani must have been constructed.
The Vaishndva prominence of this centre is further corroborated by another
"epigraph'; ;;d^'dhd2plac0 ^dntedA.; A A44P;A;?This^ dnsmj^

grant for the. ^maintenance of a free; dhoultr} r (dltarma-satra)m propitiation
of Lord Hari, made by the of Mangaluru for the purpose of attain-

318

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture

mg dharma, artha. Lama, and mokshtfi. Judged from the sculptural stand-
point, it may reasonably be inferred that the temple of Vira-Narayana,
Kulasckhara (which seems to be dedicated to Janardana as could be
undci stood by the image) is contemporaneous with the Chakrapani
temple, Attavara [Plate 1 80(A)] .

The first occurrence of the name Gopinatha in the Tuluva epigraphs
is had in the inscription of Brahmara (Brahmavara), Udupi taluk. South
Kanara 10 .

The most important change that was ushered into the religion and
praedee of worship by and after Sri Madhvacharya is to be found in the
reconstitution of the divinities of